Swaziland@Newsletter 69
Published by Africa Contact (Denmark)
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__________________________________
Dear friends,
At the heart of democracy is that the will of the people be freely
expressed. Should they call for a change of government then that
decision must be respected.
This is to quote a statement of Swazi Civil Society which on one level
refers to the crisis in Zimbabwe. A statement that is relevant - but
not only for Zimbabwe.
There, too, power has become divorced from not only the will of the
people but from reality itself.
The action of government is fundamentally undermining the nature of
elections and democracy. It sets the precedent that power lies not
with the people but with "leaders backed by armed militias".
It is the people and they alone who are the only legitimate force for
peace. And not only for peace. But also for democracy, for human
rights and for a better future.
In Zimbabwe. And at home in Swaziland.
Yours sincerely
Editor
Swaziland@Newsletter
__________________________________
1. Swazi Civil Society urges SADC Peace and Security Troika to
robustly defend democracy, peace and justice in Zimbabwe. 25 June 2008.
2. Swaziland and the Zimbabwe summit. Swazi media Commentary 27 June 2008.
3. Pray for our country - King asks Zion Christian Church. Thulani
Ndwandwe. The Swazi Observer. June 23, 2008.
4. Swaziland sways to ZCC song. Sowetan, 24 June 2008.
http://www.sowetan.co.za
5. Mandela Fund Youth Parliament sitting. The Swazi Observer. June 23, 2008.
6. Swazi radio and censorship. Swazi Media Commentary 24 June 2008.
www.swazimedia.blogspot.com
7. Tackling low condom use dramatically. IRIN/Plus News 20 June, 2008.
8. Heavy hail storm. Summary of report. International Federation of
Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies (IFRC), 24 June 2008.
__________________________________
1. Swazi Civil Society urges SADC Peace and Security Troika to
robustly defend democracy, peace and justice in Zimbabwe. 25 June 2008.
Swaziland Coalition of Concerned Civic Organisations welcomes the
timely intervention of His Majesty King Mswati III in hosting and
facilitating the Southern African Development Community?s Peace and
Security Troika in what we feel to be SADCs most challenging
political hour. The time for strong leadership has arrived and we
hope that SADC will not be found wanting yet again.
As the crisis in Zimbabwe moves from the economic to the political and
from the national to the regional levels the situation now threatens
to engulf all of SADC. The 86 confirmed deaths of MDC supporters and
activists and the over 1000 confirmed hospitalisations are but the tip
of the iceberg of horror that is being repeatedly confirmed by
multiple independent and respected sources. We concur with the
statement of the Zimbabwean Congress of Trade Unions when they call
the 27 June charade (we cannot call it an election) a declaration of
war on the proud people of Zimbabwe by ZANU-PF and their henchmen
aided and abetted by the state security forces.
At the heart of democracy is that the will of the people be freely
expressed. Should they call for a change of government then that
decision must be respected and the handover peaceful.
Swazi Civil Society notes Robert Mugabes, the party and supporters
actions show that he and they have become divorced from not only the
will of the people but from reality itself.
- Statements that only God can remove him now and asking how can a
simple cross on a piece of paper take away the power of the gun show
the extent of his distance from democracy.
- People are being forced to attend political rallies failure of which
they are being beaten up;
- Deployment and sprouting of several bases led by the ruling party
militia that are harassing and perpetrating violence;
- The usual polling officers, that is teachers and other civil
servants, have been sidelined in the running of elections in favour of
ruling party supporters;
-Thousands of people have been displaced through political violence
and thereby unable to vote;
We urge SADC to reaffirm the primacy of the ballot box as the only
method of selection of governments. We also urge the Troika to
consider Section 30 of the Constitutive Act of the African Union
states: Governments which shall come to power through
unconstitutional means shall not be allowed to participate in the
activities of the Union. It is clear that Mugabe and his supporters
actions have violated the Act and the constitution and he is no longer
the legitimate leader of Zimbabwe.
The real lesson of the Kenyan elections is that those who are prepared
to use militias, violence, and the threat of violence to back up their
political positions will be able to circumvent democracy and will
receive international support in doing so in the name of peace and
political expediency. Mugabe has learned this lesson well. Temporary
peace founded without a base of justice and democracy can only ever be
at best a stop-gap to allow these foundations to be put in place.
Swazi Civil Society is extremely worried that these politically
expedient moves are fundamentally undermining the nature of elections
and democracy on the continent and setting the precedent for all
governments that power lies not with the people but with leaders
backed by armed militias.
Swazi Civil Society calls on the SADC Peace and Security Council
Troika to do the following.
- Not to recognise the Zimbabwean Election Commission declaration of
Mugabe as president after 29 June as being valid or constitutional.
- Set up a Civilian Protection Force made up of representatives from
SADC and the AU and wider that will immediately restore order and the
rule of law to all areas of Zimbabwe. The internal security forces of
the Zimbabwe are politicised and compromised in terms of previous
actions and the trust of the people and cannot be a legitimate force
for peace.
- Institute an inclusive mediation process that will set up the means
to free, fair and peaceful elections. We respect the efforts of
President Mbeki but it is obvious that it is time for someone who has
more distance from the parties to act as the mediator. The elections
should ideally be held before the end of the year.
- To put in place an interim authority that will reflect the will of
the people as expressed in the poll of 29 March to oversee the running
of the country in the meantime and the regularization of the economy.
- That a process of atonement that fully respects the rights of
victims of politically instituted violence and repression be instituted.
SWAZILAND COALITION OF CONCERNED CIVIC ORGANISATIONS is a non partisan
civil society body that represents the main groupings and
organisations in Swaziland. It consists of organisations that
represent the Trade Unions, Employers, Churches, Media, NGOs Lawyers,
Women and Youth Groups.
___________________________
2. Swaziland and the Zimbabwe summit. Swazi media Commentary 27 June 2008.
It was rather strange to see Swaziland capital city Mbabane at the
centre of international media attention on Wednesday.
Journalists from print and broadcast media were out in force, and the
BBC reported live from Mbabane throughout the day (25 June 2008).
They were not interested in Swaziland, of course. The international
media rarely are. They were in town to cover the so-called SADC Organ
Troika Summit. It sounds like some kind of musical event, but actually
it was an international meeting of Southern African Development
Community (SADC) members to discuss the worsening elections crisis in
Zimbabwe.
Swaziland King Mswati III is deputy chair of the Organ and it was
in this capacity that that he hosted the summit.
Not surprisingly, the Swaziland media went to town on the summit,
emphasising the role the king had in the one-day event. The Swazi
Observer on Thursday (26 June 2008) ran a special eight-page
supplement on it.
The Times of Swaziland on the same day reported that the king was
"showered with compliments" and "rave reviews" and "accolades" for the
part he played in the summit.
The same newspaper ran a more sober editorial comment in which the
newspaper called the summit a "big let-down". It said African leaders
"turned their backs on the Zimbabwean people and the African
continent". This was because the summit "could only cough out a
suggestion for a postponement of the elections".
The comment went on:
"The fear or soft spot for Mugabe has emerged even stronger with the
Troika blasting Tsvangirai for pulling out of the presidential run-off
election while Mugabe is let off the hook.
"It is as if this was not the same election they want postponed in
light of the violence and the charged political atmosphere ?which
appears not to be permissive for holding the run-off election in a
manner that would be deemed free and fair," according to Dr Salomao,
the SADC Executive Secretary.
The irony of King Mswati III, the last autocratic monarch in
sub-Saharan Africa and the ruler of non-democratic Swaziland, chairing
a meeting to demand ?free and fair elections? in Zimbabwe was lost on
the media, both in the kingdom itself and internationally.
The Swaziland Coalition of Concerned Civic Organisation (SCCCO) came
in for much criticism from progressives in Swaziland after it issued a
media statement welcoming "the timely intervention of His Majesty King
Mswati III" in hosting the summit.
The statement went on to urge the summit to consider S30 of the
Constitutive Act of the African Union which states, "Governments which
shall come to power through unconstitutional means shall not be
allowed to participate in the activities of the Union".
SCCCO meant Zimbabwe here, but who can truly say that the Swaziland
government was elected by constitutional means?
Members of the Swaziland Solidarity Network (SNN) Internet forum
ripped into the SCCCO statement.
Showing more honesty than the Swazi media, members pointed out the
obvious anomaly of having the Swaziland king pronouncing on democracy in
another country, when Swaziland is not itself free.
One member of the forum put it this way, "How can Mswati ride on the
high horse of political morality yet here in Swaziland we are living
under an undemocratic dictatorship, when even the most basic principle
of freedom - freedom to belong to a political organisation stays banned!"
"Just yesterday Mswati, when talking at his cattle byre, demonised and
made a mockery of discerning political convictions of some of the
citizens of Swaziland by saying he hoped the people who had attended
the meeting had not be wooed by the "spirits of owls" - Mugabe also
does not allow any opposition - ask Morgan".
"Not long ago Swaziland congratulated the then illegitimate government
of Kenya that had stolen an election. How can the leaders trust
tinkhundla to all of a sudden talk sense on the Zimbabwe elections?"
Another member wrote, "I think that members of the Swaziland Coalition
of Concerned Civic Organisations need to understand Mswati is the
problem in Swaziland.
"The reason why his all of a sudden interest in Zimbabwe is because he
wants to divert attention from his own dictatorial regime. It seems
like the SCCCO has fallen for this devious ploy. The statement paints
a picture of a leader who is so much concerned about democracy and
human rights. Nowhere in the statement is any critical reference to
the situation in Swaziland.
"This meeting calls into question the very credibility of SADC and the AU."
Another member wrote, "We are seriously concerned about what is
happening in Zimbabwe but not at the expense of the Swaziland
situation. The reason I like PUDEMO struggle is that it is consistent.
We have said Swaziland is worse than Zimbabwe because the system in
Swaziland is the one that causes all problems. We have not changed
from that position even now that Zimbabwe is in flames.
The member added, "We support the struggle in Zimbabwe fully and it is
now desperate that serious decisions and actions are taken to put a
stop to these problems but not by Swaziland. Because if Swaziland can
take a centre stage in solving such critical disputes to me it means
we are making a joke of the situation in Zimbabwe because our
situation is much worse.
"Therefore, the SCCCO is misdirected to appreciate efforts by Mswati
if they claim to be aware of the Swaziland political situation".
Not everybody was against the SCCCO. One member wrote, "I believe the
SCCCO is correct not to seek to take any opportunistic advantage from
the situation. SCCCO has been a strong clear voice for the oppressed
in Swaziland in the past, and particularly in the recent case of the
striking textile workers. It has nothing to apologise for. It does its
duty at the proper time. Right now the imperative is to support the
struggle on the Zimbabwe front, and to concentrate all available
forces on that front.
"Swaziland is a member in good standing of SADC at the present time.
That fact may be of assistance in the future, and all more so if the
SADC acquits itself well in relation to the Zimbabwean struggle, and
establishes a good precedent thereby.
"Therefore the mature and correct approach is the one that the SCCCO
has taken.
"Swaziland?s time will come. Remember that on that day, too, you will
want to concentrate all available forces on the problem of the day."
Link http://swazimedia.blogspot.com/2008/06/swaziland-and-zimbabwe-summit.html
_______________________
3. Pray for our country - King asks Zion Christian Church. Thulani
Ndwandwe. The Swazi Observer. June 23, 2008.
His Majesty King Mswati III has asked members of the Zion Christian
Church (ZCC) to pray for the country's social, political and economic
development.
ZCC members filled up Somhlolo National Stadium yesterday for a prayer
service. The King told the close to 10 000 members that Swaziland was
headed for national elections and, therefore, needed prayer. The King
also said prayer and total fear of the word of God would be the best
solution to the issues of HIV and AIDS as well as political
instability currently engulfing the African continent. Leader of the
Zion Christian Church, Dr Bishop Engenas Joseph Lekganyane thanked the
King for allowing the church to hold the prayer service in the
country. The bishop also thanked the King for leading the nation
through God's way in that everyone in the kingdom enjoyed spiritual
freedom.
He also urged the country's authorities to carry on with the annual
traditional prayer services saying that was Swaziland's unique way of
showing appreciation to God's love and favours.
Bishop Lekganyane assured the King that his church would make the
prayer service an annual event. The bishop entered the stadium driven
in his black limousine under heavy security. Sounds of whistles and
screams of joy by church members filled the stadium as the bishop
emerged from the car. The event was attended by church members from
the church's headquarters at Moria near Polokwane, South Africa.
Present during the service were Emakhosikati, Prime Minister, Themba
Dlamini, cabinet ministers, Bishop Samson Hlatshwayo of the League of
Churches and other pastors from different denominations.
____________________________
4. Swaziland sways to ZCC song. Sowetan, 24 June 2008.
http://www.sowetan.co.za
The sleepy town of Lobamba in Swaziland came alive on Sunday when
thousands of Saint Engenas Zion Christian Church (ZCC) members met at
Somhlolo Stadium for a mass prayer service.
All border gates to Swaziland operated for 24 hours at the weekend to
allow easy flow of ZCC members into the country. The prayer was
conducted to plead for peaceful elections next month.
Led by Bishop Joseph Lekganyane, Zionists packed the stadium to
capacity in their khaki, blue, green and yellow uniforms.
"When you invited us to come and pray for Swaziland ahead of
elections, we accepted it because every time we set our foot in this
country, we get spiritual freedom," Lekganyane told King Mswati III.
"We feel so at home that we intend to visit this country four times
every year," he said.
Lekganyane, whose fathers inauguration as bishop in 1948 caused a
split in the ZCC, commended Mswati for maintaining the culture "that
was started by his forefathers".
Until 1948 the church, together with Barnabas ZCC, was one church
under the leadership of its founder, Engenas Lekganyane.
But following the 1948 split, a minority of congregants adopted the
name Saint Engenas ZCC and continued at the original location under
the leadership of Lekganyane?s second son, Joseph.
This church adopted a dove as its symbol, and the other, a star.
____________________________
5. Mandela Fund Youth Parliament sitting. The Swazi Observer. June 23, 2008.
Young people feel there is little done by those in authority to
involve them in decision making.
