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CONGRESS OF SOUTH AFRICAN TRADE UNIONS
Draft REPORT OF THE COSATU FACT-FINDING MISSION TO SWAZILAND
BACKGROUND AND CONTEXT
The fact-finding mission took place against a background of a 2005 CEC
decision to send a delegation that will establish facts around the
disunity within the Swaziland trade union movement that have had an infect
of weakening the struggle for worker rights and democracy. The mission was
motivated by disturbing developments in Swaziland that included the
suspension of three unions from the SFTU, the holding of what was
perceived by others as a secret SFTU congress on the 16-18 August 2005, to
which COSATU was also not invited, and decreasing support for mass
activities organised by the SFTU.
A delegation was constituted by the COSATU leadership. Invitations were
also extended to affiliates that have extensive relationships with
counterpart unions in Swaziland. These are SATAWU, NEHAWU, NUMSA and
SADTU. All except SATAWU joined the delegation. The COSATU delegation was
thus constituted by our first Deputy President, our General Secretary, and
NOBs and officials from our affiliates SATAWU, NUMSA, NEHAWU and COSATU.
We attach the list of participants as Annexure 1.
This report provides a summary of the meetings held by the mission.

1 First Meeting with the SFTU Office Bearers
The SFTU delegation included its President, First Vice President, General
Secretary and Deputy General Secretary.
The SFTU President welcomed the COSATU delegation and expressed the SFTU’s
readiness to enter into dialogue. He noted a concern that the visit has
not been communicated earlier to the SFTU, which was not fully briefed of
its purpose.
The COSATU General Secretary pointed out that COSATU had communicated the
purpose and dates of its visit in writing, and had also outlined the
organisations that it would like to meet. The COSATU International
Relations Secretary had spoken to the SFTU Secretary General, who had
confirmed receipt of the letter and discussed related issues. At no stage
had COSATU received any indication that the SFTU was not comfortable about
the visit.
The SFTU National Office Bearers then requested a caucus which lasted for
more than half an hour. The SFTU NOBs thereafter confirmed that they had
received the letter and were happy that the meeting proceed.
The COSATU First Deputy President outlined the purpose of the fact finding
mission and requested a briefing on the following issues.

· The recent disaffiliation or suspension of three affiliates from the
SFTU, and the consequences for the unity and cohesion of the SFTU and the
trade union movement, including membership figures.

· The holding of separate May Day events in 2005

· The unsuccessful mass mobilisation in recent months and how this might
have been affected by the recent disaffiliation or suspensions

· The relationship with broader civil society and with political formations

· The recent congress and matters surrounding the former president, Cde
Afrika Magongo.

· SFTU’s view of and relationship with the newly established Swaziland
Workers Forum

The SFTU Secretary General provided the following briefing.
STAWU, SNA and SNACS were suspended for failure to pay subscriptions for
several years, although they have not disaffiliated. They were suspended
by the NGC in October 2004 for failure to pay their subscriptions for a
‘very, very, very long time.’ STAWU last paid in 2002; SNA last paid in
1999; and SNACS last paid in 2003.
The unions only raised issues concerning their suspension in 2005. They
alleged funds were embezzled in the SFTU. Auditors hired to probe their
allegations gave the SFTU a clean bill. Disturbingly, however, these
unfounded allegations were made in public.
The unions then went to court to challenge their suspension. The SFTU
learnt on the radio about the court application rushed to court. After
conversation between the lawyers all agreed that the case be dropped.
Despite this agreement, the suspended unions interdicted the NGC demanding
representation to the NGC even though they were suspended. The SFTU was
forced to also seek an interdict against them sitting in its meetings.
The SFTU EXCO was at this stage divided into two camps. Some members had
agreed to be witnesses, viz. Zodwa Mkhonta, the then Deputy Secretary
General, Dumisile Mavuso, the Deputy Treasurer and Frank Mncina from the
Amalgamated Union.
In this context, the NGC met and decided to move towards a National
Congress and to meet every fortnight.
On the eve of the SFTU National Congress, STAWU and SNACS again approached
the court. The hearing in court took place on the second day of the SFTU
congress.
The court ordered that the two unions had no legal right to interdict the
SFTU National Congress and ordered them to pay subscriptions and attend
the National Congress. On this basis, it ordered that they could ask for
postponement of the National Congress.
The two unions made no payments as ordered by the court. Late in the
afternoon, two days after the National Congress began; they wrote a letter
offering one month’s payment of the subscriptions. Congress rejected this
and the two unions have thus far not yet paid subscriptions.
Despite this situation, the unions have continued to raise their
allegations against the SFTU in the media. There were two May Day rallies.
PUDEMO played a role in deepening divisions. The workers’ forum became a
vehicle to cause divisions, pushed by the three suspended unions. The
workers’ forum was used to try and influence the outcome of the National
Congress
SFTU membership has been affected by the failure to pay subscriptions. The
NOBs estimated the membership at around 12 000.

