SWAZILAND NEWSLETTER 19

1. Aid agencies warn four million may die in Southern Africa. Swaziland
extremely vulnerable.Gethin Chamberlain. The Scotsman 7 September 2005.

2. Student permits spark renewed border debate, 5 September 2005 (IRIN)

3. SA firm gets approval for investment in Swaziland, Mail & Guardian
(SA), 8 Sep 2005

4. Role of women stirs debate at the reed dance, 30 August 2005. Excerpt
(IRIN).

5. Statement: The royal family is a liar to itself. Dr. GT Mkhumane,
People's United Democratic Movement (PUDEMO) Chief Representative for
Africa and the Caribbean. Received 1.9.2005.


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1. Aid agencies warn four million may die in Africa. Gethin Chamberlain.
The Scotsman 7 September 2005.

AID agencies are warning of a fresh catastrophe looming in Africa that may
dwarf the crises in Niger and the Sahel, putting four million lives at
risk.
Severe food shortages are beginning to hit southern Africa, with Lesotho,
Malawi, Mozambique, Swaziland, Zambia and Zimbabwe worst affected. Some
ten million people are reported to be facing severe food shortages, with
the crisis set to peak between November and February.

As was the case in Niger, aid has been slow coming in. The appeals for
assistance for those countries affected by the tsunami earlier in the
year, coupled with the Niger appeal and now the hurricane-affected United
States, appear to have depleted resources and created a threat of donor
fatigue.
Oxfam is urging United Nations member states to commit an additional $1
billion into a UN emergency reserve fund to enable resources to be
released when they are needed.
Yesterday one of the aid agencies senior African officials, the Malawi
country manager Nellie Nyang'wam, warned that the fate of millions of
people depended on the international response.
"If we respond, we will save lives," she said. "If there is no response,
we will lose more lives."
She estimated that 30 to 40 per cent of the ten million people expected to
be affected by food shortages would be in danger of losing their lives.
"Even with a response, there will be severe suffering," she said, adding:
"The Niger crisis was forecast six months in advance, yet rich countries
did almost nothing until the 11th hour. People died as a direct result.
"Now, there is an impending crisis in southern Africa. The situation is
very different, but the principle is the same. If rich countries wait,
once again, until TV crews arrive before giving enough money, people in
southern Africa will pay the price of their neglect."

The international community, and the UN in particular, was heavily
criticised last month for failing to react to the warnings over Niger,
where only a last-minute rush of aid averted a complete disaster. Then, as
now, aid agencies had been warning for months that a combination of severe
drought and other factors would be impossible to overcome.
In the case of southern Africa, the fear is that a population already
weakened by the spread of HIV/AIDS will be less able to withstand the
additional strain of famine.
Ms Nyang'wam, who was visiting Scotland yesterday, conceded that there was
a risk that other disasters might make it harder to raise money for
another African famine.
But she said: "It is simply not good enough to make excuses when so many
lives are at stake. We have to respond when these events occur. It is not
good enough to stand by just because disasters all happen at once."
Oxfam started food distribution in Malawi this week. The agency estimates
that four million people are at risk there, just three years after the
last major famine to hit the country.
Another four million people are at risk in Zimbabwe, one million in
Zambia, 400,000 in Mozambique, 500,000 in Lesotho and 200,000 in Swaziland.
Oxfam blames a "cycle of deepening poverty" for the impending crisis. The
agency says that the ability of people in the region to deal with the
failure of the rain has been hampered by the HIV/AIDS epidemic and other
economic factors.
The UN is due to discuss the request for emergency funding at a summit in
New York on 14 September.
Judith Robertson, the head of Oxfam in Scotland, urged the UN to come up
with a permanent fund that could be used to avert future crises.
"Rich countries spend $1 billion every day on supporting their farmers. If
they pledged the same amount every year to a permanent emergency fund at
the UN, preventable crises like Niger and southern Africa would not happen
because money would be available as soon as a country needed it," she said.
The next harvest in southern Africa is due in March and although there has
been sufficient rain in some parts of the region, long dry spells at
crucial points in the growing season have hit the development of the maize
crop.
While there are some food surpluses available in the region, in South
Africa, Tanzania and north Mozambique, the problem is a shortage of funds
in the affected countries to pay for it. The two countries expected to be
hardest hit are Malawi, one of the world's poorest countries, where life
expectancy is a mere 39 years, and Zimbabwe, where the policies of Robert
Mugabe's government have been blamed for creating avoidable hardship.
---------------------------