This was highlighted during a Nelson Mandela Youth Parliament on
Leadership - held at the Swaziland Theatre Club yesterday.
Sabelo Ngcamphalala said nothing is done to support the youth and they
end was doing drugs and alcohol. Ngcamphalala stated government should
set up a fund that will help young people start their own businesses.
Another speaker, Hasso Magagula said nothing should be done for them
without them. He said young people needed to influence decisions made
by parliamentarians.
The youth also blamed themselves for not participating in the
elections and not voting. Ntokozo Dlamini encouraged young people to
participate in the elections.
They also felt they could do something to influence the ever
increasing food and petrol prices. Sabelo Ngcamphalala said if young
people in the rural areas could be supplied with water they would
produce some of the needed crops. "We need water so that we can be
able to plant crops and vegetables in that way we can spend less on
food," he said.
Although some speakers felt government was doing something for the
youth some felt it was not enough. Takhe Madonsela said the Swaziland
National Youth Council (SNYC) is an initiative by government to help
young people. Some felt they should be given the money in hand.
"Corruption is a major set back that is why we do not get some of the
money that is entitled to us," said Ntokozo Dlamini. There should be
age restriction in voting.
Young people say old people should not vote as some do not understand
what voting is all about.
Some said old people do not look for the capacity and calibre of
someone to be a politician - but they vote for someone who promises
them material things like food and provision of transport.
Sabelo Ngcamphalala said old people do not understand that voting is
about choosing a Member of Parliament - not someone who would provide
food rations.
"There should be an age restriction since old people think they should
vote for someone who will buy food or clothing for them," he said.
Ntokozo Dlamini said the youth should be encouraged to vote since they
could bring change to better the lives of young people.
Recommendations
After the Youth Parliament on Leadership young people made some
recommendations on education, food security, poverty, health and
social welfare, unemployment, HIV/AIDS, early pregnancy, democracy,
youth participation, human rights and cost of living. Some of the
recommendations were:
- Need for new focus of the vision and mission in education.
- Need for urgent action in food production.
- Provide funding subsidies for farming.
- Make mobile clinics available more extensively.
- Develop skills exchange programmes between countries that benefit
the Swazi youth first.
- Review minimum wages labour and legislation.
- Examine the deeper problems in social fabric of society.
- Government should act decisively with appropriate legal action
against people implicated or found guilty of corruption.
- Youth should be fully involved in all aspects of their lives.
- Need to affirm all rights.
- Need to develop national and regional plans of action to lessen the
impact of rising prices and global inflation upon the citizens of
Swaziland especially young people.
________________________________
6. Swazi radio and censorship. Swazi Media Commentary 24 June 2008.
www.swazimedia.blogspot.com
I made headlines in the Swazi Observer earlier this month (June 2008)
when I said at a public gathering in Swaziland that we should not
consider media workers at the state-controlled SBIS radio to be
"journalists" because, in fact, they were propagandists.
Last week I wrote about how the Swaziland "traditional prime minister"
Jim Gama had threatened journalists with punishments that could
include the death penalty if they criticised King Mswati III.
Now, I am reminded of a case that neatly brings these two topics together.
It concerns a broadcaster at SBIS who allowed criticism of the king to
go out live over the airwaves.
It happened in August 2006 when, according to the Media Institute of
Southern Africa (MISA) Swaziland chapter, management of the radio
station were told by government to "toe the line" or the government
would be forced to "pull the plug" on programmes that are "wayward".
Here is the background, according to MISA,
"On August 24 2006, the minister for public service and information,
Themba Msibi, warned the Swazi media against criticising the king,
instilling further fear into an already timid press which cannot
freely operate due to a perpetually hostile environment that continues
to prevail despite the kingdom?s new Constitution which guarantees
freedom of expression.
"The minister?s threats followed a live radio programme of news and
current affairs in which a human rights lawyer criticised sweeping
constitutional powers of the king. Aired on the state broadcaster, the
Swaziland Broadcasting and Information Services (SBIS), the human
rights lawyer, Thulani Maseko, had been asked to comment on a visit by
an African Union (AU) human rights team which was on a fact-finding
mission to Swaziland during the week of 21 August.
"In response, Maseko said that, as human rights activists, they had
concerns about the kings sweeping constitutional powers and the fact
that he the king was wrongfully placed above the Constitution. He said
they were going to bring this and other human rights violations to the
attention of the AU delegation.
"Not pleased with the broadcast, the government was quick to respond.
Msibi spoke on air the following day to sternly warn the media against
criticising the king. He said the media should exercise respect and
avoid issues that seek to question the king or his powers.
"The minister said his message was not directed only to radio but to
all media, both private and government-owned. He said that in
government they had noticed that there was growing trend in the media
to criticise the king when he should be above criticism and public
scrutiny".
MISA continues, "A senior journalist at the radio station told MISA
Swaziland: "Censorship is an everyday occurrence here. As a government
medium, there is very little we can do. We just have to survive under
the circumstances".
While we are in the mood to "out" SBIS for the propaganda tool that it
is, let us remember what happened in April 2003 when Abednego
Ntshangase became public service and information minister.
According to the Committee to the Committee to Protect Journalists
(CPJ) in New York, "speaking at his first official appearance before
the House of Assembly, Ntshangase told parliamentarians: The national
television and radio stations are not going to cover anything that has
a negative bearing on government".
Ntshangase warned that those who do not support government policies
will be barred from broadcasting their views. The ban on negative
content was to apply to SBIS, which operates the only news-carrying
radio channels in the kingdom, and to Swazi TV, the kingdoms only
television station. Both outlets are state run.
It was about this time that Swazi-TV news director, Sabelo Masuku,
refused to hand over footage of a protest march conducted by teachers,
which the cabinet wished to scrutinise, and was fired.
"Government can fire the news departments whenever there is a
disagreement, but eventually they will run out of people", said Masuku.
He noted that the most talented Swazi broadcast journalists leave the
country for more lucrative media work in South Africa and elsewhere.
___________________________
7. Tackling low condom use dramatically. IRIN/Plus News 20 June, 2008.
Why are condoms so unpopular? This question has baffled and
discouraged health experts for a decade, but in Swaziland the mystery
of why men and women refuse to use condoms is slowly being unravelled
by a project that is getting Swazi men to open up about their condom
use, or lack thereof. Much has been said and written about the myths
and misconceptions inhibiting condom use, but little has been done to
reflect these realities in existing HIV/AIDS awareness and prevention
campaigns.
Now, an initiative led by AIDS activist and health motivator Hannie
Dlamini, and the National Emergency Council on HIV/AIDS (NERCHA), a
government body that distributes grants to AIDS organisations, is
hoping to change this by getting to the bottom of men's attitudes
towards sexual health.
Swaziland's first Demographic Health Survey, in 2007, found that 26
percent of sexually active Swazis were infected with HIV. Although
almost 99 percent of survey participants said they knew about the
disease, nearly half admitted having multiple sex partners and having
sex without condoms. "Men in Swaziland do not use condoms. They are
distributed all over, but they are not us!" Dlamini told IRIN/PlusNews.
For the past three years, the NERCHA project has covered two of
Swaziland's four regions: the populous central Manzini, the country's
commercial hub, and Hhohho region in the north, where the capital,
Mbabane, is located. Next on the itinerary are Shiselweni in the south
and Lubombo in the east. The programme has adopted a traditional
communications approach, rather than the standard method of using
questionnaires to amass data. To get the men talking, Dlamini and
dramatist Modison Magagula looked to traditional Swazi customs that
are still largely observed by Swazi men in rural areas, and understood
by all Swazi men.
"We recreated the sihonco. This is the enclosure, like a small kraal
[cattle pen], where the men go to roast meat, smoke traditional weeds,
and discuss things. Women do not enter the sihonco, just as by custom
men do not enter the women's special huts. We call the AIDS awareness
programme 'kudliwe inhloko' and that is the SiSwati term that means
when men sit around and talk amongst themselves," Dlamini explained.
Men in Swaziland do not use condoms. They are distributed all over,
but they are not used. Magagula's drama troupe performs a playlet
covering a specific issue, like men involved with under-age girls,
which is the starting point for the discussion that follows. About
8,000 men have participated thus far, but the organisers intend to
make this an ongoing project that would eventually reach all Swazi
men, to inform them about the facts on AIDS and counter peer pressure
and the prevailing myths about the disease.
Hannie Dlamini commented that such word-of-mouth misinformation often
served to fill the vacuum of factual knowledge, because there were
almost no health educators out there regularly meeting with
communities, especially in remote rural areas.
What do men really think?
"What has resulted thus far from this project is not statistics but
understanding: why men behave the way they do, what their beliefs
are," said Wiseman Dlamini, a NERCHA project officer in the Manzini
region. Hannie Dlamini said the anecdotes showed a striking pattern of
similarity. "The men give many reasons for not using condoms, but
these are excuses. The problem is that condoms were never properly
introduced to men." As a result, Swazi men are eager to embrace
anti-condom myths as a reason to reject what they consider a foreign
and unnatural intrusion into their sex lives.
"One myth we hear a lot is that condoms were made to destroy African
manhood; then they say they heard that the gels in condoms shorten the
size and duration of erections," Dlamini reported. Allergic reactions
to condoms were another common excuse. "Some men are developing rashes
and other problems. It is really happening to them. But other men see
this, and they decide condoms are dangerous. If one man gets a rash,
that means the whole community will not use them," said Dlamini.
"We tell m en that, if they have trouble with the rubber latex
condoms, they must use a female condom, which is made of plastic. But
even Swazi women are afraid of using their condoms. The men are
ashamed of the suggestion. If women don't use them, men don't want
anything to do with them," he noted.
Bored and married
Extramarital affairs were also a topic of discussion in the men's
enclosure. According to many men who participated, sleeping with one
woman all the time caused them to lose interest in sex. "They don't
get erections because every day they sleep together, so the men find
excitement with other girls," Dlamini said.
Renewing excitement in a marriage is a challenge for couples
worldwide, and although marriage counselling is not what Dlamini's
project is about, AIDS prevention measures will have to take these
findings into account. "In the past, polygamy was the Swazi man's way
to avoid sexual boredom. For financial reasons that is not the option
it once was; so there is a need to keep the spark going between a
married man and his wife to keep him from straying," said AIDS
counsellor, Patricia Dube.
Will this project make a difference? Dlamini is frank and realistic in
his assessment: "It's true that people listen, but after two days they
think otherwise. They forget; they are influenced by their friends.
Men listen to you when you talk to them; tomorrow they will go on as
they did before," said Dlamini. He said it would take regular
education campaigns in communities if progress was to be made. NERCHA,
the Ministry of Health and Social Welfare, and AIDS non-governmental
organisations will analyse the findings for possible ways of bringing
about behavioural change.
Dlamini feels that, if the views and concerns of ordinary people had
been taken into consideration from the inception of the AIDS crisis,
more effective solutions might have been found, perhaps even achieving
the elusive goal of convincing people to change their behaviour.
___________________________
8. Heavy hail storm. Summary of report. International Federation of
Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies (IFRC), 24 June 2008.
The International Federation?s Disaster Relief Emergency Fund (DREF)
is a source of un-earmarked money created by the Federation in 1985 to
ensure that immediate financial support is available for Red Cross Red
Crescent response to emergencies. The DREF is a vital part of the
International Federation?s disaster response system and increases the
ability of national societies to respond to disasters.
Summary: CHF 51,535 (USD 41,228 or EUR 31,811) was allocated from the
Federation?s Disaster Relief Emergency Fund (DREF) in early February
2007 to support Baphalali Swaziland Red Cross Society (BSRCS) in
delivering assistance to some 500 households (or 2,500 beneficiaries)
and replenishing relief stocks, following a series of heavy hail and
rain storms.
Early and heavy seasonal rains, accompanied by hailstorms affected
three of the main regions in Swaziland during the first months of
2007. BSRCS undertook relief distributions of non-food items to the
most affected households, as identified following detailed
house-to-house damage and needs assessments. A total of 883 households
(3,344 beneficiaries) were provided with a combination of tents,
tarpaulins, blankets and clothing according to their specific needs.
The BSRCS youth volunteers also assisted in the reconstruction of four
severely damaged houses.
The National Society was able to respond quickly and more broadly than
anticipated, thanks to existing relief stock, supplemented by resource
mobilization within the country. DREF funds were used to assist with
transport and operational needs, procure additional relief items and
replenish stock.
The situation
During the first two months of 2007, Swaziland experienced a series of
heavy rainstorms, accompanied by strong winds and hail storms,
affecting the regions of Nhlangano and Lubombo. The region of Northern
Hhohho was subsequently affected in April 2007.
The storms caused extensive damage to housing and infrastructure,
leading to frequent telephone and electricity black-outs. In addition,
many hectares of crops were destroyed, raising concerns over possible
food insecurity in the months ahead. It was estimated that some 500
households had been affected.
How we work
All International Federation assistance seeks to adhere to the Code of
Conduct for the International Red Cross and Red Crescent Movement and
Non-Governmental Organizations (NGO's) in Disaster Relief and is
committed to the Humanitarian Charter and Minimum Standards in
Disaster Response (Sphere) in delivering assistance to the most
vulnerable.
The International Federation?s activities are aligned with its Global
Agenda, which sets out four broad goals to meet the Federation's
mission to "improve the lives of vulnerable people by mobilizing the
power of humanity".
Global Agenda Goals:
- Reduce the numbers of deaths, injuries and impact from disasters.
- Reduce the number of deaths, illnesses and impact from diseases and
public health emergencies.
- Increase local community, civil society and Red Cross Red Crescent
capacity to address the most urgent situations of vulnerability.
- Reduce intolerance, discrimination and social exclusion and promote
respect for diversity and human dignity.
Contact information
For further information specifically related to this operation please contact:
In Swaziland: Nathi Gumede, Secretary General, Email;
nathigumede@...; Phone: Tel: +268.404.2532; Fax: 268.404.6108
_______________
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Swaziland@Newsletter 68
Published by Africa Contact (Denmark)
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Children. Men of the land. The struggle for democracy. Images of a
democratic movement.
__________________________________
Dear readers,
It is not Swazi Law and Custom that is needed. It is the equality and
power of the people. See one of the articles below: Bridging the big
divide (The Swazi Observer. June 18, 2008).
