Swaziland@Newsletter 59
Published by Africa Contact (Denmark)

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1. Insika Yenkhululeko YemaSwati ( PUDEMO) Press Release: March 5, 2008.

2. Media alert: We the people of South Africa, 7 March, 2008.

3. Worst labour strife in a decade. (IRIN), 6 March, 2008.

4. Violence erupts as 16,000 textile workers strike, 7 March, 2008:
just-style.com.

5. Textile workers reject 7% offer. Sisho Magagula. The Swazi
Observer, March 10, 2008.

6. Swaziland government 'is a fig-leaf', 7th March 2008. George
Conger. ReligiousIntelligence, 7 March, 2008.

7. Government pleads ignorance on jatropha (biodiesel fuel), The Swazi
Observer, March 11, 2008.

8. Tool for deciding on food versus fuel. (IRIN), 25 February 2008.

9. COSATU Demands Democratic Polls in Zimbabwe. The Zimbabwean,
Saturday, 8 March, 2008.

10. Elections committee appointed. Timothy Simelane, The Swazi
Newsletter, March 7, 2008.

11. Development in Swaziland: To Relocate or Not To Relocate? James
Hall, IPS 3 March, 2007.

12. Understanding terrorism in Africa: building bridges and overcoming
the gaps. African Security Analysis Programme, Institute for Security
Studies, 2008.

_______________________________________________
1. Insika Yenkhululeko YemaSwati ( PUDEMO) Press Release: March 5, 2008.

The People's United Democratic Movement (PUDEMO) has held its second
National General Council (NGC) since the 6th General Congress over the
past weekend that began on the 29th February and ended on the 2nd
March 2008.

The Movement continues to hold its crucial activities in the foreign
land and thanks to our South African Allies who give the people of
Swaziland the un-wavered support. Our reason for holding our
activities outside the country inter alia is that, some of our members
are in exile hence can not come into Swaziland.

The purpose of the NGC is to evaluate progress and come up with an
action plan that is based on the Congress Resolutions and give fresh
mandate to the National Executive Committee of the People's Movement
for implementation.

The Plan of Action is for PUDEMO's 2008 Activities which are as follows:

To fully participate in the UNITED FRONT that all progressive forces
have agreed to form as their political home.

To join the world and celebrate the International Woman's Day since
PUDEMO strongly believes in Women Emancipation.

To double our efforts in this year's Boarder Rallies to be held on the
12th April.

To embark on an Anti 40/40 Celebration Campaign.

To advocate for a single Workers Day Celebration for the workers of
Swaziland for the slogan "One Industry One Union, One Country One
Federation" is the best for all workers of the world.

Not to participate in the Tinkhundla elections because it has failed
dismally to deliver and instead it has started self erosion. PUDEMO
can only participate in democratic elections which have a bench mark.
Tinkhundla elections failed the test of democratic and free/fair
elections even by the standards of the very same Commonwealth which
funded the 'Swaziland Constitution'. What a contradiction!

To continue call for an all-inclusive and people driven constitution.

To aggressively embark on the UNBAN POLITICAL PARTIES Campaign.

To continue demanding for quality, free and compulsory education that
is skills-based, for all the school going-age children of Swaziland.

The people share and the people shall govern.
The People's Secretary
Sphasha Dlamini
__________________________________

2. Media alert: We the people of South Africa, 7 March, 2008.

Memorandum from the South African Progressive Forces for international
solidarity, gathered on the 7th day of March 2008 at the Embassy of
Swaziland in support of freedom and democracy in Swaziland, Zimbabwe,
Kenya and for the restoration of civilian political rule in
Myanmar/Burma.

Preamble

We the people of South Africa, gathered under the banner of the
International Solidarity Forum, led principally by the Congress of
South African Trade Unions (COSATU) and the South African Communist
Party, supported in this action by the Zimbabwe Solidarity Forum in
South Africa, the Swaziland Solidarity Network, the Young Communists
League, the South African NGO Coalition, Free Burma Campaign, End
Occupation Campaign, Western Sahara Solidarity Forum, the
Anti-Privatisation Forum, South African Social Movements and
progressive South African civil society organisations that include
youth, women, labour, faith based institutions, human rights
organisations and student formations that are engaged in the promotion
of principled solidarity, peace, democracy and the respect for human
rights.

We are gathered today with comrades and friends, the working class and
the poor, struggling under the harsh social, political and economic
conditions imposed on the populations of these African countries by
the repressive and corrupt political elite of Zimbabwe, the repressive
Royal dictatorship of Swaziland, the expediency of the Kenyan
political leadership, the horrors of the Myanmar military junta in
Burma, weak and ineffective SADC and AU institutions and the indolence
of the South African Department of Home Affairs and the police.

Together we have marched from the Union Buildings in Pretoria to
assert loudly and clearly to the diplomatic representatives of Kenya,
Swaziland and Zimbabwe that enough is enough. Democracy is supposed to
enable the expression of the will of the majority. It is one of the
few mechanisms by which leaders must be held accountable. Yet you and
your governments are subverting and repressing these systems.

In the context of our background of solidarity and internationalism,
supported by many countries in Africa and throughout the world, in our
struggle against a brutal system of apartheid, we demonstrate our
internationalism and our deep seated anger at your enslavement of
people in your countries.

