Swaziland@Newsletter 81

Published by Africa Contact (Denmark)

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Photo section with thirteen albums: Swaziland. Historical. Occupation,
exploitation and rebellion. Colonial times. Sobhuza. Settlers in the
colony. People of Swaziland. Images of power. Women of the land.
Children. Men of the land. The struggle for democracy. Images of a
democratic movement.
____________________________________

1. Africa's other Zimbabwe. Chris McGreal (Mbabane), Guardian,
September 30 2008.
http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2008/sep/30/zimbabwe/print

2. Newspaper Targeted in Alleged Bombing Plot Over Its Pro-Government Stance.
Media Institute of Southern Africa, (Windhoek)29 September 2008.

3. Tribute to MJ and Jack Govendor! When only the best are submitted
to the slaughterhouse of ultimate sacrifice!

4. Mystery of SA freedom fighter bomb death. Suthentira Govender,
The Times, September 28, 2008
http://www.thetimes.co.za/PrintEdition/News/Article.aspx?id=851531

5. Tight security after Swazi bombs. BBC September 26, 2008.
http://news.bbc.co.uk/go/pr/fr/-/2/hi/africa/7638133.stm

6. 3000 Zheng Yong workers riot. Starsky Mkhonta. The Swazi Observer,
September 26, 2008.

7. Debate on the Reed Dance. Youth Communist League YCL statements.

8. Vote for women. Andrea Wilkinson, September 25, 2008.
nebusiness.co.uk: http://blog.nebusiness.co.uk/2008/09/vote_for_women.html

9. Reforms long overdue. Terence Corrigan, allAfrica.com, 23 September 2008.

_____________________________________

1. Africa's other Zimbabwe. Chris McGreal (Mbabane), Guardian,
September 30 2008. http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2008/sep/30/zimbabwe/print


It has the last absolute monarch in the world and the highest
HIV-infection rate. Swaziland is crying out for change.

Mario Masuko is a man who looks with envy at Zimbabwe. The former
Barclays bank manager-turned-political leader lost his job for daring
to suggest that the world's last absolute monarch, the British public
school-educated "playboy king" Mswati III of Swaziland should allow
his subjects to choose their government.

Since then, Masuko has been locked up for sedition and treason. His
followers have been beaten and persecuted. And when Swazis elected a
new parliament earlier this month, his People's United Democratic
Movement (Pudemo), like all other political parties, was effectively
banned from competing because the selection of candidates is closely
controlled by the monarchy under the guise of preserving the country's
culture.

"The situation in Zimbabwe is better, in that political parties are
allowed," Masuko said. "The only challenge there is one despot - that
people go to elections and then the despot annuls them. People in
Swaziland can't even elect who they want. Instead we've got a king who
treats this country and its people as his plaything. It's feudal."

The parallels between the two African tyrannies may be far from
absolute, but the struggle for freedom in both countries is
increasingly linked. South Africa's powerful trades union
confederation, Cosatu, has described the two countries as "twins who
are reversing our collective gains as a region by promoting
undemocratic and oppressive practices against their own people".

It has announced plans to blockade the landlocked kingdom of about 1
million people as the first step in a rolling plan to increase
pressure on Mswati to allow democratic government.

Clearly, however, the king is disturbed at being compared to
Zimbabwe's despotic leader: after the head of Swaziland's trades union
confederation, Jan Sithole, returned home from a Cosatu conference in
South Africa last month to debate the parallels, he was interrogated
by senior police officers. "They were absolutely obsessed with this
link people were making between Mugabe and Mswati," he said.

Masuko said Mswati, who came to the throne in 1986, has doubly failed
because he has not only resisted reform but also abused his power.

"Monarchs are extravagant. They tend to be dictatorial. This one in
Swaziland is more than both of those things because it is an absolute
monarchy," he said.

Swaziland has the highest HIV-infection rate in the world, a life
expectancy of less than 35 years and extensive rural poverty. Nearly
half the population is unemployed, and those with skills, such as
nurses and teachers, often leave the country in search of work.

Yet the king spent the equivalent of half the national health budget
to dispatch his 13 wives on a collective shopping trip to Dubai and
Europe last month. The jaunt prompted Swazi protesters to coin the
refrain: "We are dying while they are flying."

The government spent millions more on a lavish joint celebration this
month to mark 40 years of Swaziland's independence from Britain and
the king's 40th birthday. That helped bring out thousands of people in
the largest anti-government protest for years. The government
hesitated to crush it, however, because it coincided with an influx of
foreign dignitaries - Mugabe among them -for the celebrations.