The women of the land are still unequal. During the twentieth century,
women fought and, in the end, succeeded in their struggle for
equality, for the right to vote, for the right to economic, cultural
and political identity.
In Swaziland, this is yet not the case. The power of royalty, the
authority of a misused tradition, has undermined the equality of women
and of all others as citizens of the land.
It is not Swazi Law and Custom that is needed. The tradition of
subservience to power must be broken. It is the equality and power of
the people that now is desperately needed.
Please also see the last article in this issue: Let us remember those
who fell for freedom. Long road home for remains of MK cadre. Janet
Smith. The Star. June 21, 2008.
Editor
Swaziland@Newsletter
__________________________________
1. Swaziland king ends parliament ahead of polls. Reuters / Zimbabwe
Independent, 19 June 2008.
2. Swaziland: Traditional governor urges harsh punishment of critical
journalists. Media Institute of Southern Africa (Windhoek). 17 June
2008.
3. Bridging the big divide. The Swazi Observer. June 18, 2008.
4. End slave wages. Swazi Media Commentary 21 June 2008.
5. Woes of child-headed homes. Life is a question of simple survival
for orphaned kids in Ntfonjeni. Bruce Fraser, Sowetan. 18 June 2008.
6. Let us remember those who fell for freedom. Long road home for
remains of MK cadre. Janet Smith. The Star. June 21, 2008.
__________________________________
1. Swaziland king ends parliament ahead of polls. Reuters / Zimbabwe
Independent, 19 June 2008.
SWAZILAND?S parliament will be sent home at the end of June ahead of
elections in the tiny impoverished nation, King Mswati III, the last
absolute monarch in sub-Saharan Africa, said on Saturday.
"As we all know that it is now time for elections. Today I also want
to let you know that the current parliament will go home at the end of
the month," he told thousands of people at a meeting at the Ludzidzini
Royal Residence, near the capital Mbabane.
Political parties are currently banned from participating in elections
under a 1973 royal decree. The king keeps tight control over the
legislature, naming the country?s prime minister and cabinet.
But there are growing calls for the monarchy to introduce democratic
reforms in the landlocked mountain kingdom, which is plagued by food
shortages and one of the world?s highest HIV/Aids prevalence rates.
Thousands of protesters took to the streets last year to demand the
establishment of a multi-party system.
_______________________
2. Swaziland: Traditional governor urges harsh punishment of critical
journalists. Media Institute of Southern Africa (Windhoek). 17 June
2008.
Traditional authorities in Swaziland continue to harass and intimidate
the media, particularly in instances when the Swazi monarchy faces
criticism.
On 14 June 2008, the traditional governor, Jim Gama, who is regarded
as the traditional prime minister, launched a scathing attack on the
print media and threatened journalists for what he claimed was
"negative reporting" on a national gathering called by King Mswati III
at Ludzidzini royal kraal, the traditional capital.
Without specifying any media outlet or journalist, Gama accused the
print media of having reported negatively about the national
gathering, where people had been called to debate national issues
under a forum called "Peoples' Parliament".
Speaking in the presence of King Mswati III, Gama, in his threats,
said the offending journalists should be punished using "umphini",
which in Swazi traditional folklore is tantamount to capital punishment.
Gama, addressing the King, said: "Your Majesty, you gave them the
freedom to write and with that freedom they are now disrespecting you.
You want the same people who are in this kraal to buy that paper that
has created a wrong picture about that is happening here."
He said the newspaper instead should have reported that the royal
kraal was filled to the brim (in response to the King's summons) and
that Swazis loved their king.
The threats coincided with an impassioned apology which the
privately-owned "Times of Swaziland" newspaper published on 15 June,
following a story that appeared on 13 June, which claimed that
government was to use a 15 million Euro allocation to pay for the
national gathering. The budget allocation is reserved for national
celebrations.
In its apology, the "Times of Swaziland" said the story created the
impression that the national gathering, which lasted three days, would
consume the entire 15 million Euros. The newspaper apologized
profusely to the monarchy and traditional authorities for the "wrong"
impression created by its article.
This new threat against the media comes as the MISA-Swaziland chapter
completes a study on censorship in Swazi newsrooms. The study,
conducted on behalf of MISA-Swaziland by a journalism professor of the
University of Swaziland, found that the monarchy was by far the main
threat to press freedom in Swaziland, being responsible for most of
the direct censorship taking place in Swazi newsrooms.
As a result of constant intimidation by the King and his circle of
traditional advisors, the media in Swaziland are too scared to
criticize the King or anything connected or close to him.
MISA-Swaziland frowns on intimidation of any kind directed against the
media, and will use the findings of the recent study on censorship to
target the King's court to educate traditionalists about the role of
media in society.
____________________
3. Bridging the big divide. The Swazi Observer. June 18, 2008.
The ongoing crusade to inform the public about the virtues and nature
of Swazi Law and Custom and its inevitable comparability with the Bill
of Rights has attracted interest from students and professionals - in
Swaziland and internationally.
Not only do they see the focus on Swazi Law and Custom as important
for national identity, but they also appreciate how an indigenous
legal system can be articulated with a modern Bill of Rights - like
the one contained in the country's new Constitution.
One of the 'international bright sparks' that was attracted by the
project of the Recording of Swazi Law and Custom was Advocate Dr.
Adelle van Schalkwyk, a business executive from South Africa - whose
research for a doctorate was based on Swaziland's indigenous Law of
Contract.
Supervision
She was working under close supervision and guidance of
internationally recognised expert in customary law, Professor Dr.
Frans Whelpton from the University of South Africa (UNISA). Professor
Whelpton, of the Department of Constitutional International and
indigenous Law of UNISA, is the Project Advisor of the Recording of
Swazi Law and Custom.
Advocate Dr. van Schalkwyk's thesis is titled: "The Indigenous Law of
Contract with Particular Reference to the Swazi People In The Kingdom
Of Swaziland." It was published in 2007 - the year the doctorate was
conferred on her.
One of the most interesting of her findings was that among the Swazi
people various principles can be distinguished within the organisation
of their social life, emphasising commitment to the group, uniformity
and communality.
"The Swazi philosophy of life is tempered by the principle of survival
of the whole community and a sense of cooperation, interdependence and
collective responsibility. Each member of the extended family has a
social function to perform and to conform with to ensure that the
family functions as a reproductive and economic unit. For the Swazi
people a philosophy of existence can be summed up as umuntfu ngumuntfu
ngebantfu - a person is a person in relation to other people," Dr van
Schalkwyk found.
The complexibility of rights and duties in the Swazi community is
described by Dr van Schalkwyk in terms of three underlying principles;
namely inhlonipho [respect] kutinikela [commitment and dedication] and
umtfwalo [responsibility], respectively. Respect is the most important
principle. It governs behaviour in the family, and social context and
bears no relation to any attributes other than a person's seniority or
place or rank in the family within the context of the family group.
Dr van Schalkwyk found that genealogical rank is of paramount
importance in Swazi society and underlines the status, consciousness.
"A form of class distinction is embodied in custom which does not
apply to those holding high public office, such as the Ingwenyama or
tikhulu, but which is extended to the descendants of the ruler. The
respect rulers have in their communities are extended to their
families," she found.
The principle of equality as contained in the Bill of Rights is seen
to undermine the hierarchical ranks in rural communities and also the
belief in ancestors who sanction the principle of seniority in which
senior persons play an active role.
Commitment is the principle that makes it possible for commonality to
exist within the context of the family and the wider community.
According to Dr van Schalkwyk this simply means that individuals are
not separate from the group and that individual rights should always
be weighed up against the needs and interests of the family group.
Concerned
"Rights are mainly held by the family groups and each member shares in
those rights according to his or her rank within the family group
concerned. Therefore, no member and also no woman are without rights
and all members are full, but not equal participants in these group
rights.
"One can thus conclude that the family group specifically, and the
community at large, therefore, constitute the framework within which
individuals exercise their political, economic, and social rights and
freedom. It would be correct to say the rights of individuals are,
therefore, limited by the rights of the community, since the
individual forms part of Swazi society. The emphasis is, however, not
on the individual as such, since communal ethics is the first priority
and rights are understood within the context of the group which
functions as a corporate legal entity and which also underlies group
directness of Swazi life," Dr van Schalkwyk found.
Why the study?
I asked Dr van Schalkwyk why the interest in the Law of Contract in
terms of Swazi Law and Custom. She said the study was undertaken to
establish whether the legal phenomenon known as a contract exists
among the people of Swaziland.
As the underlying aims and consequences of indigenous contracts differ
not only between indigenous peoples, but is also affected by the
degree of westernisation that has taken place, microstudy has been
done in the Kingdom of Swaziland to establish if own value systems are
altered or replaced when Western legal institutions are introduced.
"Research data was obtained by way of interviewing a panel of experts
in the Kingdon of Swaziland. Through the process of gathering
information, legal principles were described and the function of
social processes noted. Different Swazi contracts and general
principles were identified. It also came out clear from this research
that a contract in terms of Swazi Law and Custom is more than a device
for establishing economic and legal implications of a transaction," Dr
van Schalkwyk found. She discovered that most contractual disputes are
resolved outside the courts through negotiated settlements to restore
harmony in the community.
"Although the Swazi Law of Contract is showing clear signs of adapting
to new developments, there is proof that established legal principles
and Swazi values are being retained," she found.
Distinctiveness of the Law of Contract of the Swazi people
Advocate Dr van Schalkwyk found that notwithstanding the influence of
cultural factors such as westernisation, modernisation and
Christianity on the culture of the Swazi people, Swazi Law and Custom
is still used as the country's principal law.
Social and economical changes have resulted in the traditional small
scale economy being changed by a monetary system; compensation and
even emabheka are nowadays primarily given in cash.
In spite of the above-mentioned influences the Swazi people's legal
values have not been replaced by western legal institutions, but have
given rise to distinctive value systems.
In some instances, however, it is clear that the influence of the
Western culture cost that certain contracts are concluded in its own
distinctive way. The emancipation of unmarried Swazi people which
shifted the emphasis according to Western influences from the group to
the individual played a major role in this regard. The same emphasis
is therefore no longer placed on a group 'orientated' way of life,
although it will never totally disappear because of the unity
constantly created within the group.
Most of the contractual disputes among the Swazi people are settled
outside the official settlement mechanisms and for this purpose use is
made of negotiations and mediations.
Due to the fact that the dispute resolution in these instances is
rather related to the people's perceptions and values, the adjustment
is further perpetuated . Even if the parties cannot reconcile their
differences and the matter takes its course, the Swazi courts will
still endeavour to settle the matter amicably by way of conciliation
and mediation.
Basis of contractual liability in Swazi law and custom
Dr van Schalkwyk made an interesting finding that a mere promise is
not enforceable in terms of Swazi Law and Custom. There should be a
kind of a performance - or part performance - by one of the parties
before a contract can be enforced. The Swazi people say a clever man
changes his mind. Indvodza ilala igucuka. Prescription as it is found
in the Western laws is also not known in Swazi law and custom as the
Swazi people say- licala kaliboli. Dr van Schalkwyk also found that
consequential damages arising from a breach of contract is not
enforceable as the Swazi people say - ungabali emacandza inkhukhu
ingaka choboseli - do not count your chicks before they are hatched.
A mere promise is not enforceable. The contracts are concluded by the
head of the family after consultation with members of the family and
tell them about the contract, they must go and think about it and then
present their views in the proper forum.
____________________________________
4. End slave wages. Swazi Media Commentary 21 June 2008.
www.swazimedia.blogspot.com
Swaziland?s MPs have endorsed a move to increase the ?slave wages?
paid to textile workers in the kingdom.
Wages in the textile industry in Swaziland have not increased since
2004, the Swazi Parliament was told.
The news comes after textiles workers went on strike to demand better
living conditions. The strike, although perfectly legal, was met with
brutality by the police. The workers trade union is presently suing
the police for damages. 4 june
The Swazi Observer reported yesterday (20 June 2008) that Swazi
members of parliament have endorsed a resolution to have textile
workers? wages reviewed annually.
The Observer reported that MPs were told that "the cost of living was
soaring by the day",
The newspaper reported, "Kwaluseni MP Sibusisio Nkambule described the
remuneration paid to textile workers as slave wages calling for
improvements of these immediately".
I have reported that wages are so low in the textile industry that
workers have to live six people to a room and sleep three to a bed in
order to survive.
Textile workers said some women had to resort to prostitution in order
to get by on the low wages they were paid.
Meanwhile, the Weekend Observer today (21 June 2008) carries an
interview with one of the textiles workers who was shot by the police
during the strike.
Nhlanhla Nkambule, who still has a bullet lodged in his thigh, says,
?I wish I could die than to endure such suffering.?
Although Nkambule can hardly stand or walk, he has had to return to
work in order to pay for food for his family.
The Weekend Observer reports, "He said he voted for the strike for one
reason only, to see an improvement in his salary so he could better
manage his family".
The newspaper reports Nkambule saying, "I went on strike because I
wanted money to feed my children but now I have turned their enemy
because I cannot provide for them.."
Nkambule said he wanted to know why the police went on the rampage and
attacked the textile workers who were engaged in a legal strike.
He told the newspaper, "I still need an explanation because we were
engaging in a legal industrial action."
He added, "If police reacted so harshly during a legal strike, how
many could have been killed if it were an illegal strike?"
The Weekend Observer reported, "He said there was no way the police
could justify such brutality because strikers were peaceful and
orderly. The union leadership would warn us against violence because
that could cost them heavy penalties according to the Industrial
Relations Act as amended," he said.
"Nkambule has been living with the bul¬let since 14 March 14 2008
after he was alleged¬ly short at close range by a police officer who
first cast all sorts of expletives at him before pulling the trigger.
"I cannot forget that day. I learnt that life depends on the mercy of
the police," he said.
"Explaining, Nkambule said he and colleagues were just minding their
own business near Texray when police pounced on them and fired teargas
canisters.
"We ran in all directions as the police pur¬sued us," he recalled,
mentioning that he ran along a narrow passage between two factories
where he came across a woman with a nerve racking gun shot on the back.