On this the 7th day of March 2008 we amplify the voices of progressive
forces from across the region, throughout the continent and from
around the world. We demand that these voices be heard.

Since 1973, Swaziland political parties remain banned. The struggle
for the basic democratic political environment, for credible, free and
fair, election continues. Much of this is the result of the
willingness with which the Swazi King has led the country to become a
greedy part of the imperialist predatory system. A system which
ignores the fundamental rights of the people to freedom, democracy and
dignity associated with their demands. The repression in Swaziland
cannot be justified under any circumstances. It is carried out to
defend a system based on the rule by a wealthy royal elite and its
networks, using the vicious suppression of human rights. Obscene
wealth for a few in the midst of extreme poverty and rising rates of
HIV/AIDS infections and deaths remain unchecked.

We are aware of your royal government plans, to hold a farcical
elections in 2008, in pursuit of the legitimation of your obsolete
political agendas, to maintain the status quo. We jointly pronounce
with the people of Swaziland, the wide repudiation of these banana
republic elections. These elections are neither meant for the people
to demonstrate their collective demands through a participatory
democratic process, nor will they reflect in any way, the will of the
people of Swaziland.

The well documented intensifying repression that is being used against
the people of Swaziland, indicate that the challenges in Swaziland
will not be resolved through a deeply flawed and the veneer of façade
highly criticised election process.

The extent to which African leadership are held accountable for their
actions and to which SADC and the African Union are able to assert a
progressive agenda will set precedents that will have far reaching
implications for regional security and the general credibility of
African institutions.

There is still an opportunity in Zimbabwe to show clearly that Robert
Mugabe has been the spoiler in this process, the evidence is there.
There is still an opportunity for SADC to demand that Swaziland
respect the democratic culture of the region.

We therefore demand that your government:

- Unbans all political parties, release political prisoners and allow
the freedom and tolerance of expression of different political
opinions, with free access to the media, judiciary, security and other
state institutions

- Initiates a serious national political process of dialogue and
negotiations with the liberation movement PUDEMO and other stakeholders

- Allow the return to Swaziland of all exiles and to create conducive
climate for the repatriation and participation in the governance
affairs and reconstruction of the country

- Allow a democratic national constituent assembly to a new
constitution in conditions of democratic and free participation

- An end to the planned farcical national elections, and the
channelling of those rare resources to poverty eradication and
tackling of the scourge of HIV/AIDS

- The institution of free multiparty electoral contest on the basis of
universally acclaimed democratic norms and principles

- Institute a dispensation for the separation of powers between the
executive, the judiciary and the legislative state functions

- Initiate constitutional, political, economic and social
transformation processes that fundamentally change the power relations
within your countries and alleviates the catastrophic poverty situation

We urge your government should respond to these demands within 10 days
of the handing of the memorandum

7 March 2008

__________________________________
3. Worst labour strife in a decade. (IRIN), 6 March, 2008.

A bloody week of the worst labour strife in a decade has exposed
cracks in the Swazi government's poverty-alleviation plan of creating
thousands of low-paying jobs by promoting a textile industry.

In the strike action, which began on 3 March, workers participating in
peaceful marches to demand better salaries have been teargassed and
beaten by police, and at least a dozen have reportedly been injured.
More than 16,000 workers, most of them women, have been affected by
the strike action.

Local media reported that the Swaziland police carried out unprovoked
attacks on peaceful marchers on the first day of the strike. Several
injuries were reported after riot police shot teargas into a line of
marchers in the Matsapha Industrial Estate outside the central
commercial town of Manzini.

Police spokesman Vusi Masuku defended the police action, saying some
marchers had attempted to stop other textile workers from going to
work. Some Asian-owned shops adjacent to factories reported looting.

On 5 March, several marchers were beaten and teargassed after vandals
sealed the lock on the gate of a textile factory with glue. Uncertain
of the culprits' identities, the police randomly struck at marchers,
some of whom had to be hospitalised. One policewoman was injured by a
thrown stone.

Alex Fakudze, president of the Swaziland Manufacturing and Allied
Workers Union (SMAWU), told the Industrial Court on 5 March that
factory owners had instructed the police to assault strikers.
Industrial Court President Peter Dunseith ordered the police to permit
peaceful picketing outside company premises.

"My take-home pay is R300 (about US$38) a fortnight," said Cynthia
Ndwandwe, a mother of five employed by an Asian-owned garment factory.
"I can no longer afford to buy bread."

Only job creating sector

Swaziland's textile industry is dominated by garment-making factories
owned by Taiwanese immigrants who came to Swaziland in 2000/02 to take
advantage of preferential trade conditions with the US under the
African Growth and Opportunity Act, creating tens of thousands of
employment opportunities.

The country is one of the few that has diplomatic ties with Taiwan and
does not recognise the People's Republic of China. Taiwan returned the
favour by encouraging its garment-makers to invest in Swaziland.

In turn, the Swazi government has offered tax holidays to incoming
firms, and constructed factory shells that are sometimes leased for
free of charge to large employers.

Textiles have become a key player in Swaziland's otherwise moribund
manufacturing sector, which saw many of its multinational companies
relocate to South Africa when apartheid ended in 1994 and economic
sanctions against the government were lifted, making it unnecessary to
use neighbouring Swaziland to gain access to South Africa's market.