2 Meeting with SNACS

2.1 Background
SNACS is a public sector union organising state workers. It is the largest
affiliate of the SFTU with membership of 6000. SNACS enjoys close
relationships with NEHAWU and has participated in many COSATU Education
activities in the past.
The delegation of SNACS included the GS, the DGS, the National Treasurer,
the chairperson of the gender committee, the secretary of the women’s
committee, the national organising secretary, the legal officer and an
administrator.
Summary of the issues raised by SNACS
SNACS has long been concerned about the functioning of the SFTU. The SFTU
has not had minutes for its meetings or audited financial statements for
some years.
The Secretary General keeps three different versions of the SFTU
constitution with each copy used to serve a particular political purpose.
The Secretary General unilaterally announces programmes on the television
that have not been discussed by the structures of the federation. This
unilateralism included the GS’s submission to the committee drafting the
new constitution unilaterally established by the King Mswati.
Another concern for SNACS is the alliance between the SFTU Secretary
General and a coalition of business people, with the result that any
industrial action is stopped without any gains for workers.
As early as 2001 SNACS challenged the running of the federation, and in
particular the absence of democratic principles, financial accountability
and expenditure reports and audited statements. A commission was set up to
investigate these concerns but the SFTU leadership refused to cooperate.
The 2001 NGC called for a commission on financial accountability. The SFTU
Secretary General refused to cooperate or answer questions. Despite this
SNACS continued to pay subscriptions.
Attempts to democratise the SFTU failed. This included opening a
discussion between the SFTU leaders in February 2004.

The position of Afrika Magongo
SNACS leaders attended the 2003 October General Council at which Magongo
is said to have resigned. He informed the General council that he had been
offered a scholarship to study in the UK. He referred to the role that
would be played by the Deputy President, Elliot Mkhatshwa during his
absence. He challenged the general council to continue with the process of
transforming the SFTU. This never amounted to a resignation.

The suspension
SNACS argues that the suspension was unlawful in terms of the SFTU’s
constitution.
SNACS was suspended for not paying subscriptions, even though there is no
provision allowing for suspension in the SFTU constitution. The unions
decided to withhold subscriptions when the SFTU did not attend to their
concerns.
The NEC that suspended the three unions did not form a quorum. In fact,
the NEC has not quorated since before 2003. Moreover, there must be an
opportunity to appeal to Congress, which was denied to the suspended
unions.
In fact, the NEC has been non functional since October 2003. Since neither
the NEC nor the General Council was quorate, the SFTU Secretary General is
the one that suspended the three unions.
Surprisingly, the suspension applied to unions but not individual members
of the NEC. The SFTU 1st Vice President, Elliot Mkhatshwa came from SNACS
which is suspended but was allowed to retain his position even though his
union was suspended.

Developments since the suspension
In June 2005, SNACS approached the courts which ordered that a properly
constituted NEC meeting be convened which in turn would convene a properly
constituted NGC.
An out-of-court settlement was reached agreeing to urgently calling a
properly constituted NEC meeting to set a date for a properly constituted
General Council meeting. This agreement was signed by the parties and
subsequently made an order of court.
The court papers were served on Africa Magongo as SFTU President, because
that is required by the Constitution.
As ordered by the court, the NEC meeting did take place on 30 June 2005,
but it did not form a quorum. The meeting was adjourned formally to 13
July.
Thereafter, the SFTU SG refused to co-sign the agreement to adjourn to
July. Instead, on 16 July, the SFTU interdicted the three unions from
interfering with SFTU affairs. This interdict was later withdrawn.
The three unions only found out about the SFTU National Congress two days
before it was to be held in August 2005. They therefore sought a court
interdict to stop the congress from continuing. The court ruling was in
favour of the three unions.
Nonetheless, the Congress went ahead. In these circumstances, the legality
of the new leadership is in question. As such, the new SFTU leadership
cannot represent workers in statutory bodies.
From a legal perspective, the SFTU is no longer a federation, given its
much reduced membership and the fact that now it is only made up of small
unaudited union branches.