"I realise police were at war," said. Nkambule added that he was
inside a certain container near Sigodvweni where he and others had
sought refuge only to be ordered out a few seconds later.
"He said if the intension was to effect arrests, that was the place to
do it, but alleged that the police ordered them to vacate the
container before letting a hail of bullets off as they all tried to
force their way out of the gate."
Link http://swazimedia.blogspot.com/2008/06/end-slave-wages-swazi-mps.html
____________________________________
5. Woes of child-headed homes. Life is a question of simple survival
for orphaned kids in Ntfonjeni. Bruce Fraser, Sowetan. 18 June 2008.
Life in Ntfonjeni village is typical of so many rural communities in
Swaziland. It is situated just north of the sedate town of Piggs Peak
and life there is no longer one of joy and happiness, but of simple
survival.
For the residents of Ntfonjeni it has become particularly tough ? and
in some cases unbearably so.
Unemployment in the area is staggeringly high. Apart from the nearby
sawmill and the recently refurbished Piggs Peak Hotel, job
opportunities are virtually nonexistent.
There is no running water or electricity and with winter settling in
it is certain that the next few months will take their toll.
But a new tragedy has slowly been unfolding in this remote part of
Swaziland child-headed households caused by Aids.
The pandemic is rife in this tiny African nation. Despite numerous
government sponsored awareness programmes, the disease continues to
wreak havoc in communities, bringing with it a whole new range of
socio-economic challenges.
"Education is the key to trying to stem the number of infections but
it is a battle we don?t seem to be winning," says Treasure Mswali,
coordinator for BoshAid, a privately funded organisation that looks
after Aids orphans in the Piggs Peak region.
Ntfonjeni village is not an easy place to find. Dirt roads, no
signposts and then a long walk down a path through thick undergrowth
until eventually you come across a small cluster of homes.
Women from the local Methodist Church "immaculately dressed in their
bright red-and-white uniforms" stand in groups and chatter.
Children, still in their school uniforms, scurry about gathering
firewood to help fight off the biting cold.
It is here, in Ntfonjeni, that I meet the Kunenes.
Nkosingphile Kunene is a good-looking young man. Strong features, a
lovely smile and a wicked laugh. In any other environment he would go
far.
Given the opportunity he would be a success, who knows, a lawyer
perhaps, an accountant or even a doctor?
But for Nkosingphile life consists of looking after his brothers and
sister, who have all been orphaned because of Aids.
"Sometimes I dream about what might have been," he says.
"I don?t feel cheated but I cant help thinking how things might have
been different had my parents still been alive. I might have had more
opportunities but I guess it wasnt meant to be".
Having lost his parents, his mother Thembie in 1999 and father Simon
in 2001 at the age of 17, Nkosingphile became head of the household.
A young boy suddenly had the responsibilities of an adult thrust on him .
His days consist of looking after his two younger brothers and one
sister, who are all still going to school.
The day begins early for the family. Water must be fetched from a
nearby river for bathing. "We must get there early before the cattle
come to drink otherwise it gets dirty," Nkosing?phile says.
Its a long day for the kids at school. Classes begin at 7am and
finish at 4:30pm.
A new curriculum introduced to schools this year means longer hours
for pupils, explained Mswali, who through her organisation provides
support for 23 orphans in the Piggs Peak area.
"Last year we could still afford to buy bread,? says Nkosing?phile.
But this year we have to do without because it has become so expensive.
"After collecting firewood I get the fire going so when my brothers
and sister come home from school at lunch time there is some food for
them."
What was once a chicken coop is now a makeshift kitchen, with enamel
mugs and plates neatly stored away.
In the centre of the room cold embers bear testimony to yesterday?s meal.
The Kunenes are having to survive on one meal a day consisting of
beans and porridge. Once or twice a week, if they are lucky, they
will have some meat.
Growing up Nkosing?phile had dreams of one day being a policeman.
"The police do good work and I saw it as a way of helping people.
Maybe when the kids have left school I can still become a policeman,"
he says.
As a young man Nkosingphile has had to sacrifice so much.
Instead of hanging out with his friends, dating girls and enjoying
life, his time is spent helping with homework and making sure his
siblings are taken care of as best he can.
The whole time while talking to Nkosingphile, I had a nagging feeling
that something was missing in this young mans life. And then I
realised that he is still a boy but in the body of a man.
His childhood and teenage years have been stolen from him but try as
he may he is not equipped for the decisions of an adult.
His is a life full of unanswered questions and confusion and one with
an uncertain future.
Going to bed hungry is nothing new for this family of four. They share
one room that consists of a single bed and little else. A straw mat
provides little relief from the ice-cold concrete floor on which two
of the boys must sleep.
The family still talks of days gone by when after eating a meal with
their parents they would listen to their father tell them stories
about his trips to Johannesburg.
Mesmerised by his tales of the bright lights of Jozi they would fall
asleep after family prayers.
Sadly these nights they simply dream of a better future and
contemplate what might have been.
Unfortunately Nkosingphiles belief in religion and God has been shattered.
"Yes I still believe in God ... but I am very angry with God. Why
did he steal my parents from us?" he asks.
_____________________
6. Let us remember those who fell for freedom. Long road home for
remains of MK cadre. Janet Smith. The Star. June 21, 2008.
Job Tabane's family were so determined to bring his remains back to
SA, where they belonged, that they began collecting money among
themselves five years ago.
The youngest member of the ANC's national executive committee, and a
heroic Umkhonto weSizwe (MK) cadre known by his nom de guerre Cassius
Maake, Tabane was assassinated by South African security police on
July 9 1987 in Swaziland.
For 21 years, his community of Mosenthal near Rustenburg in North West
struggled to accept the way in which he had had to be buried so far
away from them, in a graveyard in Lusaka, Zambia. It was not his
destiny; they wanted to honour him appropriately.
But, controversially, the ANC did not have a policy in place to
provide funding for the return of the remains of its soldiers who had
died in exile.
Families had been encouraged to find their own means to return their
loved ones, sometimes from as far away as Russia and Ukraine, where
many cadres received military training. It has been financially
impossible for most.
So when Tabane's bones finally arrived at OR Tambo International from
Lusaka on Friday, it was with emotion and jubilation that the Tabanes
and a large contingent of MK comrades greeted his gilded coffin.
He was home - at last. And it had been through the unrelenting efforts
of his wife Grace and his former comrade Zachariah Tolo - the
chairperson of the Cassius Maake Reburial Committee - that he would
finally be laid to rest not far from his mother Wilhelmina's home in
Mosenthal.
ANC NEC member Winnie Madikizela-Mandela was one of the pall-bearers,
together with ex-combatants Ayanda Dlodlo and Kebby Maphatsoe, who are
now in the leadership of the MK Military Veterans' Association (MKMVA).
They proudly walked the guard of honour while veterans in full MK
uniform saluted the memory of Cassius Maake.
Once his coffin had been placed in front of the group gathered to
greet him, the former soldiers broke loudly into song, lifting their
legs high as they danced in memory of a man who, had he not been
murdered by the apartheid state at the age of 45, was expected to have
remained in the top leadership of the party after liberation.
Tabane was killed alongside fellow cadre Peter Sello Motau in a car
they were using after Motau picked Tabane up from Mbabane airport for
a mission in Swaziland. They were forced off the road between Matsapa
and Mbabane.
Tabane was the father of two young children, Phakiso and Karabo. The
children, now in their late 20s, arrived in Johannesburg from Sweden
this week for their father's reburial at his village on Friday.
The MKMVA has expressed its confidence in the ANC NEC elected at
Polokwane in December, and particularly in ANC president Jacob Zuma -
who is expected to preside over the reburial - to adjust its policy
towards the returning of the remains of cadres slain in exile. For
many, the arrival home of Tabane is only the beginning.
Published on the Web by IOL on 2008-06-21 10:03:00
___________________________
Swaziland Newsletter is published by Africa Contact (Denmark) and
distributed to more than 1200 national and international
organisations, research institutes, universities, trade unions and
labour movements, political parties, church organisations, print and
electronic media, governments, diplomatic missions, members of
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Southern Africa, Europe and the United States of America.
Support the democratic movement in Swaziland: MANDELA FUND: Den Danske
Bank, Norre Voldgade 68, 1358 Copenhagen K, Denmark. SWIFT-BIC:
DABADKKK. Registration Number: 0274. Account Number: 3327000. The
MANDELA FUND is a registered national collection in Denmark.
Swaziland@Newsletter 67
Published by Africa Contact (Denmark)
Earlier issues can be read at
http://uk.groups.yahoo.com/group/SAK-Swazinewsletter together with
documents and other materials not included in the regular newsletter.
If you wish to subscribe to the newsletter, please send mail to:
SAK-Swazinewsletter subscribe@... All correspondence to
swaziland@...
Free subscription to the newsletter will also give access to a photo
section with thirteen albums: Swaziland. Historical. Occupation,
exploitation and rebellion. Colonial times. Sobhuza. Settlers in the
colony. People of Swaziland. Images of power. Women of the land.
Children. Men of the land. The struggle for democracy. Images of a
democratic movement.
____________________________
1. Swazi King dissolves parliament. Reuters AlertNet 14/06/2008.
2. ?Disrespect king and die?. Swazi Media Commentary 16 June 2008.
www.swazimedia.blogspot.com
3. Stop royal infighting. Sisho Magagula. Weekend Observer. June 14, 2008.
4. The future of Swazi Law and Custom. Musa Ndlangamandla. Weekend
Observer, June 14, 2008.
5. Political parties divided, confused. Njabulo Dlamini. The Swazi
Observer, Jun2 14, 2008.
6. Swazi rulers chicken out of TV. Swazi Media Commentary 14 June
2008 www.swazimedia.blogspot.com
7. No to political parties. Timothy Simelane. Weekend Observer. June
14, 2008.
___________________________
1. Swazi King dissolves parliament. Reuters AlertNet 14/06/2008.
Ludzidzini, Swaziland - Swaziland's King Mswati III, Africa's last
absolute monarch, announced on Saturday he will dissolve parliament by
month's end ahead of new elections in the impoverished country.
"Since we are now in the middle of the month, we will then expect that
at the end of the month the current MPs would go and prepare
themselves," the king told a national meeting, with some 2 000 in
attendance.
"So with effect from June 30, the current MPs would be relieved of
their duties."
The national meeting being held at a cattle byre just south of the
capital Mbabane began Wednesday and wrapped up on Saturday.
Parliamentary elections are held every five years after which the king
appoints a new prime minister.
More than a third of the parliament's 85 members are handpicked by the
king, who also makes all government appointments.
Swaziland's constitution, re-written in 2006, allows for freedom of
association but people can only stand for elections as individuals.
The king keeps a strong traditional grip on the tiny landlocked
kingdom, while opposition and civil society groups have been fighting
for plural politics and the abolition of the monarchy, which they
claim is dictatorial.
Swaziland's current king succeeded his late father in April 1986.
The kingdom is one of Africa's poorest nations with more than
two-thirds of its one million people living in poverty.
______________________________
2. ?Disrespect king and die?. Swazi Media Commentary 16 June 2008.
www.swazimedia.blogspot.com
Swaziland?s traditional prime minister has called for a Swazi
journalist to face serious punishment or even death for writing an
article that was ?disrespectful? to King Mswati III.
Jim Gama said a report published in a newspaper (it was the Times of
Swaziland but he never said this out loud) about the financial cost to
the kingdom of holding a three-day ?people?s parliament? had been
?very disrespectful to royalty and the king?.
The Times Sunday reported yesterday (15 June 2008) that Gama told a
crowd at the ?people?s parliament? that he was disgusted at the way
the story was handled.
According to the Times Sunday, Gama said, ?whoever wrote the report
should be punished using ?umphini? which in Swazi terms means a
serious punishment or even death?.
Gama is the Ludzidzini governor and is recognised in Swaziland as the
leader of the traditionalists in the kingdom. His word carries more
weight in Swaziland than that of the official Prime Minister, Themba
Dlamini.
The Times Sunday reported Gama saying, ?Your Majesty, you gave them
[the media] the freedom to write and with that freedom they are
disrespecting you.?
Gama went on to say that the newspapers should have reported that the
?people?s parliament? was filled to the brim ?and that Swazis loved
their king instead of writing negative reports?.
The day before publication a reporter from the Times of Swaziland
telephoned me to ask for my comment on Gama?s statement. I said that
the Swazi press should not let Gama intimidate them and the duty of
the media was to support the people of Swaziland and not the ruling
elite.
None of this appeared in the paper and who can be surprised when Gama
holds the threat of death over the heads of journalists?
The report that so offended Gama appeared in the Times of Swaziland
(13 June2008) and said that the cost of the three-day ?people?s
parliament? would be E15 million (just over 2 million US dollars). The
newspaper also reported that people at the parliament said they were
fed up with government corruption.
The Times Sunday (15 June 2008) ran an apology saying that the story
about the E15 million budget ?gave the impression that the expenses
for the People?s Parliament would cost E15m. This is not the case, and
we would like to apologise to all those who might have been misled.
The article, however was correct.?
How?s that for a non-apology apology? Do you think there was some
arm-twisting going on?
Link
http://swazimedia.blogspot.com/2008/06/disrespect-swazi-king-and-die-trad-pm.htm\
l
______________________________
3. Stop royal infighting. Sisho Magagula. Weekend Observer. June 14, 2008.
There can never be peace in this country so long as there is
in-fighting within the Royal household, Sibhimbi Dlamini has observed.
He was making his submission yesterday at the People?s Parliament at
Ludzidzini Royal Residence.
?There can never be peace in Swaziland if there is in-fighting amongst
members of the Royal household. Some members of the Royal committees
are members of political parties yet they serve the King,? alleged
Dlamini amid murmurs from members of the People?s Parliament.
Dlamini further said the King should retain all powers but currently,
the Constitution seems to have removed certain powers from the
Ingwenyama.
?For instance, the constitution says if the King wants to remove a
prime minister, he must consult with a judge and if the judge refuses
that the PM be removed, that would be the end of story. This is not
what the people wanted; the people wanted power to the King and that
did not happen and we wonder why?? said Dlamini.