Swazis did get to vote earlier this month, but they elect only a
parliament, not a government. That is appointed by the king, whose
choice of prime minister always happens to be someone from his
extended family, the Dlaminis.

While political parties are not specifically banned, the constitution
says elections are based on the traditional system, called tinkhundla.

On the surface, tinkhundla is an exercise in local democracy; in
practice, it is a reflection of the much broader grip of the monarchy
and traditional chiefs - officially described as the footstalls of the
king - over the everyday lives of people.

Candidates for election to parliament have to be approved by local
chiefs, who use their powers to quash dissent. And the only issues
permitted to be raised in campaigns are local ones, forestalling any
debate about the competence of the government.

"Everybody belongs to a chief in a village," said Sithole. "If you
don't allow your children to go to the highly politicised cultural
activities held by your chief, you are risking a lot: risking eviction
from your home [and] your children not getting a scholarship for
tertiary education, even if they get straight A grades. The father of
the children may lose his job. It's hard to resist that pressure.

"It's the same with the elections. They are so controlled by the
chiefs, from the selection of candidates to the issues that can be
discussed, that they are in no sense democratic."

Percy Simelane, the government press secretary, says Swaziland is an
excellent democracy because the people have chosen not to allow
political parties to compete in elections.

"The people argued that parties divided people more than united them.
We are too small a country to have people divided. If there were
multiparty, then parties would spring from every direction," he said.

Sithole and others seeking to change the Swazi system of government
say that barely a peep has been heard from western governments that
are vocal in their condemnation of Robert Mugabe.

"When the issue is black against black, it is thought that it is
cultural or traditional," he said.

"Our economy doesn't attract much from the big boys. In Zimbabwe,
there's a lot of land, a lot of resources. Also, there are
black-and-white problems where the current regime is disputing white
ownership of land."

The king's critics are cautious when asked what they think of him.
Masuko hesitates, then says he is disappointed that a monarch who was
educated at a British public school (Sherborne, in Dorset) did not
return with more modern ideas on the role of royalty.

"By nature, in Africa the king likes to marry; he likes women; he
likes authority. But was there any need for him to go to Sherborne
college to have 13 wives? He could have said, 'This is the 21st
century, with HIV/Aids, and I'm going to have only two wives.' People
would have said, 'That's a monarch for the 21st century.' I don't
think he's a 21st-century leader. I've met him personally, and I think
he could do better."

But the opposition senses change is coming. In May, a coalition of
pro-democracy interests including political parties, the unions and
the churches, formed the Swaziland United Democratic Front (SUDF). It
is overtly modelled on the South Africa's UDF, a coalition of similar
groups that spearheaded internal resistance to apartheid in the 1980s.

Sithole said the SUDF was demanding immediate negotiations with the
government on the establishment of a representative transitional
administration, to last for about 18 months before multiparty elections.

"If there is no progress, we will escalate pressure, even calling for
smart, targeted sanctions and government officials not being allowed
to go to other countries and putting pressure on those who undermine
the rights of the majority poor - as with Zimbabwe," he said.

"Absolute monarchies have disappeared in the world. The only way for
monarchies to survive is for them to become constitutional monarchies.
The king needs to negotiate and allow people to elect the government."

Simelane dismisses any parallel with Zimbabwe. "That's a gimmick of
political imbeciles," he said. "You can't compare Swaziland to
Zimbabwe. Look at our shops: there are things in them. Their
[Zimbabwe's] inflation runs into the millions. It's out of ignorance."

"We have just been celebrating our successes. We've done very well,
not only by Swazi standards. We have saved the world a lot of money by
not having to send peacekeepers. They will never come here. We've not
lost our sovereignty. We have developed.

"When the British people left us, they had not done much for our
development. At independence, we used to import teachers from South
Africa; today, we export them. Nurses, same story: scattered all over
the world."


_______________________________

2. Newspaper Targeted in Alleged Bombing Plot Over Its Pro-Government Stance
Media Institute of Southern Africa (Windhoek)

PRESS RELEASE
29 September 2008

Swazi police have unearthed a plot to bomb the state-owned "Swazi
Observer" newspaper. The development comes in the wake of the arrest
of a suspect who survived what the police call a "terrorist" act in
which two other men were killed when a bomb exploded prematurely
during an attempt to bomb an overhead bridge on 20 September 2008 near
King Mswati's palace at Lozitha, outside Mbabane, the capital city.