Conclusions and way forward
The SNACS delegation argued that the SFTU is no longer worker controlled -
it is undemocratic and has lost its way. As far the union is concerned,
there is now no legal institution called SFTU.
The SFTU leadership clandestinely organised a National Congress which the
SNACS learnt about on the last minute and challenged successfully in
court. Despite this court order, the SFTU continued to elect new officers.
The delegation argued that the SFTU is not a vehicle to promote trade
unionism. It is dead and has no membership, with only two affiliates left.
SNACS remains committed to one country - one federation. The question is
whether the SFTU can be redirected.
SATUCC, COSATU and DITSELA education support should continue as it has
benefited many unionists from Swaziland.
SNACS has committed funds to assisting other unions in Swaziland.

3 Meeting with STAWU
STAWU organises in the transport sector. It has a membership of about 2000
but has suffered from massive retrenchments. SATAWU works closely with the
union and has exchanged organising and education resources. STAWU has
attended COSATU schools and more recently Ditsela and SATUCC
capacity-building programmes.
STAWU argued it stopped paying subscription fees for 36 months because of
the lack of unaccountability of SFTU leadership combined with heavy
retrenchments in transport. The suspension followed when STAWU demanded
accountability in the NEC.
The NEC was not quorate, however, and the issue of subs was only used as a
pretext. All three unions had paid affiliation fees. Under the
Constitution, that meant they cannot be suspended.
STAWU says no audit took place. Despite continual requests, the SFTU
leadership refused to meet with them.
SFTU rules require that the affiliates be notified three months in advance
if a congress is to take place. This was not done.
The three suspended unions have met to consider a way forward. The options
are to establish a new federation that would join the SFL later, or
re-join the SFTU. The unions are discussing these matters internally, but
in any case will not return to SFTU until it produces financial
statements. STAWU has formally resolved to pursue the first option
As of April 2005, the unions owed the following amounts:
STAWU - R208 000
SNACS - R240 000
SNA - R 96 000
According to STAWU, Afrika Magongo never resigned but took up a
scholarship and informed the affiliates about it. It was understood that
in his absence, the Deputy President Elliot Mkhatshwa would act.

4 Meeting with SNA
The SNA has 2000 members.
Differences with the SFTU have persisted for some time, centred on the
inability of the SFTU to account for affiliates’ subscription fees. SNA
has been raising these issues with the federation for many years.
There are political problems as well, with some leaders seen as supporting
the government and others fighting it. There is a need to link the
workplace struggle to broader national struggle.
Unlike SNACS and STAWU, the SNA was not suspended as it was still paying
the monthly subscription despite its unhappiness. However, the SNA
supports the concerns registered by the suspended unions. For this reason,
they joined the suspended unions in the several court cases since 20003.
The SNA believes that the suspensions happened because the SFTU leadership
wanted to get rid of its critics. Moreover, they have heard that the Swazi
government was involved. They also feel that Afrika Magongo was unfairly
pushed out.
The SNA is, however, unhappy that SNACS is poaching its members, on the
grounds that they are all public servants. In addition, they have had
difficulty co-ordinating with SNACS in engaging with the state as
employer.
In the SNA’s view, the SFTU is weak and lacks unity and internal
democracy. It lacks clear policies and procedures especially with regards
to finances.
The SNA recommended that all the affected affiliates should go back to the
SFTU and fight to transform the SFTU from within. This requires that the
SFTU opens the space by respecting the court order to allow the unions an
opportunity to participate.