Dlamini also caused a spectacle when he verbally attacked Mtfongwaneni
Member of Parliament Mfomfo Nkhambule inside the cattle byre.
Mincing no words, Dlamini accused Nkhambule of misleading the nation
on issues pertaining to the governance of the country.
?Buka nje naba boMfomfo, ba busy bayadvwanguta nje,? said Dlamini.
At this stage, Ludzidzini governor Jim Gama who was controlling
proceedings, stepped in.
?Bekunene, akufuneki ke loku, hloniphani emagama ebantfu. There should
be no mention of people?s name here. Just make your submission and do
not parade other people?s names,? said Gama.
Dlamini, after making his submission quickly moved out of the cattle byre.
Nkhambule was not present at the People?s Parliament yesterday as he
was attending a seminar of multi-party democracy at the Convention
Centre.
________________________
4. The future of Swazi Law and Custom. Musa Ndlangamandla. Weekend
Observer, June 14, 2008.
The much reported case of Mzikayise Ntshangase may have passed the
sunset of its shelve life, but it raised some serious issues regarding
the validity, role and influence of Swazi Law and Custom in so far as
it relates to Western law.
Apart from the serious controversy that followed the matter, there was
a real conflict regarding how far the Western style courts could go in
deliberating and determining the issues - which a substantial number
of people felt was embedded in Swazi Law and Custom and that had to be
dealt with and finalised in that realm
Attention
Another serious, yet 'thorny' issue that requires attention is that of
the legal standing of women - loci standi in judicio - with due
recognition of the fact that under Swazi Law and Custom she, after
marriage, becomes a member of her husband's family group with
concomitant guardianship.
There are many other matters which have all the trappings of customary
law, which have presented the nation with a dilemma regarding their
station between Swazi Law and Custom and Western Law, such that it is
no longer realistic for the country not to seek to strike a reasonable
balance between Swazi Law and Custom, the Bill of Rights [contained in
the Constitution] and the general ambit of Western law.
Harmony
Clearly, if Swaziland is to rise to the occasion and bring harmony in
this crucial area of the law, there is a real need to stop the neglect
of Swazi National Courts.
There is real need for reform and professionalisation of the Swazi
National Courts, which implies the upgrading of courtrooms and the
training of court officials. Consideration should be made to turn the
existing courts of first instance into magistrates' courts of special
class. This is but one of the actions that we need to take as a
country, if we are to ensure that Swazi Law and Custom occupies its
rightful place under the sun.
This legal system is an indispensable ingredient of the Swazi society,
it should be obvious that this indigenous law stands to contribute to
the future of the Kingdom of Eswatini.
The future of Swazi Law and Custom is important in the sense that a
substantial part of it is still living law. The continued application
of Swazi Law and Custom is also, therefore, guaranteed in the new
Constitution. Swazi Law and Custom will, however, as has been the case
in the past, continue to undergo constant change as it has the
capacity to adapt to changes in all spheres of life.
Its adaptation should, however, not be initiated by a Bill of Rights
as an instrument of entrenching Western values, but should be adapted
in harmony with its underlying principles.
His Majesty King Mswati III appreciates the need to put things in
their proper perspective, hence the project for the Recording and
Codification of Swazi Law and Custom - which was finalised in 2006.
Issue
Weekend Observer yesterday raised the issue with Professor Frans
Whelpton of the Department of Constitutional International and
Indigenous Law of the University of South Africa (UNISA) regarding the
legal issues to be addressed.
He said although the Swazi government can make use of legal reform to
attain some its objectives with regard to development, the law has
certain limits. Prof. Whelpton explained that the efficacy of the law
is dependent on the community's perception and acceptance of what the
law should be and should accomplish.
Examples of laws not expressing the people's values but rather
reflecting the developmental objectives of a new African elite abound
in several African countries. In this regard a distinction can be made
between 'paper law' and 'living law' or the 'people's law'. Prof.
Whelpton was asked to expand on examples of legal domains that could
possibly be addressed by the people and government in this regard.
Points to ponder:
- The potential basic conflict between the individual rights
orientation of the general common law and statute - and the communal
rights and obligations orientation of Swazi Law and Custom.
- The Bill of Rights emphasis on rights as opposed to the Swazi Law
and Custom principle of duties and patriarchy, which qualifies such
implied freedom by virtue of the respect paid to persons of high
social and political rank.
- Women's rights to dispose of property.
- Polygamous relations and the transfer of marriage goods (emabheka).
- The variation of legal values and norms in the urban areas as
opposed to the law found in rural areas.
______________________
5. Political parties divided, confused. Njabulo Dlamini. The Swazi
Observer, Jun2 14, 2008.
They may all have one philosophy; of wanting to democratise and lead
Swaziland to change but political parties are still far from working
in unity and in tolerance.
This was evident when some speakers, particularly the African United
Democratic Party (AUDP)?s Sibusiso Dlamini, was booed and shouted down
as he tried to articulate the views of his organisation.
Most were against his call for people to participate in the elections
and that the Constitution was a legal document, arising out of a
legitimate process.
Legislature
He said people could only make amendments via the legislature route
since the document (constitution) was an Act of Parliament.
His knowledge of the constitution seemed to surpass many as he would
quote Sections as if he were reading his Bible.
Much to the shouts of disapproval from the audience, Dlamini said
Swaziland could attain full democratisation using the constitution,
peace, security as well as form a united government.
He said the supremacy of the Constitution had to be respected by all
to realise such (attaining democracy).
Tantamount
?The majority formed the constitution and the document was endorsed by
the international community. All parties should be registered as per
the constitution in order to participate in the forthcoming elections.
We?ll participate as an organisation since boycotting would be
tantamount to committing suicide.
?It is our fundamental right to influence the system, amend and make
laws whilst in parliament,? he powered out as some again booed him.
Chairperson of Swaziland National Democratic Front (SNDF) Barnes
Dlamini openly criticised the AUDP?s viewpoint, noting they were
?ashamed? having it in their body.
AUDP?s Dlamini serves as vice secretary of the Front.
Dlamini said the AUDP was confused since they were part of a body
which was against the elections yet they were rallying behind the
exercise.
However, Bishop Meshack Mabuza of the Anglican Church criticised the
Front?s position, noting tolerance and unity had to characterise
political parties? existence if they wanted to succeed.
?No matter how tall or short you are, we (the led) will need to see
you united.
"Sort yourselves out somewhere as leaders since the present act is
confusing the audience,? said Bishop Mabuza.
Also booed until she sought protection from the MC of the day was
PUDEMO?s Siphasha Dlamini.
The AUDP was to also lambaste the speakers against their view, noting
freedom of choice was a fundamental right; people could either boycott
or participate in the elections.
_________________________
6. No to political parties. Timothy Simelane. Weekend Observer. June
14, 2008.
The people have endorsed the ban on all political parties, saying they
do not show the right path to peace. They also say power should be
returned to the King.
Almost all submissions on the subject of 'peace' at the People?s
Parliament at the cattle byre condemned political formations, saying
Swaziland already has a democratic political system.
Sizwangendaba Dlamini said no political party should exist in
Swaziland to avoid plunging the country into a crisis, in a similar
situation with some troubled countries.
He said Swaziland had a good human rights record and should maintain it.
?We do not want these parties,? he said.
Sbhimbi Dlamini also emphasised that political parties should be
rejected with the greatest of contempt.
?Peace cannot be if some people within the royal family are also
members of political parties. There is nothing that these parties can
help us with, as is the case with Mfomfo, who is disorderly. One
wonders what order his party could bring to any society.?
Mathendele Dlamini, also minister of Foreign Affairs and Trade, said
he had visited many countries where he found that there was no peace.
He quoted a scripture in the Book of Hebrews where Christians are
warned to hold on to what they were taught lest they be put to
extinction.
?In other countries there is turmoil and no peace at all. As a Swazi
nation we come from an era of political parties in 1972. We know the
hardships we faced then, and should not return to such,? he said.
Samuel Motsa supported the minister?s words saying it was true that
countries in which political parties exist were plunged into chaos.
"If you can bring political parties here, you will see what would
happen to the Swazi nation. I have also travelled and seen what
Mathendele is talking about.?
Many other speakers took a similar path to condemn political parties.
Though some who are known to affiliate to political parties were
present, they did not say anything to the contrary. Long serving
former NNLC President and Nhlambeni MP Obed Dlamini only talked about
agriculture reforms and how important it was to end poverty.
He did not buy into the issue of parties.
Sipho Shongwe suggested that a committee should be established to do a
consultative exercise and establish for a fact if political parties
could be allowed to go to the polls.
?For peace to exist in Swaziland, there should be another committee to
gather the nation?s views on this subject.?
Elizabeth Dlamini said she was worried that some elements of political
parties could infiltrate the army if there are no proper checks and
balances during recruitment.
?This PUDEMO will fill the army because of the manner the recruitment
process is conducted,? she said.
It was also in 1973 where the nation advised King Sobhuza II that
political parties should be done away with because they were a foreign
ideology.
________________________________
7. Swazi rulers chicken out of TV.
Swazi Media Commentary 14 June 2008 www.swazimedia.blogspot.com
The Swaziland Government refused to take part in an internationally
televised programme to defend itself against accusations that
Swaziland is not a democracy and is instead ruled by an autocratic
king who is out of step with the aspirations of his people.
Instead, the government demanded (and will get) airtime without
opposition people present to put forward its own view of what life is
like in Swaziland.
The programme called African Views, broadcast by the South
African-based channel SABC Africa, went out live on Thursday (12 June
2008) and was repeated the next day. People in Swaziland who subscribe
to DSTV satellite television were able to receive the programme.
Among the four panellists on the programme were representatives of
PUDEMO (an organisation banned in Swaziland), the Swaziland Solidarity
Network, and a member of the Young Communist League.
It is no surprise that the Swaziland Government chickened out and
refused to appear. It is not used to having to defend itself on the
airwaves. Most broadcasting in Swaziland is state controlled and the
part that isn?t, such as Channel Swazi (Channel S), supports the
monarchy and the status quo in Swaziland.
The makers of African Views said the Swazi government would be given a
programme to itself (with the regular presenter of the programme in
the chair) to give its point of view before the end of this month or
early next month.
Personally, I think the makers of African Views should not run the
programme. If the Swazi Government doesn?t have the courage to face
its critics, that?s its problem. Can you imagine an internationally
respected news organisation such as CNN, the BBC, or Aljazerra
(channels that are also broadcast on DSTV) allowing the Swazi
Government to get away with such a thing?
The government may regret not being on the programme because those who
did take part gave a lucid account of how undemocratic Swaziland is.
This was a rare chance for people in Swaziland to hear views that
cannot be aired on radio or television by Swazi-based broadcasters.
Here are some of the points viewers to African Views heard.
The international community has condemned Swaziland?s rulers for
arresting and torturing political activists.
King Mswati III is above the law in Swaziland because the new Swazi
Constitution allows him to overrule any law that he wished. There is
?no will of the people? in Swaziland, no democracy and the king
decides everything.
The elections due to be held later this year are ?toy elections?,
because political parties are banned. In 2003 at the last elections in
Swaziland election observers from the Commonwealth said the elections
were a mockery because the parliament that was being elected had no
powers. This situation has not changed with the new constitution.
There was a call on the programme for the international community not
to go to Swaziland to ?observe? this year?s election because to do so
would give the vote an undeserved legitimacy.
The Royal Proclamation of 1973 that suspended democracy is still in
force in Swaziland. If the decree were lifted and political parties
allowed, there might be some reason to call this year?s elections
?free?.
People in Swaziland are told that democracy is ?unSwazi? and the
ruling elites camouflage the strict political control that exists in
the kingdom by saying this is the correct cultural, or traditional
way, of doing things in Swaziland. Anything else is ?foreign.?
Meanwhile, the chiefs, described as ?the king?s Boy Scouts?, keep the
70 percent of Swaziland?s population who live in rural areas under
strict control. Women have no rights in the rural areas and under
traditional law a five-year-old boy has more legal rights than an
adult woman.
Panellists called on the international community to put more pressure
on Swaziland to transform itself into a modern democracy. But it was
also recognised that Swazi people have to do things for themselves.
Swazis must determine what kind of Swaziland they want.
So, as you can see, the Swazi government missed its chance to defend
itself. I suspect they realised they had no chance of winning. If they
had turned up and this had been a soccer match they would have
suffered a 10-nil defeat.
What a pity that SABC Africa is going to give the Swazi Government the
chance of a replay. And without a team to play against next time it
will be a whitewash for the government.
Link
http://swazimedia.blogspot.com/2008/06/swazi-government-chickens-out-of-tv.html
_____________________________
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Swaziland@Newsletter Extra: The empowerment of women
Published by Africa Contact (Denmark)
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___________________________________________________
Dear friends,
We have felt it important to raise the question of the rights of women
in Swaziland.
It is one of the most important issues in the political future of
Swaziland. In many ways, the most important one of all. The women of
the land are those who more than any other live through the
difficulties of the present. Their equal and creative contribution to
the democratic movement is necessary if it is to create a future life
for all.
This newsletter reflects a discussion of the human rights and human
tasks of women far out over the borders of Swaziland. It is our hope
that this can contribute to awareness and discussion, to the process
of equality and change.
"Let the women speak! And listen? is the title of one of the following
articles. It is more than that.
Patrick Mac Manus
Editor
Swaziland@Newsletter
________________________________________
The empowerment of women
1. Women challenging their traditional status as minors. IRIN 8/3/2008.
2. Reflections on 16 days of activism. Emma Njoki Wamai. 5/25/2008.
Pambazuka News 374. www.pambazuka.org.
3. In Southern Africa, women are changing the face of migration.
Gender, Remittances and Development: Findings from selected SADC
countries. Joint Press Release, Santo Domingo. 4/7/2008: UN-INSTRAW &
SAIIA: http://topics.developmentgateway.org
4. Soul searching for women activists. Salma Mlidi. 4/3/2008:
Pambazuka News 359, www.pambazuka.org
5. Gender and Human Rights in South Africa. Corlett Letlojane.
SANGONet: A Development Information Portal for NGOs in South Africa.
1/2/2008.
6. "Let the women speak! And listen?. Anene Ejikeme. Pambazuku News 17.1.2008.