Asian-owned textile firms, mainly located at the Matsapha Industrial
Estate, offered the only significant job creation in the past decade,
and led to the development of a new industrial park at Shiselweni, the
regional capital in the south of the country, where some firms have
set up shop.

Low wages and "cultural conflicts" bedevilled labour relations from
the outset, but came to a head when a strike vote was approved by 30
percent of the nation's 16,000 SMAWU members, with the remainder
abstaining, according to the union.

The union seeks to raise wages by 12 percent. "Textile workers are
forced to live on mediocre salaries," said Fakudze. "How can
breadwinners be expected to provide for their families on just R600
($77) a month?"

The Ministry of Enterprise and Employment, which brought the textile
industry to Swaziland, called workers and management to a resolution
conference in Manzini for the evening of 6 March. On the table will be
the wage dispute, but another less tangible issue will likely remain
unresolved when workers return to their jobs: the workers' complaint
about lack of respect.

"The Asians treat us like children," said Ndwandwe. "They yell, they
speak down to us. This is not the Swazi manner of conduct. We think of
them as guests in this country, and we refuse to be mistreated by
people we have shown hospitality."

Members of parliament have complained that textile factory owners
bring in relatives for management positions rather than train and
promote Swazis, and have expressed concern about an isolationist
mentality in the Asian community: parts of government-built factory
shells have been converted into living quarters, which management
rarely leaves.

The Swaziland Textile Exporters Association, which is following a
no-work no-pay rule for the duration of the strike, argued that it had
met government's goal of creating jobs in a country where few are
available. The association said the expense of doing business in
Swaziland, coupled with competition from China, put factories in an
economic bind.
______________________________

4. Violence erupts as 16,000 textile workers strike, 7 March, 2008:
just-style.com.

Violence has erupted in the southern African kingdom of Swaziland
after more than 16,000 textile workers went on strike to press for
better pay and working conditions.

The strike at 10 factories began on Monday, but has been marred by
clashes between textile workers and the police in the capital Matsapha.

Alex Fakudze, president of the Swaziland Manufacturing and Allied
Workers Union, said the strikers are demanding a 12% pay rise, and
that many currently earn less than US$100 a month.

The textile industry is the second largest employer in Swaziland.

Many of the factories are owned by Taiwanese businessmen who are
trying to take advantage of preferential trade conditions with the US
under the African_Growth_and_Opportunity_Act (AGOA).

______________________________

5. Textile workers reject 7% offer. Sisho Magagula. The Swazi
Observer, March 10, 2008.

Striking textile workers have rejected a 7 percent pay rise which had
been offered by their employer - the Swaziland Textile exporters
Association, STEA.

As a result, talks have broken down, and the workers say they will
continue with their strike which enters its second week today.

The STEA had said in a statement: "STEA wishes to assure its employees
that we are going to effect the 7.07 percent increase in order to
improve their wages. Moreso because we feel we have a responsibility
to our workers. We are prepared to implement this increase as soon as
our workers return to work."

But the Swaziland Manufacturing and Allied Workers Union (SMAWU)
rejected the offer, saying it is made in bad faith because it would be
effected at the end of June - which would have meant the workers would
have returned to work empty handed.

SMAWU president Alex Fakudze said it was not true that they agreed on
the 7 percent as claimed by the STEA, following 11 hours of talks
brokered by labour consultant Maduduza Zwane.

"To say we agreed on the 7.07 percent salary increase offer is
misleading. We did not agree on that because it was not the mandate we
were given by our membership," Fakudze said.

"Our membership sent us to negotiate an increase for the current
financial year, not the next one. STEA say they will effect the
increase in the next financial year - and we say no to that."

Fakudze confirmed that the strike would definitely continue today
because their demands have not been met.

The 16 000 striking workers are holding out for a 10 percent salary increment.

As the effects of the strike bite deeper into the economy, the Chinese
Embassy in Mbabane and Enterprise and Employment Minister Lutfo
Dlamini have arranged an emergency meeting this Friday - where the
conflicting parties will try and end it.

The STEA has accused SMAWU of actually holding out for a 35 percent increase.

"it goes without saying that such a percentage would financially ruin
the industry in Swaziland. That led to the talks ending and the union
had consistently not assisted in the negotiations. It was difficult to
justify meeting again," said the STEA.

Zwane (Maduduza) said he was barred from commenting on the negotiations.
_____________________________

6. Swaziland government 'is a fig-leaf', 7th March 2008. George
Conger. ReligiousIntelligence, 7 March, 2008.

The bishop of Swaziland of Swaziland has denounced his nation?s new
constitutional government as a ?fig leaf? that cloaks the continued
rule of King Mswati III (pictured), Africa?s last absolute monarch.

The Swaziland Coalition of Concerned Civic Organisations (SCCCO) led
by Bishop Meshack Mabuza charged that ?very little? had changed with
the granting of constitutional liberties to the kingdom.

Swaziland had been ruled by royal decree since a state of emergency
was declared in 1973 by King Sobhuza II. King Mswati, who ascended the
throne in 1986, has been criticized for his lavish spending, including
a collection of exotic sports cars and an assortment of palaces that
house his 13 wives when over 70 per cent of the population live in
rural poverty.