5 Meeting with PUDEMO and SWAYOCO
PUDEMO was represented by the President, General Secretary, Assistant
General Secretary, the Treasurer, the Women’s Secretary and the Organising
Secretary. SWAYCO was represented by its President, the Deputy President
and other office bearers as well as the students’ union.
PUDEMO welcomed the fact-finding mission. It continues to value its
long-standing relationship with COSATU, which was forged in the struggle
for liberation. It recognizes COSATU’s support for Swazi activists.
Regarding the problems facing the trade union movement, PUDEMO stressed
its commitment to an independent and united trade union movement. PUDEMO
had worked hard to spearhead democratic trade unionism in Swaziland\d.
However, PUDEMO was concerned at the absence of internal democracy and
transparency within the SFTU. More concerning, is also the perceived
targeting of unionists who belong to PUDEMO and allegations that PUDEMO
was behind any disunity within the trade union movement. PUDEMO would not
do anything to weaken the trade union movement from where its own
membership comes.
PUDEMO sees the union movement as the only institution in Swaziland with
some political space. A concern is that the SG of the SFTU wants to form a
labour party with support from certain European sources.
PUDEMO argued that the SFTU exists only in name, since all the major
unions are no longer keen. That is why the SFL came into being.
PUDEMO was pleased with COSATU’S fact-finding mission to the trade union
movement in Swaziland. This intervention was long overdue.
SWAYCO stated that it was getting impatient with the way the SFTU was
being led. Most SWAYOCO members are workers and are a critical voice
within the SFTU. The undemocratic SFTU leadership has targeted some of its
leaders. They feel that time has come for immediate and resolute action to
be taken.

6 Meeting with SNAT
SNAT is a teachers’ union having a relationship with the COSATU affiliate
SADTU. It claims 8000 membership from a workforce of 10 000. It is not
affiliated to either of the two federations (SFTU or SFL). The delegation
of the SNAT included its President and General Secretary.
SNAT participates in the SFTU activities even though not an affiliate. It
has considered affiliating to the SFTU but has not taken a decision. The
union wants to keep its identity and independent profile. The divisions in
the SFTU have not helped the cause of those who want the SNAT to affiliate
to the SFTU.
It understands that there are two factions in the SFTU, one is opposed to
Jan’s leadership and style, while the other faction is led by Jan himself.
Both factions claim to be very close to COSATU. Divisions in the SFTU are
also political. SFL is perceived to be close to the government, whist the
SFTU is perceived to be radical and militant. All divisions are not about
labour related matters. The SNAT has developed a discussion paper on
unity, where it is arguing for the creation of a single federation. The
formation of a third federation will compound the problem.

7 Meeting with Swaziland Amalgamated Trade Unions (SATU)
SATU is a product of an amalgamation of different unions. It works closely
with NUMSA. The International Metalworkers Federation (IMF), a global
union federation to which SATU is affiliated, sponsored the merger
process, with considerable support from NUMSA.
SATU argues that the SFTU has consistently targeted it, including making
efforts to split the union, to prevent it from registering with the
Department of Labour, and to end recognition by employers.
When the amalgamation process started in 1998, the SFTU was initially
behind the process. At a certain stage, however, the SFTU SG showed
unhappiness with the process, including the role of NUMSA/IMF.
SATU representatives cited various efforts by the SFTU and in particular
its GS to sabotage the meeting. These included efforts to stop the
founding congress. The Department of Labour initially refused to register
the new union, citing pressure from SFTU SG who had informed the
department that a banned political party had aided the launch of the new
unions. It only relented after an intervention by SNACS.
Meanwhile attempts to work with the SFTU proved futile, with persistent
allegations that the unions were aided by PUDEMO. Shopstewards also found
a letter written from the SFTU to Maloma Colliery urging them to end
recognition of SATU. After a successful strike action, SATU managed to
retain its position. Other companies were also targeted, including
pressure on shopstewards to write letters to the SATU leadership pulling
out from the new union. The SFTU is continuing with these activities.
SATU stopped paying its subscriptions when the SFTU’s Danish funders began
to urge its members to split back into their old unions. After SATU
supported the court challenge, SATU leaders were physically threatened
when they attended what was supposed to be an NEC meeting.
SATU argued that the leadership of the SFTU must be pressured to allow all
suspended unions to become part of the SFTU. Alternatively the current
federation of the leadership has to be isolated and the foreign funding
has to be stopped. Establishing another federation will not solve anything
We also need an organisational redesign of the SFTU.