7. Sex, money and power: Considerations for African women?s
empowerment. Danai S. Mupotsa. AfricaFiles Vol. 7 (January-April 2008).
8. Back home from hell. Forced into prostitution for two years. Given
Mahlalela, Sowetan 6/3/2008.
______________________________
1. Women challenging their traditional status as minors. IRIN 8/3/2008.
Amid growing concern over increased incidents of gender-based
violence, the Swazi government on Tuesday pledged its ongoing
commitment to protecting women.
"The nation has strong traditional, cultural and ethical morals that
respect women in society - incest, rape, violence and other acts of
disrespect against women do not respect our values and traditions as
Swazis," Prime Minister Themba Dlamini said in statement marking
International Women's Day.
The tiny landlocked country hit the headlines last year when a young
woman was stripped and gang-raped by bus conductors at the terminus in
the country's main commercial centre, Manzini, while spectators
cheered them on.
The woman had allegedly angered the conductors by wearing a miniskirt,
which they claimed was "unSwazi". Women in the conservative African
kingdom generally wear modern Western clothing and have worn
miniskirts since the 1960s, although the government at one stage
considered banning them on moral grounds.
Gender activists have said the upswing in domestic violence cases in
recent times could be directly related to the low fines imposed on
perpetrators found guilty of assault.
"On rare occasions, when a husband is arrested for domestic violence,
he is booked for common assault. If convicted, he has to pay only R60
($10). This is neither a punishment nor a deterrent - we need stiffer
laws," Nonhlanhla Dlamini, director of Swaziland's Action Group
against Abuse, told IRIN.
Despite being legally regarded as minors, women in Swaziland have
begun to challenge the status quo. Earlier this week Leliswe Nxumalo,
a widow, sued her in-laws, who had ordered her out of her husband's
house and confiscated all her marital property after his death.
Under Swazi custom, a widow is expected to marry her deceased
husband's brother and continue bearing children. The family argued
that, by tradition, the deceased man's property belonged to them and
not to the widow. They also castigated the widow for refusing to go
into a month-long seclusion following her husband's funeral, as custom
dictates.
Nxumalo countered that she needed to return to work to support
herself, especially since her in-laws had confiscated her husband's
estate. The case is among several that have brought the situation
regarding Swazi women's rights into sharp focus over the past year.
Women may not own property or enter into contracts without the
sponsorship of a male relative.
Although a new constitution is expected to improve the rights of Swazi
women, critics argue that, like all constitutional clauses, these
rights may be suspended by the king, Mswati III.
_________________________
2. Reflections on 16 days of activism. Emma Njoki Wamai. 5/25/2008.
Pambazuka News 374. www.pambazuka.org.
The Sauti Ya Wanawake grassroots women's movement members recount
their experiences with sexual and gender based violence with an
uncomfortable familiarity. In the dusty and desolate sisal
plantations, national parks and the savannah grasslands in Taveta,
Taita, and Kinango districts in the Kenyan Coast, everyday women and
children are sexually abused at an alarming rate. In Taita, Taveta,
Kwale, and Kinango Districts in Kenya, sexual and gender based
violence has been rampant for a long time due to retrogressive
cultural practices and poverty which deprives the most vulnerable
people, mostly women and children their human rights.
In 2007 alone, 62 girls and women and 2 boys were defiled and raped
(Children's Department, Taita Taveta District). According to the
Children's Officer and the Sauti ya Wanawake movement in the region,
reported rape and defilement of children is excercabeted in the
district by the complacent culture of wazee wa vigogoni, laxity of
provincial administration, entry of illicit drugs, and brew from
neighbouring Tanzania. Of these 62, only 20 cases were taken to court.
It is notable that these were reported cases and many other cases
especially where women were violated, were not reported to the police
since the perpetrators are normally relatives and fear of castigation
by the community.
Coincidentally, the theme of the 2007 16 Days of Activism campaign,
Demanding Implementation, Challenging Obstacles: End Violence against
Women, could not have been more appropriate to the sisters and mothers
of Taita Taveta who have watched helplessly as their children?s
childhood is hurriedly ended by lurking man made beasts.
Inspired by the need to end violence against women in their
communities, they sought partnership with like-minded organizations
such as the Kenya Human Rights Commission (KHRC) ,a non governmental
organization whose vision is promoting and protecting human rights and
the Canadian International Development Agency Gender Equity Support
Project (CIDA-GESP) to mainstream strategic and practical gender
issues in the existing pre election promises by aspiring candidates
and to raise awareness on legal forms of redress such as the New
Sexual Offences Act through dialogue forums and community radio
stations. They also trained local village elders, local provincial
administration, religious leaders, youth, and women on the effects of
violence against women and erected four information billboards in
remote villages offering community members safe spaces to deposit
information on violence against women and children.
Mama Dorcas Jibran, the coordinator of the Sauti Y a Wanawake says
that the impact of the 16 Days of Activism 2007 is profound on the
safety of women and children in the three districts barely 3 months
later. Mama Dorcas shared these achievements of the 2007, 16 days of
Activism campaign which include;
1. Sustainable Partnerships.
This project has strengthened Sauti ya Wanawake's relationship with
the provincial administration and as a result, Sauti ya Wanawake,
police, and the chiefs work together on cases of sexual and gender
based violence. The Divisional Officer?s office (DO) has been
facilitating Sauti ya Wanawake to visit remote places in case of an
alarm and they have also been making follow-ups together. Mama Dorcas
is currently working with the chiefs and the Councillors to establish
modalities of setting up information boxes in every location.
2. The grassroots women's movement now has the capacity to articulate
issues and the village representatives are called upon to advice on
gender issues in churches and local development committees. For
example, Mama Dorcas and Mama Emma Mailus are normally called upon by
their local police posts to advice and train the police when a sex
offender is arrested.
3. Lastly, Sauti Ya Wanawake and the residents of Taita, Taveta and
Kinango have benefited from the information billboards which are
positioned in every constituency.
Mama Docras Jibran has already received five cases on violence against
women and children and succession issues from women and she has
referred the individuals for further support to Police and the
Federation of Women Lawyers (FIDA) Mombassa Office.
There is need for the Africa Union Members states to fully domesticate
the numerous instruments and regional charters that recognize the
hardships women like Mama Dorcas face. The Convention on Elimination
against All forms of Discrimination (CEDAW) is one such instrument.
The African Women's Protocol of the African peoples Human Rights
Charter is another that criminalizes any violence committed against
women. The time is now!
Emma Njoki Wamai is a Programme Associate in the Kenya Human Rights
Commission.
_____________________
3. In Southern Africa, women are changing the face of migration.
Gender, Remittances and Development: Findings from selected SADC
countries. Joint Press Release, Santo Domingo. 4/7/2008: UN-INSTRAW &
SAIIA: http://topics.developmentgateway.org
"Gender, Remittances and Development: Preliminary Findings from
Selected SADC Countries,? published by the United Nations
International Research and Training Institute for the Advancement of
Women (UN-INSTRAW) and the South African Institute of International
Affairs (SAIIA), with support from the United Nations Population Fund
(UNFPA), highlights the growing impact of women?s migration on
households, families and communities in selected countries of the
Southern African Development Community (SADC).
With over 16 million migrants, Africans account for one fifth of
global migrants. Projections indicate that by 2025, one in ten
Africans will live and work outside their country of origin. In
particular, South Africa has the largest number of foreign-born
persons (excluding irregular migrants). ?In the past, women in
Southern Africa were often prohibited from migrating. Today, with an
increasing number of African women migrants, traditionally
male-dominated patterns of migration are changing. Overall, women now
encompass 37.4% of regular migrants from the SADC region to South
Africa,? stated Hilary Anderson, Information Officer at UN-INSTRAW.
The UN-INSTRAW/SAIIA study found that the informal economy is a
significant source of employment for women migrants, who are most
likely to work as vendors, street traders, or hawkers. According to a
2006 survey that monitored over 85,000 traders passing through 20
border posts connecting ten countries in the SADC region, 70% of all
traders at the main border post between South Africa and Zimbabwe were
women. The informal economy generally provides low incomes, which has
a negative impact on integration in the destination country and the
ability to send remittances. In the mining sector, some women migrate
with their husbands or partners and provide services to male mine
workers. In the case of Lesotho, the increase in unemployment among
Basotho men in South African mines has forced women to migrate to the
capital of Lesotho to work in textile companies, or to migrate to
South Africa.
?Women migrants are more likely to be disadvantaged by the migration
experience than their male counterparts. While South Africa is an
increasingly popular destination for migrants in numeric terms, it is
often an intimidating and unstable destination, where women migrants
suffer violence, overt hostility and social exclusion, as well as
economic exploitation,? emphasized Elizabeth Sidiropoulos, National
Director of the South African Institute of International Affairs
(SAIIA). ?These trends have negative repercussions on salaries,
working conditions, labour stability and, consequently, on
remittances,? she continued.
In the case of Southern Africa, extremely little data are available
regarding the sending, utilization and impact of remittances,
particularly by women. While we know that women both send remittances
as migrants, and receive them as heads of households, we still don?t
know what the implications of these different roles are for women?s
economic and social status. The UN-INSTRAW/SAIIA study highlights that
the total value of remittances has quadrupled from less than US$2
billion in 1990 to US$8 billion in 2005. This could have significant
implications for the well-being and development of the households and
communities that receive remittances.
Existing research in SADC countries, including that conducted by the
Southern Africa Migration Project (SAMP) shows that remittances are
significant in enabling households to meet basic needs and buy basic
services. An overwhelming number of households (93%), purchase food
and groceries with remitted funds. ?Cases of investment of remittances
in productive activities exist in Swaziland, particularly in
agriculture, and in Mozambique, in building materials. However, there
is no evidence of the emergence of new economic activity generated by
the receipt of remittances. Remittances protect human development
because they allow families to pay for education, health, electricity,
water and other services, when they are not provided by the! State,?
stressed Hilary Anderson. .
In the context of Southern Africa, formal remittance channels,
including banks, the post office and money transfer agencies, are
expensive and notoriously slow in terms of transfer times. To-date,
the majority of remittances are sent informally through migrating
friends or relatives (31.9%) and taxis drivers (21.3%). In addition,
the great majority of migrant-sending households (85%) receive
remittances as cash. ?In this context, women are less likely than men
to have access to formal banking and other financial services. In
Botswana and Swaziland, for example, women have to provide permission
from their husbands or fathers before they can open a bank account.
This is a significant obstacle to women?s ability to make the most of
the income they send or receive as remittances,? stated Elizabeth
Sidiropoulos.
As the majority of migrants carry remittances themselves, the
regularity and frequency at which remittances are received is related
to how often they return home. On average, 59% of households received
remittances once a month, with those in Lesotho (77%) being most
likely to do so and those in Mozambique (20%) being least likely to do
so.
The data and information reviewed in the UN-INSTRAW/SAIIA study point
to an urgent need for more research on the migration of women and
their role in sending, receiving and utilizing remittances. In
particular, data should be disaggregated by sex so that we have a
better of idea of how many women migrate, for what reasons
(employment, family, etc.), how they experience life away from their
families and how this migration is changing household formation and
dynamics.
In addition, the UN-INSTRAW/SAIIA study calls for increased dialogue
on the policy context of migration in Southern Africa that takes into
account the extremely diverse nature of migration in this region,
which includes permanent, temporary and contract migration, localized
mobility, asylum-seekers and refugees, and irregular migration.
Migration policies should also take into account women?s changing role
in migratory flows, and reflect the needs and priorities of women
migrants in terms of mobility, access to employment, personal
security, and access to financial services.
____________________________________
4. Soul searching for women activists. Salma Mlidi. 4/3/2008:
Pambazuka News 359, www.pambazuka.org
On March 29, 2008 the Tanzania Media Women's Association (TAMWA) began
a week long commemoration of 20 years of advocacy for women's human
rights. Among activities earmarked to mark the occasion include the
opening of a self sponsored office building; the launch of a
Fundraising Campaign for a Women's Media and Documentation Centre; and
a book launch of TAMWA's story in pioneering social transformation in
Tanzania as experienced by members, supporters and friends.
TAMWA was officially launched and registered in 1987 by 10 women
pioneers working in the media with two major aims: to agitate for a
positive portrayal of women in the media; and to raise the academic
and professional standards of female journalist to enable them to
assume positions of influence in the media with the expectation that
they will have a voice with regard media content and output in so far
as its portrayal of women.
Twenty years later TAMWA has much to celebrate about. Arguably TAMWA
is the foremost advocacy organization for women's right in Tanzania.
TAMWA's command of the local media is un-paralleled and stems from
years of capacity building and advocacy of media heads in various
media institutions. Nevertheless, in Tanzania, TAMWA is best known for
her work in gender based violence. Soon after her formation TAMWA made
it her business to expose crimes against women that were otherwise
considered taboo e.g. domestic violence and notably wife beating,
incest, and family neglect; and sexual harassment in the workplace.
TAMWA also addressed the larger phenomena of sexual abuse against
women and children in Tanzania contributing to the impetus of
increased local responses to address the phenomena e.g. by the
Tanzania Women Lawyers Association. Undeniably, Gender Based Violence
(GBV) is the mother of activist struggles in Tanzania thanks to a
large part to TAMWA's relentless advocacy on the subject. Other than
the ongoing Campaign on breast cancer by the Tanzania Medical Women's
Association (MEWATA) which is mainly service oriented no other
advocacy campaigned has been as successful as the Campaign to Stop GBV
launched by TAMWA in the mid 90's.
Through innovative strategies like media advocacy, action research and
campaigns TAMWA made sure that her advocacy agenda was current news
and popular, not just with legislators and bureaucrats but with the
local populace. It is not unheard of that activists visiting any
village in Tanzania would be approached by concerned villagers about
human rights violations against women and children in the belief that
the activist who cared enough to visit them represents TAMWA. While
Tanzania now has a number of women's rights organizations TAMWA
remains the most recognized and coined by men and women alike.