2. Student permits spark renewed border debate, 5 September 2005 (IRIN)

MBABANE, 5 Sep 2005 (IRIN) - Swazi school children are feeling the brunt
of renewed debate over the Swaziland-South African border, with South
African soldiers reportedly blocking Swazi students from attending schools
on the South African side of the frontier.

"The Minister of Foreign Affairs, Mabili Dlamini, has expressed
disapproval of statements made by South African officials, saying Swazi
students deserved to be arrested for trespassing," reported the
government-owned Swaziland Broadcasting and Information Service, the
country's sole radio station.

Local media carried reports of a South African immigration official,
Robert Zitha, who had allegedly threatened to prosecute South African
school authorities who continued to admit Swazi pupils without study
permits.
Swazi students have attended three schools in South Africa's northeastern
Mpumalanga Province for years. The students endure walks up to two hours,
starting before dawn from their Swazi homesteads and crossing a barbed
wire fence that demarcates the two countries.

"I do not have a passport; nobody in my family has a passport. I
understand it takes a long, long time to get a passport from government.
How am I to study? I have already paid my school fees," said Jabulani
Moratele, a Form 5 student who lives along the border.

Prince Khuzulwandle, appointed by his brother King Mswati to head the
government's Border Restoration Committee, remarked last month that
Swaziland's northern border fence had been put in place as a cattle
control measure during an outbreak of foot-and-mouth disease in 1964. The
fence was never intended to represent the actual border between the two
nations.
Swaziland wants large sections of the Mpumalanga Province reincorporated
into the country - areas that were gerrymandered into South Africa by
British colonial authorities and the Boer Republics in the late 1800s -
and is also claiming territory in South Africa's eastern KwaZulu-Natal
Province, which would give the currently landlocked country access to the
Indian Ocean north of the port city of Durban.

"South African lands that belong to the Swazis must be returned," Prince
Khuzulwandle told residents of one community near the northern border.
But Swazi historian Dr Ben Dlamini offered a contrary version in a recent
newspaper article. "South Africa is a sovereign state - we cannot order it
to do what we like. It is not true that the fence was erected for the
foot-and-mouth disease in 1964," he wrote.
Swazi students wanting to return to South African schools when the spring
term begins next week are seeking government intervention, or help in
securing student visas.
The foreign ministry has stated that Minister Dlamini will be meeting with
his South African counterpart, Foreign Minister Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma, to
discuss the issue. No date has been set for the meeting.
-------------------------------------------

3. SA firm gets approval for investment in Swaziland, Mail & Guardian
(SA), 8 Sep 2005
Johannesburg - The SA Competition Commission's apprSAoval of the
acquisition by Transvaal Sugar Limited (TSB) of a 25.85% stake in Royal
Swaziland Sugar Corporation (RSSC) from Actis, an equity investor in
emerging markets, signals support for regional investment and recognises
the potential benefits thereof, TSB says.
The deal, announced earlier this year, was subject to a due diligence
investigation, and approval from the Competition Commission. The
transaction is underway and the finalisation of the deal will see TSB and
RSSC sharing resources to ensure a hub of low cost production of high
quality sugar.
Hennie Snyman, chief executive officer of TSB, said: "There are many
operational synergies between TSB and RSSC and we are looking forward to
working with stakeholders and management.
"We are also looking forward to sharing expertise, and technical skills of
TSB's subsidiary, Booker Tate Limited, to improve profitability and focus
on being a world leader in low cost production. The acquisition is in
accordance with TSB's strategic intention."

RSSC is the largest sugar business in Swaziland with two mills, with a
combined throughput of 700 tons per hour, and an agricultural division
that operates a 20 000 hectare irrigated sugar cane estate.
RSSC also produces refined sugar and ethanol and is listed on the
Swaziland Stock Exchange.