Unemployment stands at 40 per cent of the workforce, while the rate of
life expectancy is one of the lowest in the world at 33 years of age.
Approximately 33.4 per cent of the population has HIV/AIDS, giving it
the highest national rate of infection in the world.

On Feb 6, 2006 a new constitution went into effect granting
parliamentary government. However, it forbad candidates from forming
political parties, effectively giving the King the sole authority to
appointment ministers and squelching organized dissent.

The new constitution was being used by royalists as a ?fig-leaf to
cover the international shame of 33 years of rule by decree? by the
King, Bishop Mabuza charged. It was a ?piece of paper that is not
being promoted or even defended by the government,? he said, and its
guarantees of the rule of law had been ignored.

?This year has seen defenceless suspects killed by the police, public
meetings broken up or prevented from happening, union members
harassed, property taken without due court processes, newspaper
editors intimidated, journalists threatened by government. The people
of Swaziland are in the dark about the constitution and their rights
and the government seems more than happy to keep them that way,?
Bishop Mabuza said.

The Swazi people were no longer subjects of the King, but citizens
of a constitutional democracy, the bishop said. The difference is
profound, he noted as citizens cede their power to politicians and
then call them to account for their stewardship. Subjects do as they
are told.

He denounced the royalist and traditionalist cliques governing the
kingdom and urged the democrats in government reach out, respect
diversity of opinion and pluralism, embrace civil society and work
with us in partnership. The present system has failed and can only
continue to do so. Talk to us, we are listening, he said.

The USPG?s Canon Edgar Ruddock, director of its International
Relations Team which has supported the work of the diocese, applauded
the bishop standing for democracy saying it was a fine example of the
holistic mission that defines the Anglican Communion at its best.

The Church in Swaziland was taking a firm stand for justice in
society, and rooting it in the prayer and worship of the church. The
gospel of God?s loving justice is shaping people?s lives, and is
beginning to make the difference, Canon Ruddock said.

_____________________________
7. Government pleads ignorance on jatropha (biodiesel fuel), The Swazi
Observer, March 11, 2008.

Government has pleaded ignorance on concerns raised by subsistence
farmers on the jatropha project by D1 Oils Swaziland.

Principal Secretary at the Ministry of Enterprise and Employment
Bertram Stewart said they had not been appraised of the complaints by
farmers who have been sensitised on the implications of growing
jatropha by Yonge Nawe Environmental Action Group as well as Africa
Co-operative Action Trust (ACAT) Lilima - Swaziland.

Pending

Asked whether they could suspend the operations of the company and
postpone its pending official opening this Friday following complaints
by the residents, Bertram's response was to the contrary.
"It all depends on the nature of the complaints i.e. what they really
entail. But since D1 Oils is a private company, one cannot rely on the
judgement by Yonge Nawe and ACAT concerning the jatropha issue,"
Stewart said.

Attempts to obtain comments from directors of the company at both its
headquarters in Mbabane and Hluti were unsuccessful as no one picked
the phone.

Also unavailable was Enterprise Minister Lutfo Dlamini whose cellphone
rang without being answered when contacted.

Contracts

It has been alleged that subsistence farmers were made to sign
contracts by D1 Oils directors yet the contents of these were never
explained to them.

To date they are said to be in the dark about the contracts since they
were in the English language and copies were taken by the company's
directors. The contracts run for 10 years according to Yonge Nawe and
ACAT.

The two organisations strongly believe that it would be to the
farmers' interest to postpone the official launching of the jatropha
project pending conducting of an Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA).

_____________________________

8. Tool for deciding on food versus fuel. (IRIN), 25 February 2008.

As more countries weigh the pros and cons of biofuel production, a new
decision-support tool has been developed to ensure they do not
compromise their food production and security.

The Bioenergy and Food Security Modelling Analytical Framework (AF) is
designed to identify whether the potential to develop a bioenergy
industry exists in a particular country, and provide policy support,
said Alexander Müller, Assistant Director-General for natural
resources and the environment at the United Nations Food and
Agriculture Organisation (FAO).

"The testing phase will help better understand the real potential.
What this tool will provide is the possibility to make an informed
decision; the countries then will have to make their own policy
choices."

The analytical framework tool, designed by a team of economists from
the FAO, Utrecht University's Copernicus Institute, in the
Netherlands, and the Oeko-Institut, in Darmstadt, Germany, will be
field-tested in three countries: Thailand, Tanzania and Peru. The
"initial testing is needed to understand the potential impacts of
bioenergy developments on food security," said Müller.

Impact on food prices

In a scenario that takes into account a planned and predictable
biofuel expansion in some countries, the US-based International Food
Policy Research Institute (IFPRI) projected maize prices rising by
more than 20 percent by 2020, and more than 71 percent in a drastic
expansion scenario

The demand for biofuels is already having an impact on the prices of
the world's two leading agricultural biofuel feedstocks: maize and
sugar. According to the FAO, an increased demand for biofuel
production may keep prices above historic levels for the next 10 years
and could affect food aid.

In a scenario that takes into account a planned and predictable
biofuel expansion in some countries, the US-based International Food
Policy Research Institute (IFPRI) projected maize prices rising by
more than 20 percent by 2020, and more than 71 percent in a drastic
expansion scenario.