TAMWA's advocacy ensured that GBV was no t only named but was also
unpacked and demystified. Certainly fifteen years ago many Tanzanians
did not know about the prevalence of FGM in the country. Personally, I
learnt about the practice in France after watching a documentary
prepared by Sudanese women on alternative forms of cutting. However,
building on her research work on crimes committed against women
undertaken with journalist in various regions of Tanzania, TAMWA
exposed FGM and made it a national agenda. Consequently, Tanzania was
among the first countries to outlaw FGM and to have an active anti-
FGM network at regional and national levels.
Another less publicized issue was the deaths of old women accused of
witchcraft in west and north western Tanzania. TAMWA made the link
between the deaths of old women to economic insecurity experienced in
most poor rural communities. Access to landed resources increasingly
endangered the lives of old women occupying land that younger
relatives wanted to access and control. Other than changing the
dominant perspective about the issue i.e. about witchcraft beliefs,
TAMWA was able to lend impetus to and influence the content of the
Land Campaign in the late 1990's to address the question of women's
access and control of landed resources.
In many ways TAMWA activist trajectory informed and continues to
inform my own activist trajectory. I was introduced to TAMWA in the
early 90's when I was still doing my LLB helping out in what was then
know as the Library and Documentation Unit. This was the beginning of
my own official activist trajectory and as Fatma Alloo, the first
TAMWA Chair, puts it, "Of channelling my anger against injustice
towards more productive activist enterprise". Other than having first
hand access to feminist literature from different parts of the world,
I got to meet many authors and or subjects of books in the centre
satiating my growing zeal for alternative leadership figures and
visions.
Just as the! Tanzania African Nationalist Union (TANU) Women Wing an d
later Umoja wa Wanwake Tanzania (UWT) was a pioneer for women's
interests pre and post independence, TAMWA pioneered autonomous women
rights organizations as well as autonomous advocacy agendas. Figures
that led TAMWA also offered the first real taste of female leadership
outside the dominant party structure. The growth of private media
houses meant that TAMWA personalities were recognized nationally,
oftentimes as readily as leading government figures.
The pedestal TAMWA has come to enjoy in the civil society sector means
that the successes and struggles she achieves impact on the larger
women's movement in Tanzania. Thus when in the mid nineties TAMWA
suffered an organizational crisis brought on by rapid organizational
growth, burn out and rifts between the ranks that otherwise would be
normal in an organizational context but that spiralled to become
personal because of the absence of an awareness in how to manage the
health of a dynamic, visible and politically charged organization,
mushrooming advocacy organizations held their breath. They were
conscious that TAMWA's failure would reflect not just in the women's
movement but also in the larger civil society sector that was
beginning to attract some level of sanction on account of its work.
Perhaps the crisis appeared bigger than it actually was because the
emerging activist sector while commonly survives on camaraderie, trust
and enthusiasm had not had to deal with the full force of what it
means to be empowered individuals. Also the age old habit of selfless
devotion and sacrifice 'serving others' most women succumb to may have
been transferred to the activist space such that some members may have
felt not adequately appreciated. Indeed in an activist space the
actors are many, the roles more visible and the stakes are higher such
that it is not uncommon for egos to become more sensitive to criticism
or doubt.
Nonetheless, TAMWA survived and emerged stronger. In fact the crisis
introduced the notion of organizational health and anti burn out
measurers to CSOs. Following an emotional OD intervention members were
able to come to terms with their reality and create a healthier space
to address existing and perceived weaknesses. TAMWA had to change and
since she has learnt the value of reinventing herself and her agenda
making it timeless.
TAMWA's records successes not just institutionally but also with her
membership which comprises of exceptional pioneers. Edda Sanga was
Chief Comptroller and acting head of Radio Tanzania before her
retirement while Joyce Mhaville manages the largest private radio and
television network in the country. Fatma Alloo, Halima Sheriff and
Rose Kalemera all among founder members have also worked in the civil
society sector serving and serve in a number of prestigious boards.
Pili Mtambalike and Rose Haji work for the Media Council of Tanzania
and MISA Tanzania respectively.
Young women journalists who interned at TAMWA are mostly employed as
media consultants and directors in the private sector. Mahfoudha Alley
Hamid a TAMWA veteran was a member of the first East Africa
Legislative Assembly and currently serves as Deputy Chair for the
Tanzania Human Rights Commission while others like Zainab Vulu serve
as Parliamentarians and others like Halima Kihemba and Betty Mkwasa in
local government administration.
As I danced and ululated in celebration with women I had known and
grown with for 20 years, I could not help but feel a strong sense of
achievement. Members I had not seen for a number of years trickle into
the new headquarters to join in the momentous occasion. There was
laughter and congratulations all round. By sheer will the vision of 10
women, who the whole world seemed to ridicule had lived on, thrived
and triumphed! It inspired and gave birth to other smaller social
justice movements at local and national levels.
The Tanzanian First Lady, Mama Salma Kikwete, graced the occasion. I
was gripped by a strange disquiet as she posed a challenge to TAMWA
for the next twenty years. As I looked around me, I wondered would I
recognize my sisters (and brothers) in activism 20 years from now?
Certainly, mostly TAMWA members and 'official' activists" attended the
event. I would have loved to see greater participation of the
population that TAMWA spent 20 years advocating for. Perhaps a public
solidarity walk would have been more appropriate to facilitate a broad
based commemoration.
Also while there were a few men in attendance, many men representing
media organizations stayed away. How could they then be seen to lend
moral support to women's human rights when such support is not felt in
physical terms?
While TAMWA's successes fill me with pride I can't help but worry
about the implications. I worry whether the agenda we have fought so
hard to push is getting co-opted as more young women with activist
potential are being lured by the private sector which sector is
reverting to selling the sexualized image of young women. It is no
secret that other than plastering images of young and supposedly
successful women in marketing ads, many companies employ younger women
because of the 'sex appeal' they offer. Another consideration is the
lower wages they attract in contrast to male executives.
This is not to say that young female media practitioners are not worth
their salt. Rather there is a real concern around the original agenda
of using the media to conscientize about and advocate for women's
human rights being compromised in the era of a liberal media and
economy.
The detachment of young women from the struggles of past is palpable
as most activists organizations and initiatives remain dominated by
middle aged and retired women. Young professions have sold out to the
liberal economy as most become preoccupied with becoming successful in
the market and portraying an outer image of success through apolitical
consumerism. Gender discrimination has mutated or gone underground
such that young female professionals appear clueless about the
struggles of past that brought about the even playing field they now
enjoy. Mistakenly, and perhaps because they come armed with an
education, they think this is how things were and will continue to be.
Indeed, TAMWA produced young professionals and executives who can
compete with handsome pledges to her fundraiser providing much needed
relief from over demanding and increasingly tight fisted funders. But
I wonder if in so doing whether the women's movement is not opening
her self up to an elitist and consumerist culture that is unconcerned
with the means through which she achieves her end? Or is it a matter
of redefining our values?
Salma Mlidi is a political activist. Comments to: editor@...
or comment online at: www.pambazuka.org
__________________________
5. Gender and Human Rights in South Africa. Corlett Letlojane.
SANGONet A Development Information Portal for NGOs in South Africa.
www.sangonet.org.za
The definition of gender is still a preoccupation of many schools of
thought. The old, the modern and the pre-modern schools of thought
provide guiding principles on the concept of gender.
The old school of thought defines gender from a patriarchal context
which emphasise roles and relationships between male and female
persons at community level. Most people say the emphasis in this area
is more on the physical structure of a person than anything else,
particularly as the musculature of a human being dictates values,
strength and position one holds in society. Male persons are
understood to exert leadership obligations in public life, which is
valued more than the altruistic roles fulfilled by females since they
fall under patriarchal subjugation. Females are timid and emotionally
weak - and therefore they cannot handle leadership mandates.
The second school of thought is defined from the modern construct
which interprets gender from the individual?s biological status and
determines the sex of a person. When looking at the societal
definition of gender one ends up with a narrow view, where
understanding of the dichotomy between purposes and needs of human
beings is disregarded. Male persons have different purposes, as do
female persons, and the two complement each other. The basis of
different treatment between male and female persons is the cutting
edge of our perception, and our arguments should be premised on these
differences rather than solely on beliefs, power and duties.
Gender needs broader definition rather than giving it a narrow scope,
which cannot respond to the modern challenges faced by female persons.
The state of affairs can improve when we finally accept the reality
that it is about time that we consider harmonising the traditional
beliefs with modern terms so that the old give way to the new gender
equity. The narrow view of gender has caused a lot of damage in the
society by breeding hostility, misconceptions and stereotypes in
handling relationships between male and female persons. The time has
come to begin appreciating the common attributes of female persons,
not only to view them from relational and nurturing points of view and
the male persons as proponents of respect.
It is a well-known fact that societal fabric harbours inconsistent
tenements of culture, tradition and religion that are not open to
promotion and protection of women?s rights. These are deep-rooted
beliefs that are not easy to diminish or open to new changes brought
by development. Firstly, development doesn?t augur well for culture.
In fact, it is in enmity with culture as the former tend to erode the
latter. Further, the makers of cultural norms do not create
development but encourage sustenance of the status quo. The other
views put blame on external influences for changing old beliefs and
way of thinking towards relationships of male and female persons. In
addition, one can submit that the cultural and traditional way of
defining members of a society existed since immemorial times and the
transfer has passed from generation to generation.
One can qualify an assumption that sources of culture and old beliefs
surface as a result of the legacy left by our ancestors. Also, many
communities still believe that our ancestors are the makers of these
old beliefs. They go as far as to posit that society owes them
respect, recognition and observation regardless of their harm, or
whether they fit well with modern times or if their existence is
detrimental to people?s needs and values.
Gender Rights on Paper
Gender issues are not complex but the old belief system that exists in
our society is making the concept of gender a very volatile topic to
dwell on.
In South Africa the new dispensation coupled with international and
regional instruments added value to the struggle against gender
inequality. The government?s commitment to attain gender equity is
embraced in our new Constitutional Order. In particular, Section 9 of
the Bill of Rights prohibits any form of discrimination based on
gender or sex perpetrated directly or indirectly.
South Africa is a champion of human rights and is the one country in
Africa that has jurisprudential precedence at the Constitutional Court
level in respect of the rights and welfare of women and children?s
inheritance. In terms of culture, women are not allowed to remain the
custodian of their children or to be in physical control of the estate
of their late partners. The deceased?s eldest male relative, if there
is no male of the age of 18 at the time of the deceased death, assumes
this duty. The mother of the male and the elder sister of the
sibling?s brother were completely disqualified from exercising this
duty. This culture had left many children homeless, poverty stricken,
and brought severe animosities among communities as the deceased?s
relatives helped themselves to the assets of his/her estate.
The development of gender law, informed by international and regional
perspectives, has resulted in the improvement of the rights of women.
These include the United Nations Convention on the Elimination of All
Forms of Discrimination against Women and the Protocol on the Rights
of Women in Africa. These two instruments create progressive
mechanisms for advancing the rights of women in both public and
private spheres, but still need to be implemented at local level for
courts to offer victims with remedies.
At the Southern African Development Community (SADC) level, South
Africa is party to a Declaration on Gender and Development. Subsequent
to that, an addendum was signed related to the Prevention and
Eradication of Violence against Women and Children. In addition,
during the SADC Summit in 2005, member states approved the drafting of
the SADC Protocol on Gender and Development since protocols by nature
have binding force compared to declarations.
The Hard Reality
However, the rights of women are still not respected in all spheres,
including at local and national levels.
Women are the most affected by the HIV/AIDS pandemic. Violence against
women and children, including rape statistics, are still high.
Maintenance courts are faced with backlog of cases and we still have
many fathers who abdicate their responsibility to support their
progeny. Poverty affects women and children more than men, despite
measures taken at global level to progressively address the disparity
between male and female persons.
There?s a strong need for CSOs and other relevant stakeholders to
advocate for the domestication and implementation of international,
regional and sub-regional instruments promoting women?s rights. These
instruments are meaningless if they are not incorporated at local
level, and the failure of our courts to provide remedies to victims of
violence brings disgrace to our progressive Constitutional Order.
Strong advocacy and education is also required at community level to
improve the living law and unacceptable conditions through permeation
of statutory law. It is through these vigorous efforts that gender
advocacy will finally see self-worth and the human dignity of female
persons restored in South Africa.
Corlett Letlojane, director of HURISA Human Rights Institute of South Africa.
________________________________
6. "Let the women speak! And listen?. Anene Ejikeme. Pambazuku News
17.1.2008.
In 1929 women in southeast Nigeria mounted a war against the forces of
British colonial rule. The women targeted all the symbols of the new
political order ? the offices and homes of colonial officialdom, as
well as its representatives. The "disturbances" and the demands made
by the women at the Commission of Inquiry set up by the colonial
government to investigate surprised the British. The women who
testified before the Commission consistently demanded that women be
represented in the new institutions which had been set up by the
colonial government. More than 50 women lost their lives, but colonial
authorities failed to appreciate the extent to which women felt
aggrieved by colonial policies which rendered them invisible.
Although the women organized and carried out this rebellion, it did
not stop colonial authorities and missionaries from continuing to
insist that African women were "no better than cattle and sheep" and
completely lacking in agency.
"The assumption that African women lack agency continues to be the
prevailing view." Almost eighty years later, the assumption that
African women lack agency continues to be the prevailing view about
them. This impression is so often at variance with what I see, for
example, when I am at home in Nigeria where, every day, I meet women
who struggle to feed their families and to send their children to
school, daily making decisions that help sustain their families.
The role of "Tradition"
Researchers and development workers appear eager always to point to
"Tradition" as the reason for African women?s lack of agency. Take,
for example, the statement issued by a recent international summit
convened to address the economic crisis in Africa.
"In Africa, the gender gap is even wider and the situation is more
complex due to the cultural and traditional context which is anchored
in beliefs, norms and practices which breed discrimination and
feminised poverty. There is growing evidence that the number of women
in Africa living in poverty has increased disproportionately to that
of men."
This was the conclusion of the 8th Meeting of the African Partnership
Forum (APF) in Germany in May 2007. The APF was founded in 2003 as a
forum designed "to facilitate Africa?s economic growth." The members
of the APF are Western donor countries which give more than $100
million in aid, multilateral institutions such as the UN, World Bank,
IMF, WTO, African regional institutions such as ECOWAS, SADC, ADB, as
well as the pan-African NEPAD and AU.