TSB, situated in Mpumalanga, is a wholly-owned subsidiary of Remgro
Limited (REM), a diversified company listed on the JSE Securities Exchange
and operates two sugar mills, a refinery and a packaging plant, sugar
estates, cane and sugar transport and an animal feed division.
Actis has been an investor in RSSC since 1979. Peter Schmidt, a managing
partner of Actis, said: "TSB will be a strong shareholder for RSSC and
will be able to add value. We are confident that TSB will replace Actis as
a suitable partner and support RSSC in the challenging environment that it
faces as a result of proposed EU sugar reform and the current strength of
the li-Langeni."
TSB believes RSSC has the capability to be a low cost producer and will be
in a position to increase its preferential access to the EU once the EU
sugar reform has taken place. - I-Net Bridge
-----------------------------------------

4. Role of women stirs debate at the reed dance, 30 August 2005. Excerpt
(IRIN).

In recent years Swaziland's annual reed
dance ceremony has become a focal point for criticism of King Mswati III's
handling of his country's HIV crisis and the rights of his female
subjects.

The dance is often framed in the international media as serving little
purpose other than a showcase of virgins, from which sub-Saharan Africa's
last absolute monarch can select yet another new bride.
Controversy was fuelled by the King's announcement last week that a
traditional five-year chastity rite for teenage girls, known as the
"umcwasho" and reintroduced in 2001 to combat the spread of HIV, would be
abandoned a year early.

According to figures reported in the Swazi Times, the number of young
women and girls choosing to participate in the eight-day ceremony,
otherwise known as the "Umhlanga", has risen in recent years.
This year's ceremony, which culminated on Monday with a day of dancing
before the King, attracted an estimated 50,000 girls. For most, the
possibility of being chosen as the King's next wife is less of an
incentive for participating than the opportunity to socialise with other
girls in a rare outing away from home.

Most of the girls were unaware that a new national constitution, signed by
the King this month, will elevate the legal status of women from minors to
adults. In January 2006 women will have the right to own property and
businesses, and to refuse to comply with customs they disagree with, such
as one that requires a widow to marry her brother-in-law.

Philile Mlotshwa, a member of Swaziland Media Gender Watch
(SMEGWA), argues that the new constitution does not go far enough.
"According to the changes, women have a right to refuse a custom they
don't like, but the question is: are women empowered enough to refuse and,
in any case, why can't we just abolish all customs that are detrimental to
women's rights?" Mlotshwa asked.

She also feared that the changes would have little impact if women were
not educated about their new rights. She claimed that efforts by local
NGOs to spread the word had been curtailed by the government, which has
insisted that only its officials can interpret the constitution.
The traditionally low status of women in Swaziland has been linked to the
country's spiralling HIV/AIDS epidemic. Forty percent of the adult
population is estimated to be infected with the virus - the highest
incidence in the world.

Customs like the reed dance have received negative press in light of the
crisis, but Mlotshwa asserted that the ritual could have the potential to
be a forum for women's empowerment and HIV prevention, were it not for the
current King's "abuse" of the event.
"Internationally it's now known as the forum for the King to pick a new
bride, but it's not about that; it's about celebrating the girls'
chastity," she said.

Celebrating chastity was a cause many HIV/AIDS activists had no problem
getting behind: volunteers from the AIDS Information Support Centre (TASC)
were out in force at the event to drive home the abstinence message.
"The reed dance is a positive thing for HIV prevention," said TASC
counsellor Gcinile Nyoni.
Precious Mkhatshwa, a participant, agreed: "Right now, they [the
participants] will abstain, because they want to come back next year."
Mkhatshwa told IRIN that most people in her village knew about AIDS, but
had not changed traditional attitudes and behaviours. "When the wife dies,
the husband takes another wife and they don't check their blood [have an
HIV test]," she said.