8 Meeting with the Swaziland Federation of Labour
The SFL was represented by its General Secretary, Deputy President, DGS
and Treasurer.
Led by the banking union, five unions broke away from the SFTU in 1994 to
form the SFL. Their main reasons for the breakaway were cited as lack of
internal democracy and financial accountability. They claim a membership
of 12 000 today.
The SFL does not take an overt political stance or support mass protests,
but feels its members have played a critical role. The SFL works with the
Swaziland concerned civic organisations, in which labour, employers and
civil society are represented.
The SFL and SFTU co-operate on labour relations matters, but on little
else. There is no discussion about a merger, and they compete intensively
for members. The SAFTU blocked the SFL application to SATUCC, OATUU and
the ICFTU by claiming it is a government-sponsored organisation.
The SFL says the SFTU is a one-man show, with virtually no accountability.
At the SFTU Congress, SAPWU – the GS’s union - gives an inflated
membership so as to outvote everyone, since there are no membership
audits.
The SFL’s view is that the reasons that led to their disaffiliation from
the SFTU persist. The holding of the recent secret congress is a case in
point. Till this day the SFTU Secretary General hardly comes to a labour
federations meeting with more than three delegates. Often he brings along
non-executive unionists, such as his driver, to high-level meetings. It is
the view of the SFL between 1993-2000, the SFTU held sway over the masses.
Today, this is not the case.
Any intervention or mediation in Swaziland must attend to concerns that
led to the formation of the SFL. A merger may be difficult at this stage,
as SFL members do not support it, but would not be ruled out if there was
an honest broker and if the obstacles mentioned above have been removed.
In the meantime, we should ask both federations to respect one another
even at international levels. The idea of a third federation is
unfortunate and will not serve Swaziland workers better.

9 Meeting with former SFTU leadership
The COSATU mission met with three comrades who served on the previous
National Executive Committee. They all supported the court challenge
against the SFTU. They also were not invited to the recent SFTU congress.
These comrades were; Africa Magongo, the former President of the SFTU;
Zodwa Mkhonta, the former Assistant GS; and Dumisile Mavuso, the former
Deputy Treasurer.
Africa Magongo was elected in 2001 as President of the SFTU.
The last SFTU meeting that Magongo attended was a chaotic General Council.
He announced that he was taking up a scholarship overseas, and indicated
that he was leaving the reigns temporarily with the SFTU Vice President
Elliot Mkhatshwa. Upon return from the UK, he learnt that he was said to
have resigned. Attempts to discuss with the SFTU Secretary General were
unsuccessful.
He felt that the way the SFTU was run greatly compromises his personal
values and principles. Magongo particularly noted the absence of
collective leadership whereby the SG would not involve other members of
the executive in the activities of the federation, alleging that they were
unavailable for meetings and cancelling meetings without consulting the
President. In fact, the SFTU’s administrative secretary would be ordered
by the SG not to contact some elected leaders for meetings. The GS engaged
in activities and trips without mandates or report back.
He encountered problems over financial management. The SFTU Treasurer and
SFTU SG were at loggerheads because the SG undertook transactions behind
the back of the Treasurer, in particular setting up financial arrangements
outside of Swaziland without briefing anyone. He did not account to or
inform the President. Whenever it suited the agenda of the SG he would
exclude his own deputy and the second deputy treasurer from the NEC
because they were critical of these underhand operations. The SFTU has not
had a financial statement since 1999.
Affiliate subscriptions were sometimes directed to an account other than
of the federation. The treasurer could not act because she was already at
loggerheads with the SFTU SG. The SFTU SG had free access to the union
monies and account even without the other signatories.
The GS engaged in a malicious campaign against Magongo, with allegations
that the President was on a PUDEMO-inspired campaign to destroy him. He
told NEC members, who in turn told Magongo, that Magongo was a PUDEMO
agent and government spy seeking to destabilise the SFTU. The SG saw
Magongo as being too close to PUDEMO which he hates like poison. Magongo
also questioned the role of ICFTU AFRO’s GS Andrew Kailembo in Swaziland.
Particular problems arose around the formation of SATU, which the SFTU GS
opposed. In contrast, Magongo supported it in line with NEC decisions. The
SG attempted to sabotage SATU merger because he believed that it was
PUDEMO inspired.
Magongo disputed the SG’s account that he had resigned in order to study
in London. It was true he had written an article saying that workers
should not hero worship their leaders, but the article was written while
he was in Swaziland, in response to public statements by the SG that he
had resigned. He did not attack the SFTU on the radio.
This group claimed that the SFL now has larger membership than the SFTU,
and SNACS – the SFTU’s largest affiliate – now plays the role of the
Federation. The agricultural and transport unions are meeting with others
to discuss formation of a new federation. The SFTU Congress was attended
by only 51 delegates.
The GS abused his access to the ILC meeting in Geneva, failing to present
the situation facing the trade union movement in Swaziland.
When Magongo received the court order application from the three suspended
unions, he contacted SFTU Secretary General. After meeting each other in
court, an agreement was made to discuss the alleged resignation
After failing to get a debate among the NEC delegates about lack of
internal democracy, the former president wrote and circulated a discussion
document to affiliates and later to the media.
These former leaders do not support the formation of a third federation.
The urgent task is to rebuild the SFTU and restore its founding values of
internal democracy, one country - one federation.