Police claim the man, Amos Mdedzi, a South African from Limpopo,
confessed before a magistrate that he and his friends were on a
mission to bomb government structures, including the "Swazi Observer"
newspaper offices in Mbabane.

According to police, the man said they failed to gain entry into the
targeted areas because of tight security. They then consoled
themselves by bombing the overhead bridge, an attempt which also
failed as the bomb went off prematurely, killing two and injuring the
survivor.

The "Swazi Observer", it was claimed, was targeted because it was a
pro-government media.
"Swazi Observer" CEO Myzo Magagula was quoted in the local media as
having expressed shock at the act, but said they were not aware that
they were targeted for bombing.

BACKGROUND:

The "Swazi Observer", founded in the early 1980s, is owned by King
Mswati through a royal conglomerate, Tibiyo TakaNgwane. Because of the
nature of its ownership, the newspaper rarely criticises the government.

MISA's Swaziland chapter condemns any acts of violence targeted at the media.

Bombings in Swaziland have become a common thing as progressive forces
step up pressure to force the Kingdom to democratise. Close to 10
bombing incidents have occurred in the past few months but there had
been no loss of life until this latest incident on 20 September.

The bombing occurred a day after the country held its parliamentary
elections in which members of parliament were elected under the
Tinkhundla traditional system which promotes election on individual
merit as opposed to belonging to a political party.

Under pressure for political change, King Mswati recently condemned
the continuous acts of terrorism in a speech delivered at the United
Nations general assembly.

____________________________________

3. Tribute to MJ and Jack Govendor!

When only the best are submitted to the slaughterhouse of ultimate sacrifice!

The tale of two (painfully) departed revolutionary martyrs!

The lawyer who refused to respect oppressive laws, but chose principle
and the people over false prestige.. and the revolutionary who
sacrificed the benefits of his democratic country to die for the
liberation of others, not through email, but through the painful and
practical struggle!

Introduction

When the tragedy befell our beloved comrades, I was out in some remote
part of the world. I got these shocking news with sheer disbelief.
Not that MJ I know, so I said, are you sure, I continued. Again,
are you sure, it was Jack?, I think you were mistaken, I went on.
Normally, there are people who must not die, not because they are
immortal, but because they just must not die. We do not need to
explain why should they not die!

Whereas death is a natural phenomena, it just cant be allowed to pick
and choose as it wishes, particularly if it chooses the fattest in the
kraal, meaning the most refined sons and daughters of the struggling
people of Swaziland. This is unacceptable!

Why should all our dearest comrades die under mysterious conditions,
whilst state agents and counter-revolutionaries live uninterruptedly
and continue to frustrate the cause of our people. First, it was Percy
Malinga who was shot and died under mysterious conditions, then it Was
Dr Gabriel Mkhumane, who was also shot and also died under very
mysterious conditions, then now, it is MJ and Jack, who also died in
the hands of the enemy and under extremely mysterious conditions, with
state agents and the media spreading false stories about the actual
cause and context of their deaths. Should I be accused of paranoia,
when I say, beware, the state agents are at work, one by one, the best
sons and daughters of our revolution are leaving us! Who is next in
the firing line of the ruthless state machinery of tinkhundla and its
agents.

Who was MJ?

Born in the eastern part of Swaziland, was a young energetic fellow
who was to become a landmark son of the soil, a giant towering amongst
dwarfs. His name was John Musa Dlamini, hence MJ. I personally
encountered the conditions of his growing up as we used to distribute
pamphlets and other material at his home area, from Big-bend, where
both of us were based at some point. He then introduced me to a
certain fellow by the name of Freddy Mokoena, currently the
Chairperson of SWAYOCO externally, who was a student at Mndobandoba
and a ring leader in the raging students struggles there. He gave me
the contact of this comrade to assist build the political
infrastructure in that part of the world, as I was not from that part
of the world, was only taken by conditions of work and struggle, after
completing my studies.

Introducing me to another person in Johannesburg around 2003, MJ said
of me, ?this is the person who will qualify to answer any question
about me, we have been in the trenches together for quite a while now,
even my family can no longer claim to know me more?. That was the ever
modest and humorous MJ, a gallant son of the soil, born of the heroic
people of Swaziland.

I first encountered MJ at the University of Swaziland, where he was
doing law in 1991. We enrolled at the same time, same year and
sometimes shared courses. It is by no accident that we both were
founder members of SAS (Swaziland Association of Students) together
with the likes of Thulani Maseko, Boy Dlamini and Velaphi Dlamini and
many others. We founded SAS on the 4th April, 1992 at the Science
Lecture theatre 11. He was to become the first Secretary General and
myself Secretary for Publicity and Information.