In both scenarios, the increase in crop prices resulting from expanded
biofuel production is also accompanied by a net decrease in
availability and access to food. "Food-calorie consumption decreases
the most in sub-Saharan Africa, where calorie availability is
projected to fall by more than eight percent if biofuels expand
drastically," said the IFPRI paper, The World Food Situation: New
Driving Forces and Required Actions, by Joachim von Braun.

A paper by the International Fund for Agricultural Development (IFAD)
for a round-table discussion at the 31st session of IFAD's Governing
Council on 14 February, commented, "Some nutrition studies show that
the number of food-insecure people in the world would rise by more
than 16 million for every percentage increase in the real prices of
staple foods, meaning that 1.2 billion people could be chronically
hungry by 2025; 600 million more than previously predicted."

Recent oil price increases have had devastating effects on many of the
world's poor countries: of the 50 poorest, 38 are net importers of
petroleum and 25 import all their petroleum requirements. Some now
spend up to six times as much on fuel as they do on health, while
others spend double the amount allocated to poverty reduction on
fuels, according to Sustainable Bioenergy: A Framework for Decision
Makers, released by the UN.

"Many of these poor countries lie in tropical zones where relatively
low-cost biofuel crops, such as sugar cane and oil palm, already
grow," said the UN framework. In 2006, 13 African countries formed the
Pan-African Non-Petroleum Producers Association, aimed in part at
developing a biofuels industry in the continent.

Global bio-ethanol production was around 40 billion litres in 2006,
with 90 percent produced in Brazil and the United States, while more
than 6 billion litres of bio-diesel was produced, 75 percent of it in
the European Union, mainly in France and Germany, according to the
IFAD paper, Biofuel Expansion: Challenges, Risks and Opportunities for
Rural Poor People.

Many developing countries have already launched biofuel programmes
based on agricultural feedstocks: bio-diesel from palm oil in
Indonesia and Malaysia, and from oil-rich, inedible plants such as
jatropha and pongamia in India; bio-ethanol from sugarcane in
Mozambique and several Latin American countries, such as Honduras,
Nicaragua and Panama.

The IFAD paper pointed out that, historically, agricultural prices
have been affected by the cost of inputs based on fossil fuels, such
as diesel, fertilisers and pesticides, especially in countries
applying intensive farming practices, which eventually lower output.

"Now, with rising energy prices and improved bio-energy conversion
technologies, energy prices and feedstock prices are increasingly
being linked. These linkages are more readily visible in the more
integrated markets of sugar and bio-ethanol in Brazil, but most
probably will soon emerge in other feedstock prices as well."

The FAO projected that over the next 15 to 20 years biofuels could be
the source of 25 percent of the world's energy needs. The UN agency is
also concerned that the demand for biofuels could increase the
quantity of land being diverted for feedstock production, and
estimated that the roughly one percent of the world's arable land used
for biofuel development at present could rise to 3 percent by 2030,
and as much as 20 percent by 2050.

How the tool works

The FAO's analytical framework links existing analytical tools, such
as models or assessments for making specific analyses required to
investigate the effects of bioenergy production on food security.

A bioenergy development scenario is set up, in which the FAO helps
governments define their bioenergy policy options and the various
possible strategies for achieving those options.

In five steps, the framework then makes it possible to assess the
technical biomass potential, biomass production costs, the economic
bioenergy potential, macro-economic consequences, and national and
household-level impact and the consequences for food security.

Analysis of the results makes it possible to determine the actual
bioenergy potential, and which households are most vulnerable and thus
at risk of food insecurity.

Existing mathematical modelling tools such as Quickscan, which
calculates global bioenergy potential to 2050, and the FAO's COSIMO,
which models the agricultural sector in a large number of developing
countries, will be used to generate the results.

Green fuel benefits

The IFAD paper pointed out that biofuels could help mitigate climate
change and reduce dependence on oil in the transportation sector.
"They can also have a positive impact on the limited foreign exchange
reserves of many developing countries. When well managed, they also
offer large new markets for higher priced products for agricultural
producers that could stimulate rural growth and farm incomes."

Biofuel production could be especially beneficial to poor producers,
particularly in remote areas that are far from the consumption
centres, where inputs are more expensive and prices lower, making food
production, by and large, noncompetitive, according to the IFAD paper.

Farmers in these areas could plant crops that do not compete with
production of food crops - such as jatropha and pongamia, or
multiple-use, low water-usage crops such as sweet sorghum and cassava
- that could meet the varied needs of small producers for food, cash
income and animal feed.

IFAD's paper also noted that "Other biofuel crops, such as tropical
sugar beet, are as efficient as sugar cane in producing bio-ethanol
but require far less water and, most importantly, can grow in alkaline
or sodic soils (containing sufficient exchangeable sodium to interfere
with the growth of plants, including crops) that are basically
unsuitable for food crop production."

______________________________

9. COSATU Demands Democratic Polls in Zimbabwe. The Zimbabwean,
Saturday, 8 March, 2008.

The South African powerful COSATU trade union movement on Friday led
marches in Pretoria to demand free and fair elections in Zimbabwe and
Swaziland, the two trouble spots of southern Africa.