10 Final Meeting with the Swaziland Federation of Trade Unions (SFTU)
At a final meeting with the SFTU, the COSATU mission aimed to provide
initial assessments of the challenges raised, give feedback to the SFTU
leadership, and explain the post-mission process.
COSATU informed the SFTU that it would draft a report that would be tabled
at the COSATU CEC in November 2005. After discussion in the COSATU CEC, a
report would be issued to the SFTU and other parties.

10.1 COSATU input
The COSATU delegation we have characterised the problem as follows.
There is a crisis of disunity
This has a longer history, manifested in the formation of SFL. This
federation left the SFTU with a membership of 5000 and now boasts 12 000
members.
The suspension of the three unions is another manifestation of disunity.
The three unions are about to decide whether to establish the third
federation, with a least one of them having taken a formal position in
support. A third manifestation is that there appears to be divisions among
the remaining unions in the SFTU.
Still on unity, the perceived conflation of Jan Sithole and the SFTU,
countless allegations about the leadership style are raised against the
SFTU Secretary General. All those that were met believed that the SFTU is
run as a one-man show.
Other charges include corruption and that he is aspiring towards political
office, which supposedly explains his stance against the liberation
movement in Swaziland.
Endless court battles are another manifestation of disunity. The refusal
by the SFTU to comply with some of these orders compounds the problem.
All these serve to further fragment the trade union movement in Swaziland.
Like elsewhere, this fragmentation has weakened the voice of workers.
Although there is dispute over membership figures there is a massive
decline in the SFTU membership.
Political currents
While there exists a perception that the SFTU is militant whilst the SFL
is pro government, these perceptions are disputed by the SFL who claims
that most participants in mass protests have been SFL members.
Within the SFTU itself, there are political currents divided along the
lines of those that hold membership of PUDEMO and those that are not. The
Secretary General is also accused of using people’s membership to PUDEMO
as a basis to isolate them. In fact, the SFTU Secretary General is accused
of harbouring ambitions to form a labour party, much like Chiluba in
Zambia or Ben Ulenga in Namibia.
Possible Way Forward
1. Compile a report but without any action on COSATU’s part
2. Discouraging the formation of the third federation. This goes hand in
hand with addressing the concerns which form the basis for a third
federation
3. Possible merger of the SFTU and SFL. Whilst most parties may support
this idea, they stressed that a precondition for the merger will have to
be the resolution of the problems that led to the disaffiliation of unions
that later went on to join the SFL.
The following constitutes possible options for the way forward
1. A formal commission of inquiry
2. Launching more court challenges which will serve to nullify the recent
congress
3. Embark on a major organisational renewal. This means starting afresh as
if the organisation is starting anew, reviewing every organisational policy
4. A forensic audit to test the allegations to prove/disprove the
allegations that:
a. There was a misuse of donor funds
b. The SFTU Secretary General has access to the federation accounts in the
bank
5. The planned outcome would be a merger of all independent unions and
federations into one federation.


10.2 Initial comments by the SFTU Office Bearers
SFTU expressed reservations about the process followed by COSATU in
embarking on a fact-finding mission. The fact-finding mission was one
sided in that only the aggrieved unions were met and no other affiliates
of the SFTU were met. SFTU only went along with this idea in the spirit of
solidarity
The SFTU will await the report and reflect. The SFTU requested that
confidentiality of the report be observed. The SFTU would like to know if
it could receive the copy of the report that would be presented to the
COSATU CEC.
The SFTU expressed shock at the some of the allegations raised by some of
the groups met by COSATU. These include the circumstances surrounding the
break away of the SFL.
Meeting agreed to issue a joint statement. COSATU was asked to request all
parties met to treat all discussions in the strictest confidentiality.


22-23 SEPTEMBER 2005

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