We also served together in the UNISWA Debate Society, where I was
chairperson, whilst he was treasurer of the society, with the likes of
Vincent Dlamini, who was Secretary of the society and Linus Mavimbela,
who was a member.

Then, even more critical, was when we jointly served in the SRC where
I was Secretary General and he was Secretary for Health, with the
other comrades mentioned above including Linus Mavimbela and others
served in the same SRC. This is the SRC that went on to turn the
tables at the university and changed the course of history at that
very conservative university, that was and still is, a seedbed of
royal hegemony and intellectual under nourishment, controlled by royal
stooges. What we sought to challenge was the fact that we have a
university that reproduces tinkhundla passivity and royal worshipping,
instead of independent and critical thinkers, always questioning
things, particularly in a country which is never short of wrongs, like
Swaziland.

He was a humble, selfless and dedicated cadre. For him PUDEMO was the
family, school and life. His love for the oppressed people of
Swaziland made him leave the country to pursue a full time career in
building the structures of the movement, always working behind the
scenes to lay the basis for a sustained momentum for a new and
democratic Swaziland. In doing so, he went through different paths and
made huge sacrifices. However, he never missed one point, that in
everything he does, he is not seeking glory for himself, but for the
giant of the Swazi people, the weapon at their disposal and their
historic liberator, PUDEMO. He knew and respected proper structures of
the movement and did not allow petty diversions to stand in his way of
pursuing what is best for our people.

The news of his tragic death left me both numb and very disappointed
in Darwin?s theory of natural selection, how dare it takes MJ and
Gabriel almost at the same time. At a time when PUDEMO is facing even
more daunting challenges of cadreship, the very best of what we have
leaves us so soon.

I imagine Musa?s family, just recently, we were burying his brother,
Mandla Dlamini, another distinguished son of the soil, with whom I
spent years in Big-bend working on building both union and PUDEMO
structures.

His rare skills in organising, technical proficiency and leadership
made him one of the most outstanding unionists and activists of our
time.

Who was Jack?

As if that was not enough, MJ left with another outstanding
internationalist and revolutionary, Jack Govendor. I came to know Jack
in 1997 when I was a member of the NEC of PUDEMO. In particular, I
first met him at a NEC meeting at the University of Swaziland, held at
the Commerce Faculty and would not delve into the discussions then.

He was a fierce and highly energetic young man, with such a huge
passion for revolution, a clear and profound Marxist. We gained a lot
in working with him, building the structures of the movement and the
general infrastructure of the revolution throughout all corners of our
country. His selflessness, firmness and clarity made him an
inspiration to many young cadres of the Swazi movement. It was before
he came back to South Africa, where some of us were to then meet him
later on our exiling in 1998 November, 30.

Jack was a no nonsense and forthright person, hiding no ill-feelings
against anyone, ready and prepared to openly tell you what he thinks
of you or any other issue at hand. This is why he would never gossip,
but would prefer to openly speak about what he thinks. We attended
various meetings inside Swaziland and of all, I cant forget it when
one former Swazi journalist, who is now with the South African 2010
remarked after an SFTU workshop at the Royal Swazi sun, saying, ?this
man is very sharp where do you get him?, that was around 1997. This
was the Jack I knew.

As a key and passionate founder of the Swaziland Solidarity Network,
together with Solly Mapaila, Jack was useful in laying the foundation
for the momentum of the Swazi struggle and its international profile.
He held the reins until his departure to the US in a function held at
Thokoza, in 1998 December. Together, with Solly, they were very
instrumental in our coming and settling in South Africa, inheriting
their traditions of hard work, honesty and commitment to the cause and
only the cause.

I would not continue to narrate the stories of these two legends
without jeopardising their good history and their critical work in
pursuit of the liberation of our country. The summary of it all, was
that both were instrumental in one of the major organisation building
initiatives ever undertaken, called Operation Vulindlela, which
created a useful network of structures that were latter to benefit
operation Hlominsika (though later distorted by certain elements, who
did not understand its roots and purpose), the follow-up campaign to
deepen organisational roots for a strong and sustainable movement in
Swaziland.

They are gone, but their revolutionary and fighting spirit lives on,
their exemplary courage and outstanding cadreship attributes remain
with us, their urge and spirit of non-surrender fires our anger and
determination to continue the noble fight. To fight on is our only
fitting tribute to their heroic sacrifices!!