For her part, 18-year-old Mkhatshwa planned to delay marriage until she
was 25 and then find a non-Swazi husband. "Swazi men are too traditional,"
she complained.
While refusing to be drawn on the subject of the King's 12 wives, Nyoni
conceded that certain Swazi customs, such as the acceptance of polygamy
and men's extramarital affairs, were contributing to the spread of HIV.
However, she attributed the country's high infection rate to worsening
poverty rather than to the persistence of such customs.

The health ministry reported recently that the number of HIV-positive
pregnant girls aged 15 to 19 years had declined slightly from 33.5 percent
in 2002 to 29.3 percent in 2004, but it is not known whether the credit
lies with AIDS awareness campaigns or with the official emphasis on
customs such as the reed dance and umcwasho.

Swaziland's rising poverty may also play a role in the popularity of the
reed dance -participants get two square meals a day and a kilo of meat to
take home to their families.
For 15-year-old Calsile Matsebula, whose parents are both unemployed, that
was a significant improvement on her usual diet of ligusha - a traditional
vegetable dish.
Sixty-six percent of Swaziland's 1.1 million people live on less than a
dollar a day, and a third are dependent on international food aid.

-----------------------------------------------

5. Statement: The royal family is a liar to itself
by Dr. GT Mkhumane, PUDEMO (Peoples' United Democratic Movement) Chief
Representative for Africa and the Caribbean

Introduction:
It is time that as Swazis we must begin to openly talk about the future of
Swaziland, and acknowledge that this
country has a serious problem. We must do so knowing very well that there
are those who will simply dismiss this fact
by saying that there is no need for such engagements. Or simply dismiss
the idea by saying Swaziland has no problem, that things are fine in this
country, while we all know very well that Swaziland is living with a
serious socio-economic and political problem that has lasted for over 32
years, and constitutes a threat to the future of this nation. Such a
position that denies the fact that Swaziland is sick, is a fallacy and
must be condemned.

The royal family is a liar to itself:
It is not useful for the royal Dlamini family to dream that the majority
of poor people of Swaziland shall remain suppressed forever by this
family. History all over the world has taught us many examples, where
people were suppressed up to a day, then, they revolt against their
oppressors. Many of these revolts have cost too much blood, like in the
case of Burundi and Rwanda. Surely, there is no mentally sane royal family
that would desire such for Swaziland, but by the look of things, there are
those among the royal Dlamini family who believe that they will
monopolize state power until the return of Jesus Christ. The advice to
such culprits is that they must stop selling the life of the nation to an
undesirable resolution, and join the call of PUDEMO to unite and build the
Swazi nation.

The royal Dlamini family must face the future of this nation with absolute
responsibility. They must stop their unfounded hatred of political
parties, their hatred of PUDEMO and of any other political movement, as
this will not help the royal Dlamini family resolve the
national question. It could benefit the royal family to take noble advice
from these forces and accept that non-royal families have the right to
group themselves under any formation they wish, and that such formations
can smoothly work together with the royal Dlamini family in building a
democratic state.

The royal family must start to agree with the fact that political parties
are a universal, politically accepted setup in all societies in the world,
that such rights are allowed everywhere around the globe, and that
Swaziland is not an exception. Also they must start to agree that the 1973
king’s proclamation to the nation was a directly criminal act against the
will of the people of this country. So any law containing clauses from
this act is unacceptable and to be condemned. This applies to the royal
constitution which must be totally rejected, mainly because it continues
to deprive the nation of its fundamental rights and freedom.

Royal resistance to democratic change is a crime against international
standards of societies, it is a crime against the legitimate political
aspirations of the majority of the people. Any argument that says the
people of Swaziland are happy about their system is unfounded. The current
system of Swaziland is a royal system that defends and protects royal
interest, and not the interest of the majority who are poor and workers.
That is why the royal system has failed to prioritize national projects
aimed at benefiting the poor. Instead, it has prioritized royal projects
that benefit the royal family at the cost of the live of the poor and tax
payers. What is allowing the royal system to abuse power are the laws that
protect and defend it, are the royal institutions and the fact that
opposition is not allowed by royal laws, as well as the suppression of
human rights.