Swaziland - African last absolute monarchy holds parliamentary
polls in October, while Zimbabwe, where President Robert Mugabe is
accused of stealing elections, votes for a new president, parliament
and local councils on March 29. In a petition to the government of
Zimbabwe, the marchers who included Zimbabweans and Swazis based in
South Africa accused Mugabe?s government of rigging elections and of
disregarding efforts by regional leaders to mediate a democratic
solution to Zimbabwe?s crisis.

- We strongly condemn your predetermination of harmonised elections of
Zimbabwe planned for March 29, the petition said. "Your government
has demonstrated blatant disregard of agreements reached through
dialogue and made a mockery of the SADC (Southern African Development
Community) mediation process", it said. Officials at the Zimbabwe
embassy in Pretoria refused to accept the petition and police had to
disperse the about 500 marchers who had gathered outside the embassy
premises.

The Zimbabwe Ambassador Simon Khaya Moyo, who has frequently insisted
the country polls will be free and fair, was unavailable for comment
on the matter while officials at the embassy would not say whether he
was in the building. Among other key issues the marchers demanded were
the issue of a new and democratic constitution for Zimbabwe and an
independent electoral commission that would ensure free and fair
polls. They said the Mugabe government should also allow international
observers to witness the month-end polls. Harare has invited 23
African countries and several Asian nations to observe elections but
barred Western countries saying they are biased against Mugabe and his
ruling ZANU PF party.

The Friday marches were held under the banner of the International
Solidarity Forum that includes COSATU and several non-governmental
organizations from South Africa, Zimbabwe and other African countries.
In addition to demanding free polls in Zimbabwe and Swaziland, the
marchers also presented petitions to the Kenyan High Commission and
embassy of Burma demanding an end to post-election violence in the
east African country and tyranny in the Asian nation.
___________________________

10. Elections committee appointed. Timothy Simelane, The Swazi
Newsletter, March 7, 2008.

His Majesty King Mswati III has appointed five people to form the
Election and Boundaries Commission.

The commission will be chaired by Nkamanzi Chief Gija Dlamini who
previously worked for the Swaziland Water Services Commission as an
Electrical Engineer. He will be deputised by Mzwandile Fakudze the
Deputy Attorney General.

Others were identified as Nkosingumenzi Dlamini (daughter to Royal
Praise Singer Prince Mahlaba), Gloria Mamba, a UNISWA lecture on
African Languages and Ncumbi Maziya who works for the Swaziland
National Treasurer.

Announcing the committee, Minister of Justice and Constitutional
Affairs said the they would be in office for 12 years as per the
constitution.

Asked on whether the chairman meets the qualifications for the
position as stated in the Section 90 (6) of the constitution that he
or she should qualify to be a judge, Prince David pointed to the
second part of the criteria, which states the chairman could
alternatively be one of high moral character, proven integrity,
relevant experience and demonstrable competence in the conduct of
public office.

It is on the second part of Section 90, part 6 that Chief Gija
qualifies to be chairman of the commission.

Asked about the fate of the Electoral Commission that has been in
place over the past years, Prince David said 'Our duties were to
announce this committee.' Upon further questioning, the minister said
other people knew nothing about the appointment except the new
committee by the time of the announcement - 9.30 pm.

He further said an announcement would be made next week, whether the
new team will have to leave their areas of employ to work full time in
the Commission. The minister stole from words of the king when he
announced a former prime minister: Inkhosi yatsi kute ligeza laswela
siyela salo - meaning there is no one without blemish.

He said the commission would not be expected to deal with boundaries
between now and the election time because they will have to dedicate
most of their time on the elections.

This duty is usually done by the Independent Electoral Commission in
other countries.

The commission will work independently just as all others such as the
judiciary, anticorruption commission, DPP and others work
independently, he said. The constitution further says the members can
be removed from office in the manner that judges of the superior courts.

Chief Gija has been employed by the Swaziland Water Services
Corporation for the past 20 years after completing his diploma in
electrical engineering at the Swaziland College of Theology (SCOT). He
also went to England where he did his higher diploma.

Ncumbi Maziya hails from KaLanga in Siteki and has works for the
Swaziland National Treasury. He studied in the United States of
America and holds a Masters in Agriculture.

Nkosingumenzi Dlamini works for the ministry of agriculture and
cooperatives as a rural sociologist. She studied at the University of
Swaziland and further went to the University of Queen's Land in
Australia for a Master's degree.
___________________________________________

11. Development in Swaziland: To Relocate or Not To Relocate? James
Hall, IPS 3 March, 2007.

Climate change appears to have permanently altered certain areas of
east and southern Swaziland, where good harvests have not been
achieved for over a decade. Agriculture officials and non-governmental
organisations (NGOs) now question whether these areas can still
support communities.

"Before donor fatigue sets in, we have no choice but to confront the
obvious. Otherwise we can be accused of turning a blind eye," said
Charles Ndwandwe, an agriculture extension officer in the eastern
Lubombo region, which has never fully recovered from a drought that
devastated the country in 1992.

Climate conditions have also been difficult over recent months. IPS
has ascertained that summer rains failed to materialise in Lavumisa,
in the eastern Lubombo.

This has taken a severe toll on harvests of maize, the staple food of
Swaziland. Maize that was planted in the spring months of November and
December is now largely desiccated due to lack of rainfall (the last
measurable rains in the region are said to have fallen on Dec. 27).