Bongani Masuku (International Relations Secretary)
Congress of South African Trade Unions

____________________________________

4. Mystery of SA freedom fighter bomb death. Suthentira Govender,
The Times, September 28, 2008
http://www.thetimes.co.za/PrintEdition/News/Article.aspx?id=851531

Family puzzled over former Chats MK man reported to have been killed
in Swaziland

A Chatsworth mother is grieving the death of her youngest son, a
former anti-apartheid activist who is believed to have been killed in
a bomb explosion in Swaziland last week, although she has not received
official word of his death.

Former Bayview activist Jack Govender, 37, a founding member of the
Swaziland Solidarity Network (SSN), a liberation movement, and fellow
freedom fighter Musa Dlamini, are reported to have died when a bomb
detonated in their car near one of King Mswati III?s palaces in Lozitha.

According to Swazi newspapers, authorities said the pair were
attempting to blow up a bridge in the area.

Although Govenders death has yet to be confirmed, the SSN has already
held a memorial service and posted a statement on its website stating:
It is with great sadness and anger that we learnt of the tragic
passing away of two prominent internationalists, revolutionaries and
members of the freedom struggle of Swaziland, comrades Musa MJ
Dlamini and Jack Govender aka Sipho Khumalo.

It added that Govender was a founder member of the SSN and was ?the
first one to establish contact with the progressive liberation
movement in Swaziland.

- He left South Africa in December 1998 to pursue his studies and work
in the USA, and later would travel the world. It is only befitting
that he fell in Swaziland, the land he fought so much to liberate from
royal dictatorship.

Govenders brother, Nad, said the family was devastated when they
received news of his death this week.

We didnt expect him to die this way, although we knew his
convictions and what he believed in. We thought this was in the past.
Our mother is devastated. He was the youngest.

He said the family was depending on the foreign affairs department for
assistance.

´- We don?t know whether there was foul play. Right now, we have more
questions than answers. I have spoken to Dlaminis brother, who
confirmed that they died in the bomb blast, but there has been no
official word.

In the 1980s, Govender was an activist with the Bayview youth
organisation Helping Hands and a member of the local ANC branch. He
then affiliated himself with organisations like the SA Communist Party
(SACP) and Umkhonto we Sizwe. He joined the South African Defence
Force after 1994 and left a few years ago.


- My brother left home 10 years ago. We haven?t really seen him since.
He?s travelled the world and returned sporadically to South Africa,
said Nad.

- He kept in contact with us up until about three years ago. This is
devastating news.

The foreign affairs department could not be reached for comment.

_________________________________________

5. Tight security after Swazi bombs. BBC September 26, 2008.
http://news.bbc.co.uk/go/pr/fr/-/2/hi/africa/7638133.stm

Security has been tightened in Swaziland, where authorities are
investigating a failed bomb attack near one of King Mswati III's royal
palaces.

Swazi investigators are conducting a joint probe with counterparts
from neighbouring South Africa into last Saturday's attempted bombing.

Meanwhile, a government official acknowledged there had been previous
attempted bomb attacks.

He said an opposition group had claimed responsibility for Saturday's attempt.

Two activists - one Swazi and one South African - were killed planting
the device near the capital, Mbabane, while a South African survivor
was detained.

Government spokesman Percy Simelane told the BBC's Focus on Africa
programme that the opposition People's United Democratic Movement
(Pudemo) had said it was behind the bombing.

'Failed to convince'

Authorities say they have found other bombs near railways, bridges and
roads, but Mr Simelane played down the threat from Pudemo.

"They have a following but unfortunately for them, that following is
not bigger than the number of people who are for the system," he said.

"It is simply because they have failed to convince the people that
they want to kill the people, and we do not call that democracy."

Even so, authorities have increased police presence around government
buildings in Mbabane over the last week, the BBC's Thulani Mtwethwa
reports.

The attempted bombings come amid a rise in opposition to one of the
world's last absolute monarchies.

The Swazi opposition says they are a result of people's frustrations
with a ban on political parties.

Swaziland held its first parliamentary election under a new
constitution a week ago.

On the day of the election, authorities blocked protesters who said
they wanted to shut down the border crossing between landlocked
Swaziland and South Africa.

South African unionists held protests on their side of the border in
solidarity with Swazi activists.

Some Swazis blame King Mswati III for plunging the country into
poverty and failing to tackle an Aids epidemic.