If the royal family loves Swaziland enough, they must honestly talk about
the false peace that is perceived in this country, and admit that the
country is seated over a boiling future. Failure to understand this fact
has a potential of taking the country beyond the limit of popular
tolerance. Many of those who are in the forefront against royal oppression
are aware that they might not live to see the day of freedom. As royal
resistance mounts higher everyday, they have the duty to break it and in
doing so they stand the risk of being destroyed. But royal resistance,
arrogance and monopoly of state power will in the end perish as popular
resistance mounts against royal oppression in Swaziland, and give way to
democracy and freedom.

If the royal family is wise enough, it should build a sustainable future
for Swaziland. A future characterized by a stable nation that shall
guarantee true peace and nation building. PUDEMO raises this point because
it is useless for the royal Dlamini family to deceive itself by pretending
to think and believe that all is right in Swaziland, while the majority of
the poor and marginalized people of this country live under fear of being
evicted or victimized by the royal state, and under direct royal
intimidation through the use
of royal power (royal army and police) to suppress the rights of the
majority.

If the royal Dlamini family loves Swazi culture and believes that the
monarchy of Swaziland represents Swazi culture, then they must accept
that things in Swaziland are not in order – the nation is on a wrong
footing. They should condemn the arrogance of their royal state and vote
for a new social order – an all-inclusive process in engaging national
matters, as opposed to exclusive process only confined to royal Dlamini
family. Any tendencies that seek to promote exclusivism, directly fail the
royal Dlamini family as an institution and symbol of Swazi culture.

Note: we are saying the royal family is a symbol of Swazi culture and not
the symbol of state power. Hence, PUDEMO talks of a constitutional
monarchy and multi-party state, as opposed to absolute monarchy and royal
state monopoly of state power. Here again, we are not talking of false
Swazi culture, but of a true Swazi culture that represents the identity of
the people of Swaziland, as opposed to the invented royal Dlamini culture,
a culture which enslaves those who are not from the royal family. Here we
talk of our true national identity, a dynamic culture that respects the
rights of the nation, and not about the royal identity, a static royal
culture rooted deeply in rituals and other outdated and primitive royal
perceptions.

In our lifetime we have met many royal family members outside the protocol
of royalism, we have met them in their capacity as Swazis and not
representatives of the royal government. At this level we have with
engaged them openly about royal injustice in Swaziland. What is
interesting is that when they are challenged openly outside the influence
and fear of their royal family, they admit that there is a problem in
Swaziland, and acknowledge that those who are fighting for change are
doing the country a good thing. However, they lament that they cannot help
or participate in the revolution because unfortunately they are a part of
the current system.

This is the position that we would like to challenge. Even the king of
Swaziland knows very well that things in this country are not going right,
but because he is part of the system, in fact he is the inheritor of the
royal system and the head of it, he must pretend that all in Swaziland is
right, so as to please his family which is living off the sweat and blood
of the national economy. It is this double stance that we condemn, and
that characterizes the royal family as a group of hooligans, who do not
fear to lie before the public, and when individually confronted accept the
fact that the nation is ill and request that those they suppress must
continue doing their best to liberate the nation and place their hope in
the resistance of the progressive forces of Swaziland to fight for
democracy, while they accuse their brother – the king of being arrogant
and too thick-headed to accept change. This is the deep sea of royal
fallacy, where most of royal hooligans live and hide.

The royal Dlamini family is lying to itself by believing that it can ward
off the pressure for change by pretending to the people that all is right
in Swaziland, and there is hope that things will improve. The matter is
not one of seeking foreign intervention, the solution to the crisis is in
the hands of all Swaziland united around a common vision and goal.
Together we can create change in the life of this nation. PUDEMO
challenges all those who support the ills of the royal system to dispute
our statement, that the solution to our national problems is not in the
hands of foreign investments nor in those of the royal family only, but in
the hands of all Swazis.

Finally, let us all love this nation and be honest to it before all sorts
of selfishness, this is our country let us all be honest to it. The royal
family has not been honest in working out the solution around the national
question. The king has not been honest to himself in addressing the
national question. PUDEMO challenges the royal state, in particular the
king of Swaziland, to a round-table discussion and to a proper national
dialogue that would lead to a process, which will resolve the national
question.


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