To make matters worse, a heat wave struck Lubombo last month,
prompting the National Emergency Relief Council to express concern
about the situation there.

Such difficulties, coupled with the country's small population and the
availability of other land, have prompted suggestions that Swazis
might be relocated in response to persistent drought.

"There are unused government farms in agriculturally viable parts of
the country. Why not relocate families who cannot scratch out an
existence in Lavumisa and depend on food aid year after year? Food aid
should not be a lifestyle. People become dependent," said Walker
Nkambule, a businessman from Manzini, the commercial hub of the country.

Currently there are state farms lying idle that government economic
planners intend incorporating into large-scale agriculture projects
when funding becomes available. They reject proposals to convert the
land into small subsistence farms, claiming this would not be
economically viable.

"Subsistence farming is very traditional but it only supplements
family income from other sources. Nobody can live on it anymore," said
Ndwandwe.

At present, 80 percent of the population resides on small farms
located on communal land that is overseen by chiefs. Government would
like to see farmers combine their fields into larger co-operative
ventures.

Christopher Fakudze, an economist who works with the Ministry of
Natural Resources to develop water needs projections and water
resource management, disagrees with the proposal to abandon drought
prone areas. "Swaziland is geographically a small place, and there is
no reason why we cannot pipe water to where it is needed."

The large scale projects required to pipe in water would be very
expensive, however.

Amidst widespread poverty, few people can afford to move away from
inhospitable land of their own accord. According to the 2007/2008
United Nations Human Development Report, 47.7 percent of people in
Swaziland live on less than a dollar a day -- and 77.8 percent on less
than two dollars a day.

These figures reflect the widespread joblessness in this Southern
African nation; 2007 statistics from the United Nations Food and
Agriculture Organisation put unemployment in Swaziland at up to 40
percent, a figure that includes people who are too discouraged to seek
work.

Mphilo Dube, a 20-year-old resident of Lavumisa, spent three months
trying to find work at the Matsapha Industrial Estate, where the
country's few factories are concentrated, in central Swaziland. "I
gave up when I got tired of going hungry. At least here I am with my
family," Dube said.

Poverty and climatic hardship elicit a stoic response from many Swazis.

"There is a reason that Swaziland is a stable country despite its
humanitarian crisis. The people are conservative. They prefer hardship
to the unknown that change brings," said a political scientist at the
University of Swaziland.

"This is why people stay in those dusty lifeless areas, and why
government policy has been for poverty alleviation where people live,
rather than relocation."

____________________________________________

12. Understanding terrorism in Africa: building bridges and overcoming
the gaps. African Security Analysis Programme, Institute for Security
Studies, 2008


The vision of the Institute for Security Studies (ISS) is one of a
stable and peaceful Africa characterised by sustainable development,
human rights, and the rule of law, democracy and collaborative
security. As an applied policy research institute with a mission to
conceptualise, inform and enhance the debate on human security in
Africa the organization supports policy formulation and decision
making at every level towards the enhancement of human security for
all in Africa. The Institute supports this vision and mission by
undertaking applied research, training and capacity building; working
collaboratively with others; facilitating and supporting policy
formulation; monitoring trends and policy implementation; and
collecting, interpreting and disseminating information.

Introduction:

This report contains papers that were presented at the second of a
series of four seminars on the theme ?understanding terrorism in
Africa?. The seminar, organized jointly by the Institute for Security
Studies (ISS), the Terrorism Studies and Research Programme (TSRP) of
Cairo University, and the African Centerior Strategic Research and
Studies (ACSRS) at the Nigerian National War College, took place at
the University of Cairo from19 and 20 May 2007.

The sub-theme of the seminar, building bridges and overcoming gaps in
the understanding of terrorism in Africa, was one of the
recommendations reached at the first seminar held in Benoni, South
Africa, in November 2006. It posits that, in order to prevent and
combat terrorism in Africa, we must come up with ways of building
bridges across the continent.

Hence, the Cairo seminar had the primary aim of building bridges
between North and sub-Saharan Africa, between Africa and the West, and
between practitioners, scholars or researchers, civil society,
communities and the general public. It was hoped that the process of
building these bridges would also provide opportunities for forging
and strengthening partnerships that are necessary in combating and
preventing terrorism in Africa. Most critical, according to the
participants in the Cairo seminar, is the need to build bridges that
would lead to a common understanding of terrorist threats and the
harmonization of counter-terrorism measures and strategies in Africa.

This report is divided into four parts

The first part contains papers that seek to bridge the gaps in the
definitions and understanding of terrorism in Africa. Mhand Brook?s
paper briefly y outlines some of the common challenges and
contradictions inherent in the definition of terrorism. He emphasizes
that there is currently no widely accepted definition of terrorism and
that most attempts to define it have often been complicated by the
similarity that exists between terrorism (which is a legally
illegitimate expression of beliefs) and resistance (which is legally
legitimate). Anneli Botha examines the African experience of both
domestic and international terrorism and outlines African attempts to
define terrorism through various AU agreements and legislation. She
emphasizes the problematic distinction between resistance and
terrorism and analyses the factors, which both contribute to and
counter terrorism.