The king has been in power since 1986.

His government recently organised a lavish $12m (£6.6m) party to
celebrate the king's 40th birthday as well as the 40th anniversary of
the country's independence from Britain.


_______________________________________


6. 3000 Zheng Yong workers riot. Starsky Mkhonta. The Swazi Observer,
September 26, 2008.


Teargas and rubber bullets had to be used by police yesterday to
disperse 3000 striking workers from Zheng Yong Garment Factory who
went on rampage after they were locked out of the gate by management.

It all started at about 7am when the workers reported for work only to
find notices at the gate notifying them that the company would remain
closed with effect from September 25. The management notified the
workers that the company shall remain closed until the court makes a
ruling on the sit-in strike resolution which they took on Tuesday
afternoon.

They then went amok, chanting political songs.

Police arrived and advised them to leave but they refused. After a
second warning still the workers refuse to leave the area. Police the
fired teargas canisters. All hell broke loose.
So terrible was the situation such that passing motorists and other
innocent people were also not spared.

Police who had arrived a little earlier were also seen running for
cover, as all sorts of objects and other missiles were thrown at them.

When the workers reiterated the police called for reinforcements.

It was then that the workers went into the other nearby factories, FTM
Garment and HOs Enterprise where they forced the other workers out.

Windows were shattered as they threw missiles.

At FTM, almost all the factory shells windows were shattered and the
fence also brought down. The Zheng Yong impi proceeded to the
neighbouring HOs Enterprise where windows were also shattered.

Two vehicles owned by HOs Enterprise directors were also not spared.
It is said a car belonging to the co-directors Tommy Ho and Joe Ho
were targets and they had their windows smashed.
Police continued chasing after the rioting Zheng Yong workers. They
were chased into the forests where again they set the forest alight
and fire brigades had a hectic time putting out the huge flames.

For the better of yesterday, all the three factories were under patrol
by the police officers who kept a close eye on any stranger loitering
around. The amount of damage and loss caused as a result of the riot
were not readily available when this report was compiled.

Police Public Relations Officer Superintendent Vusi Mauku warned union
leaders to make sure that strikers do not disturb those exercising
thier right to work. He also warned against stoning police, saying
they were there to protect life and property.

__________________________________________

7. Debate on the Reed Dance. Youth Communist League YCL statements.


Statement on the alleged attack on Culture by YCL! Saturday 27 September 2008

The Young Communist League [uFasimba] wishes to reiterate its
commitment and respect for the right to cultural practices and
institutions of traditional leadership as enshrined in our constitution.

We are disturbed that our statement as it relates to the 'Reed Dance'
has been misinterpreted as a fragrant attack on cultural practices and
traditions. The YCL respects all cultural practices that respect
constitutional rights and freedom, including the Umhlanga [The Reed
Dance].

It should be noted and understood that we have raised the issue of
reed dance within the context of the continued manipulation of this
practice by some for their patriarchal and narrow sexist notions.

We are concerned that the majority of young people, particularly
working class and the poor youth are victims of such cultural
manipulation and abuse.

As the YCL we note that our statement has caused much needed public
debate and discussion. We are however adamant in our view that the
scourge of HIV/AIDS requires a holistic approach, targeted at both
girls and boys.

This also means that our school curriculum should be proactive in
dealing with the issue of HIV/AIDS, sexual intercourse and child
molestation.

As the YCL, we are prepared to engage cultural practioners and
traditional leaders on this matter.


Original Press Statement:


Heritage Day and the Reed Dance. Castro Ngobese, 24 September 2008
The Young Communist League [uFasimba] calls on all young people in
general and young women in particular to celebrate this year's
Heritage Day, 24 September 2008, in protest against the outdated 'Reed
Dances'.

This Heritage Day is taking place in the midst of young girls being
unconsciously coerced to expose or display their genitals under the
pretext of promoting outdated cultural practices such as the Reed Dance.

This practice is outdated and consists a violation to women's rights
principally because it propagates sexist notion about how "good girls"
should behave.

It is extremely biased against the female child, whereas male children
and teenagers are not subjected to such practices.

This seeks to conserve backwards notions about women's virtuousness
deriving from sexual purity and lack of autonomy over their bodies
instead of having genuine choices about sexual activity and engagements.

The practice also vilifies those that are non-virgins and judges them
as impure according to largely patriarchal standards.

These practices are particularly biased against working class and
rural poor families, women in particular for whom the prospect of
being chosen represents a material escape from the abject poverty
bestowed upon them by the patriarchal capitalist system.

It is our view as the YCL that Reed dances negate our ongoing class
and gender struggles of restoring the dignity and rights of women. As
the YCL we dedicate this year's Heritage Day to a young girl who was
raped during the Reed Dance celebrations in Northern Kwazulu- Natal.

We call on the working class and the poor to fight and abolish these
reactionary and backward cultural practices. Young girls and women
should not be chained prisoners of backwards traditions in the 21st
century.

Castro Ngobese, YCL National Spokesperson, 082 567 3557,
castro.ngobese@...

____________________________


8. Vote for women. Andrea Wilkinson, September 25, 2008.
nebusiness.co.uk:
http://blog.nebusiness.co.uk/2008/09/vote_for_women.html

Well after a long four-month process, the final results of Swaziland's
elections were announced and it seems the Vote for Women campaign has
had little success.

You may remember Tholiwe Tsela from my previous blogs. (Revisit
'Shining a Light on Swaziland Struggles to refresh your memory.)
Tholiwe was only one of 19 women out of 175 chiefdoms to make it
through to the secondary level of elections.

Still, she has been unsuccessful in her dream (and fight) to make it
as a female MP.

Unfortunately she may see this as the end of the road in her crusade
to raise awareness of HIV/AIDS and encouragement of female empowerment
across the kingdom.

You see, there has been a significant need for gender empowerment in
Swaziland for many years, and still little progress has been made.

For instance, Swaziland is currently the only Southern African country
that has not endorsed the Convention for the Elimination of all forms
of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW).

Lomcebo Dlamini from the WLSA (Women and Law in South Africa) group
states: "We currently have five women MPs out of 65 overall. It has
been reported that many women standing for election have been
threatened and intimidated.

"We are still awaiting the results of one of the constituencies to be
released this coming weekend, which could bring us up to seven."

This is still a long way off the minimum 30%.

Of course, the election system simply scratches the surface of the
inequalities between men and women.

Women are at a significant disadvantage in daily living overall.

The female illiteracy rate is high because of the traditional belief
that women belong in the home.
And despite the government taking measures to meet the 30% female
representation in parliament, women's participation is sometimes
viewed as a token gesture rather than a sign of their credibility.

The truth is, women have very little power or status in Swazi society.
How can they when they are unable to own their own house or access
credit?

Even more unimaginable is that they are still subject to traditional
customary practises such as widow inheritance (where if a woman's
husband dies, she is 'inherited' by his brother or another male family
member.)

Even if we take gender equality out of the equation, it is still very
hard, if nigh on impossible, to state that these were free and fair
elections.

For a start, political parties were not permitted to contest the
current state of affairs.

This restriction - as stated by the Pan African Parliament - places
infringements on the rights of those people wanting to take part in
elections and is nowhere near any type of democracy.

It is paramount that Swazi Law and customs should be subject to
standards as in any lawful society.

Some would say this should include abolishing customary practices that
undermine the dignity of women, which many believe may be found in the
darker, more serious side to the Annual Reed Dance.

Diane Mariechild said: "A woman is the full circle. Within her is the
power to create, nurture and transform."

This should be recognised throughout the world, because surely all
women should have the right to live in dignity, in freedom from want
and freedom from fear.

_________________________

9. Reforms long overdue. Terence Corrigan, allAfrica.com. 23 September 2008.


Swaziland?s parliamentary elections have underlined the dire and
longstanding problems that confront the small southern African nation.
The country needs seriously to reconsider its political arrangements
if it is to deal with the challenges it faces.

Voting in the nation of a little more than one million people went
ahead smoothly - in a technical sense - last Friday. But the country
cannot be called a democracy; it is an absolute monarchy in which
parties are banned and candidates must stand as individuals. The
country constitution is quite explicit on this: the king - currently
Mswati III - is immune from suit or legal process in any case in
respect of all things done or omitted to be done by him. This is not
unique for a monarch but in Swaziland the king has a direct role in
governance, so the provision severely abridges his accountability.

Severe socio-economic difficulties plague the country, including
widespread hunger resulting from prolonged drought. According to the
United Nations Development Programme, about 48 percent of the
population live on less than U.S. $1 a day, while 78 percent live on
less than $2 a day. (Some figures suggest the situation is even worse
- the Swaziland Household Income and Expenditure Survey for 2000/2001
estimated that nearly 70 percent were living on less that $1 a day.)