The second part of the report explores the impacts of the war on
terrorism on various aspects of society, in particular its ideals,
norms, practices, institutions and processes. Clinton Watts examines
how US counter-terrorism has affected American democracy by examining
four key areas: personal freedoms; political pluralism; the US
judicial system; and political accountability. He argues that, while
terrorism has, in some ways, succeeded in eliciting the exact
repression of democratic rights that it aims to, it has more often
caused US citizens to question their democracy, which is, in itself,
indicative of a healthy democratic process.

Mohamed Kamal argues that terrorism is influenced by a combination of
domestic and international factors, which include the economic, social
and cultural impact of globalization (particularly Western
globalization) and Western foreign policies towards Arab and Islamic
countries. Dr. Kamal examines Egypt?s multi-dimensional
counter-terrorism response to reveal that tackling terrorism requires
many domestic reforms.

Samuel Makinda argues that terrorism, governance and human rights have
a symbiotic relationship. Factors such as human rights abuses and
undemocratic or corrupt governance can cause or facilitate terrorism.
However, these exact same things are often features of
counter-terrorist responses. By examining regional and sub-regional
counter-terrorism responses, Professor Makinda outlines the difficulty
of formulating an effective African counter-terrorism that doesn?t
exacerbate the very terrorism it aims to prevent.

Abdallah Shehata Khattab examines the economic impact of terrorism
around seven key sectors: tourism; direct foreign investment, savings
and consumption; physical capital accumulation and/or investment; the
stock markets; foreign trade; and general economic growth. He finds
that the economic impact of terrorism is greater in the long term in,
for example, the sustained use of state budget money to finance
counter-terrorism state security measures than in the short term in,
for example, the tourism sector or stock market.

Martin Mbugua examines the impact which terrorist attacks in Kenya in
the period between 1998 and 2002, had on the Kenyan economy. He finds
that, although there were significant short-term economic consequences
in the tourism sector after the 1998 US embassy bombing and 2002
Mombassa hotel bombing, tourism bounced back fairly quickly. Mbugua
also finds that, in general, Kenyans perceive the impact of terrorism,
in a country that has many other social, economic and political
problems, as negligible.

Shikaki Ahmed examines the case of three North African countries;
Algeria, Morocco, and Tunisia. He argues that governments often react
to terrorism by imposing harsh counter-terrorism civil society.
Ironically it is only through a vibrant civil society and an active
and open media that these countries can engage in the social discourse
necessary to prevent the dissemination of the extremist ideology that
bolsters terrorism. Ahmed makes several recommendations emphasising
the importance of maintaining an open and free media and a healthy
civil society to counter terrorism.

The third part of the report contains papers that contextualise the
challenges and gaps in combating and preventing in Egypt and African
sub-regions of East, West and Southern Africa. Ismael Adb el Rahman
examines Egyptian legislative counter-terrorism actions by looking at
both the objective criminal legislation used to deal with terrorist
suspects and the procedural rules under which such legislation is
carried out. He concludes that there are some gaps in the legislative
framework and that the current legislation, while often only adhering
to minimum rights standards, is necessary given Egyptian high
vulnerability to terrorism.

Wafula Okumu examines the gaps and challenges in preventing and
combating terrorism in East Africa by focusing on possible factors
contributing to terrorism in region and then outlining the measures
undertaken to counter terrorism. He argues that there are still major
gaps in counter-terrorism policies in East Africa which include: the
lack of a definition of terrorism; a lack of implementation and
commitment; and, most importantly, a focus on state security and
actual terrorist acts, rather than human security and a preventive
approach to the socio-economic conditions which engender terrorism.

Anneli Botha outlines incidences and risks of terrorism in Southern
Africa, as well as the legislative measures including international
legislation and agreements and national legislation counter terrorism
and advocates countering the radical Islamic ideology that engenders
it. He particularly praises the effectiveness of reeducation and
rehabilitation programs, like those of Singapore, and stresses the
necessity of inclusion of and cooperation with Islamic communities.

Karin Kneissl examines terrorism in the European context by drawing
examples from domestic conflicts (Northern Ireland, the Basque region,
and Corsica), political groups on both the right and the left (the Red
Army in Germany), and comparing them to transnational cultural and
political conflicts (Palestine, Libya, Iran and the terrorism in the
Islamic Diaspora). She also examines the EU?s increasingly concerted
response to terrorism.

Donovan Chau analyses the US counter-terrorism strategy by examining
counter-terrorist measures undertaken by agencies at both the state
and federal levels. He describes the procedures of information
gathering, arrest, prevention, and, finally, examines US
counter-terrorism strategy in Africa by focusing on the CJTFHOA mission.

Professor Kent Roach compares Canada?s previously moderate
counter-terrorism measures (particularly in relation to the October
Crisis, Quebec separatism, and 1985 Air India flight bombing) with its
more aggressive post-9/11 legislation and practices. He particularly
focuses on the human rights implications of applying immigration law
(which can seriously infringe on individual human rights and freedoms)
in the place of antiterrorism law in situations involving terrorist
suspects.

Wafula Okumu
Head: African Security Analysis Programme, Institute for Security
Studies, 2008, PO Box 1787, Brooklyn Square, Tshwane (Pretoria), 0075
SOUTH AFRICA, email: pubs@..., web: www.issafrica.org.

____________________________________________________


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