Swazilands formal economy depends on agriculture (sugar, fruit and
lumber), some manufacturing and mining. But some 80 percent of Swazis
depend on subsistence agriculture and if agricultural problems persist
due to climate change, the whole economic base will need to be
rethought. The economy also leans on revenue from the Southern African
Customs Union, but the International Monetary Fund notes that the
government has not used this optimally. Nor can the revenue be
guaranteed if neighbouring South African economy takes a downturn.

Social services are stretched and many skilled people are leaving.
More than 25 percent of Swazis between 15 and 49 are HIV-positive.
Swaziland is literally dying, says Dr Richard Rooney, formerly of
the University of Swaziland and a prominent commentator. Average life
expectancy is not much more than 30 years. There is a high level of
complacency among the government about AIDS and its economic impact.

Meanwhile, the king and his family network are enormously wealthy,
financed both from state coffers and by assets held - in trust - for the
nation. These funds have provided the royals with a first-class
standard of living. Recently some of the king?s wives, children and
attendants went on a shopping trip to the Middle East to prepare for
the joint celebrations of his 40th birthday and the anniversary of
Swaziland independence from Britain in 1968.

This lifestyle has generated resentment. Opposition has tended to come
from organised labour. Opposition political movements such as the
Peoples United Democratic Movement (Pudemo) and the Swaziland Youth
Congress do exist, but operate underground or from exile. There is
repression - not of the violent kind practiced in Zimbabwe - but
experienced rather as harassment, accompanied by the fear that courts
might not offer protection (although at times they have).

So far, the opposition has favoured non-violent strategies to bring
about change, although there have been some instances of violence and
there are reports - the credibility of which is uncertain - that
opposition groups might consider resorting to violence.

However, it is difficult to gauge what Swazis truly feel about the
monarchy. The country is heavily rural, and most rural people depend
for land and therefore their livelihoods on chiefs who are answerable
to the king. The society is a deeply traditional one, and throughout
history people have venerated their monarchs as rulers ordained by
God, fathers and protectors of the nation and custodians of culture.
Swazi royalists have played on this, to the extent that clergy who
support them have condemned democracy as anti-Christian. But the
mystique is fraying: for example, women demonstrated against the
recent royal shopping trip, saying the money should have been used for
anti-retroviral drugs.

Swazilands low international profile means its problems receive
little exposure and its opposition little support, with the notable
exception of the backing which unions of the Congress of South African
Trade Unions give to their Swazi counterparts. In August,
demonstrators at the Southern African Development Community (SADC)
summit protested at conditions in Swaziland as well as at repression
in Zimbabwe.

Richard Rooney suggests that the kingdom will economically grind to a
halt within five years. If Swaziland is to survive as a viable state
in the longer term, reform is overdue. Swaziland may never be a great
economic power but it could work towards a future built on human
capital something along the lines of Singapore or Switzerland. This
will not be easy but it can be done if the country focuses on
education and state efficiency.

To achieve such a goal, Swaziland institutions would need
significant reform. Personalised rule does not create the strong
institutions necessary for a durable constitutional state. But even if
the monarchy were displaced, there is no guarantee of a successful
transition. Institutions take time to build and to mature.

Reforms could happen with the monarch?s cooperation. Constitutional
orders have been established in other societies in Africa where
traditional leadership is strong and where its coexistence with modern
rule poses a challenge. In countries like Benin, people approach
traditional authorities to deal with matters when formal state
institutions cannot do so expeditiously, although the system does have
problems. In Ghana, chieftaincy is constitutionally protected although
chiefs may not participate in active politics. Botswana accords chiefs
considerable powers. Lesotho has a respected king presiding as a
constitutional monarch. South African chiefs fit untidily into the
constitutional order, some being active in political parties, having
their own assembly and retaining significant powers in traditional law.

These are experiences worth exploring as possible models - or
considerations - for Swazilands future. This will be in Mswatis own
interest: throughout history, loyalties to kings have broken down
before harsh realities or when subjects demanded the rights and
freedoms that their counterparts elsewhere enjoyed. Todays surviving
monarchies are those that compromised.

Right now, Swazilands royal order faces no imminent threat, internal
or external. If Mswati does not seize the opening he still has to
initiate reform - albeit at the cost of some of his own power - the
alternative is likely to be a gradual crumbling of the country,
sometimes violently, which will bring a disorder that will inexorably
creep towards the doors of the palace.

Terence Corrigan is a researcher and seminar facilitator at the South
African Institute of International Affairs in Johannesburg, South
Africa.
__________________________________________

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