There is no doubt that there are many traditions in Africa that hamper
women?s ability to lead economically prosperous lives, but to point to
"Tradition" as the root cause of African women?s poverty obscures
reality more than it clarifies it. First of all, there is no single
"Tradition" which exists all over Africa. Secondly, what is considered
"traditional" in African communities is often of relatively recent
vintage and was colonially-generated. Foreign aid workers and African
men are too eager to point to "Tradition" when excluding women from
development projects. For example, in Kenya, local men ? and
"development officers" ? are often quick to insist that it is
"untraditional" for women to own land. The truth is, of course, that
individual land ownership is not "traditional" for anyone in Kenya;
individual land ownership was usefully introduced by British colonial
authorities keen to claim the most fertile lands for Europeans.1
"What is considered "traditional" in African communities is often of
relatively recent vintage and was colonially-generated. Foreign aid
workers and African men are too eager to point to "Tradition" when
excluding women from development projects."
The idea conveyed when "Tradition" is blamed for African women?s
economic predicament is that African beliefs and practices constitute
part of an ancient, unchanging way of life, not easily amenable to
change. The reality too often is that aid and development workers
assume that the existence of "Tradition" makes African women incapable
of acting as authors of their own lives. Numerous studies now exist
which point to the unwillingness or incapacity of development workers
to engage African women in dialogue as a fundamental obstacle to the
success of many so-called aid programs.
Fundamental to any task of understanding Africa is the acknowledgment
of the continent?s diversity. Not even within a single country do
sweeping generalizations hold. An absolute priority to ending poverty
in Africa is to listen to the experiences and wisdom of poor African
women.
As we acknowledge that "Tradition" cannot be the beginning and the end
of any analysis of African women?s economic realities, we must also
acknowledge that the facts of African women?s lives do not make for
happy reading. The statistics, while they do not capture the reality
of women?s lives in all the different contexts in which they live,
give an overall picture.
Of all the continents, Africa has the largest percentage of people
living in poverty, with signs that ever larger numbers will be
threatened by poverty in the future. HIV/AIDS, for example, is
leaving millions of African children as AIDS orphans. The HIV/AIDS
epidemic, which is recognized to be of significant consequence for
development, affects women in notably higher numbers than men in some
African countries. In Zimbabwe, Zambia, Kenya and Malawi, this has
resulted in a lower life expectancy for women than men, a reversal of
what typically obtains. Although African women work longer hours, they
own disproportionately less than African men. African women receive
only 1 percent of credit facilities extended to agricultural
producers. Yet, at least 70 percent of African women are involved in
agriculture. A disproportionate percentage of African babies are of
low birth weight, a factor closely related to maternal poverty.
"African women receive only 1 percent of credit facilities extended to
agricultural producers. Yet, at least 70 percent of African women are
involved in agriculture."
Ending Poverty?
How to end poverty in Africa? This question has become a staple of
discussion for commentators from pop stars to world-renowned
economists. For decades, the image of Africa in the world has been as
the poor neighbour, always receiving charity yet remaining forever
destitute and helpless. Despite numerous pop concerts, organizations
with a plethora of acronyms, roundtables, meetings and conferences,
poverty in Africa remains.
The most ambitious poverty-eradication effort to date is the
Millennium Development Project, which was ratified by all the UN
member nations as well as major donor and aid institutions in
September 2000. Its goal is to eradicate poverty all over the world,
especially in Africa. The Millennium Development Goals (MDG)
explicitly recognize the centrality of women?s economic empowerment to
any serious poverty reduction program: the third of the eight goals
is "to promote gender equality and empower women."
While it is clear that Africa will not meet any of Millennium
Development Goals by the 2015 deadline, it is important that the MDG
acknowledge that development cannot take place in a vacuum. In 2005,
five years after the MDG were passed and ten years before their due
date, the UN issued a major report assessing achievements so far and
delineating what needs to be done. According to the UN 2005 MDG
Report, in 1990 44.6 percent of Africans were living on less than a
dollar a day; by 2001 the percentage of Africans living on less than a
dollar a day had actually increased to 46.4 percent, a goal even
further removed from the Millennium Development Goal of about 25
percent by 2015 (MDG 2005 Report). Since 1990, millions more people
are chronically hungry in sub-Saharan Africa, where half the children
under the age of five are malnourished. (MDG Report 2005)
Despite these disheartening statistics, aid is certainly not the
panacea. In the first place, "aid assistance" and "development
programs" have typically discriminated against women. In the second
place, attempts to incorporate women into development programs may be
tempted to "bring women up to men?s standards." The economic situation
of African men is no model! But the strongest argument against aid
is the fact that 30 years of ODA have produced little beyond huge
amounts of crushing debt. In 2000, African external debt accounted for
over 51 percent of GDP; by 2003 it had fallen to 49 percent of GDP.
Such global figures obscure the particularly harsh reality for
individual countries: for Malawi external debt was almost 200
percent of its GDP in 2006; for Sao Tome & Principe it was 350 percent!
"Aid is certainly not the panacea... the strongest argument against
aid is the fact that 30 years of ODA have produced little beyond huge
amounts of crushing debt."
Fortunately, in 2006 debt was about 25 percent of GDP for Africa as a
whole. There are other signs for cautious optimism. For example,
several African countries have reported economic growth rate of 5
percent or more for the last two years.
A stronger economy is the only path poor countries have to get out of
poverty. In 1980 Africa contributed 5 percent to global trade. By
1995 the figure was 2.2 percent. In the 1990s Africa was attracting 3
percent FDI. Compare this with 20 percent for Latin America and 50
percent for East Asia.7 On practically every indicator used to measure
poverty, and in contrast to Africa?s continued weak position, Latin
America and East Asia have made positive gains, and this is no doubt a
direct result of the positive gains in their position in the global
marketplace.
Rather than idealistic slogans about making poverty history, we need
to attend more closely to practical ways to increase Africa?s share of
the world market. Here, the role of African governments is paramount.
Clearly, investors will invest only in places where profit seems
likely and stability can be guaranteed. For too long, African regimes
have failed to provide a climate attractive to investors.
"Rather than idealistic slogans about making poverty history, we need
to attend more closely to practical ways to increase Africa?s share of
the world market."
Related to economic development must be the question of arms sales.
Africa is awash in arms, from small ones to massive missiles. Armed
conflict makes agriculture impossible and does not allow for the kind
of stability that investors want. The number of Africans affected by
armed conflicts is staggering. Between 1994 and 2003 more than 9
million Africans, mostly women and children, perished as a result of
armed conflict. That?s the entire population of Sweden. Much more than
the population of Switzerland. No region in the world comes close to
such statistics. In Southern Asia, the region next in terms of
casualties from armed conflict, the figure was under 2 million. War
produces not only casualties in terms of deaths, but also refugees and
other displaced peoples. It will come as no surprise that Africa far
exceeds any other region in the world in its refugee and displaced
populations. People cannot farm or run factories if they are dodging
bullets or coerced to fight wars. Governments cannot invest in
infrastructure if they use their country?s wealth to buy military
equipment.
It is almost impossible to imagine a world in which the arms producing
nations of the world agreed not to sell to impoverished countries.
Impossible to imagine, but what a world of difference it would make!
Women and Economic Development
For Africans, women and men, to become economically more prosperous,
African economies have to be radically restructured. Most of the
economies in Africa remain monocultures. There can be no prosperity
for the majority of its citizens if a country relies on the
exportation of low-value raw materials that are sent to other
countries where they are processed and then returned to the world
market with a much increased price-tag. Exporting copper or coffee
will only make a few individuals or a multinational rich; copper and
coffee alone will not a country enrich.
Greater diversification of African economies has to incorporate a more
inclusive and empowered role for women. Today, individual experts and
agencies all claim to acknowledge that African countries can move
significant proportions of their populations out of poverty only if
women are able to improve their economic lot. "Women in Development",
from its start in Western feminist circles, is now a staple concept in
all multilateral agencies. Yet the success of Women in Development
programs has not been much better than that of development tout court.
This is because too often a paternalistic approach persists and
projects are designed without any consultation with the target women
who are seen only as recipients.
"Greater diversification of African economies has to incorporate a
more inclusive and empowered role for women."
It is critically important not to make assumptions or to behave as if
categories from Western societies can be uncritically used to analyze
African ones. We have to be vigilant not to be careless in our
thinking: too often, for example, education is treated by experts as
a fetish. Because people are poor or "uneducated" does not mean they
are stupid. The success of the Grameen Bank in Bangladesh provides one
example that poor, uneducated women know what they want and will
successfully implement it if they have the opportunity (via credit,
for example). In my own research on Onitsha, Nigeria, an important
centre of trade where women controlled the marketplace in the
nineteenth century, I found that lack of literacy was no bar to the
ability of women to accumulate enormous wealth. Students of West
African history are very familiar with self-help microfinance groups
organized by women; such groups have a deep history, long predating
the current "discovery" of microfinance in the West, due in large part
to the award of the 2006 Nobel Peace Prize to Mohamed Yunus, founder
of the Grameen Bank.
The kind of aid with which we are most familiar, involving "experts"
going from the global north to tell people in the global south what to
do, especially in the form of government to government monetary
packages, cannot bring poor people permanently out of poverty. On the
other hand, assistance which is conceived as a partnership and
actually involves the "recipients" in the planning as well as
implementation can succeed. And there are examples of such successes.
The Canadian organization, Match International, was founded on just
such principles. According to the organization?s mission statement,
"Match supports initiatives identified by women in the global South,
led and implemented by the women, and innovative in their context.
This approach is based on Match?s belief that women?s development must
be considered within their own context, and for strategies to succeed,
women?s views and agendas must be taken into consideration." In
Nigeria, the organization Baobab for Women?s Human Rights, has
achieved notable successes. It is worth noting that, in one campaign,
Baobab was forced to expend much energy and resources in asking
women?s groups in the global north to scale back their activities as
these were negating their own local initiatives, threatening to derail
the goal on which all were agreed. Baobab?s activities have focused in
the primarily Muslim parts of Nigeria, and under the rubric of
"women?s human rights" the organization has been able to address a
wide range of issues, including women?s economic empowerment.
A work that remains - unfortunately ? very relevant is Barbara
Brown?s book The Domestication of Women which shows just how expensive
can be well-intentioned but ill-conceived projects devised by men and
women who "go to help" without ever bothering to listen or even
consult with those whose lives are supposed to be impacted by their
projects. Her book is a catalogue of failures spearheaded by various
branches of the United Nations and other multilateral organizations.
One tragicomic scenario involving the building of wells comes readily
to mind: exasperated, "aid" workers abandon the building of wells
because, despite all their efforts, local men do not maintain the
wells as instructed. The fact that it is women who fetch water had
never been taken into consideration by the "aid" workers. The poverty
eradication programs which have been shown to produce significant and
lasting results tend to be smaller in scale and always involve the
active participation of the so-called "target women". The point is not
that large organizations are doomed to failure but that they must
learn to listen as well as to acknowledge that poor people are not
only students but also can be teachers. Women at the so-called
grassroots level must be heard because only they have the intimate
knowledge of their lives and needs.
"Women at the so-called grassroots level must be heard because only
they have the intimate knowledge of their lives and needs."
Conclusion
Who should speak for African women? Too often it is either African
men or Western women. We need to hear more from the African women
themselves whose lives we all claim we wish to improve. Also, we must
incorporate the important critiques by African women scholars of the
flawed categories that continue to be used to describe African women?s
lives and African societies. Scholars such as Felicia Ekejiuba,
Achola Pala, Nkiru Nzegwu and Oyeronke Oyewumi have written about how
the categories used to describe African women?s lives often are
derived from very different realities in other parts of the world and
end up doing more violence to the women whose lives the
activists/scholars claim they seek to ameliorate.
In the context of the discussion here, it is important to note that
the UN Commission on the Status of Women has declared its theme for
2008 as "Financing for gender equality and the empowerment of women".
In February 2007 the Commission convened an informal expert panel to
discuss how to move forward on this agenda. It is disheartening ?
but, unfortunately, not surprising ? that no African women were
amongst the list of panellists; indeed the only African ? the Minister
of Finance for Zambia ? was also the only man.
_________________
7. Sex, money and power: Considerations for African women?s
empowerment. Danai S. Mupotsa. AfricaFiles Vol. 7 (January-April 2008).
Growing up in Zimbabwe, I was constantly forced to observe the
"appropriate modes of conduct" for a young woman. Maintaining
"respectability" was paramount and young women were policed
constantly. The constant (and consistent) reminders of appropriate
parameters for women?s bodies and sexuality, as I experienced it in
Harare, drew me to reflect on the historical underpinnings of what my
peers described to me as "our culture". Interrogating this national
culture, it became curiously clear to me that at the crux of these
constructs of "tradition" and "modernity" in these discussions were
women?s bodies: the success or failure of the project of "national
culture" (if we are to call it that) appeared to reside in the
"national family?s" ability to manage and control the mobility and
sexuality of women?s bodies, be it through parents and kin at home, or
through the police forces on the streets of Harare.
When I consider the question of women?s economic empowerment in
Africa, these contentious issues immediately come to mind. A range of
sexually violent relationships ? from families accepting bribes to
withdraw charges for sexual assault, to young girls (and their
families) accepting money and gifts for relations with older men ? are
commonplace and commonly accepted. Regarding the latter issue, a
social worker in Harare observed with despair, "How do you say to
people, ?Stop having the relationship,? when they want food on the
table!" In recent years, in a variation of the "sugar daddy"
phenomenon, Zimbabwe has seen the emergence of the infamous "small
house" ? the second (or third, or fourth, etc?) young wife. Like a
BMW, or Mercedes Benz car, it?s a status symbol for every successful
man! A cynical perspective, perhaps, but what is interesting is how
women, women?s bodies and sexuality have become increasingly
commodified in the context of extreme economic inequality. In a
country with an economy in crisis, women appear to be hardest hit by
poverty, and transactional sex (by choice and otherwise) has emerged
as one means of survival.
"What is interesting is how women, women?s bodies and sexuality have
become increasingly commodified in the context of extreme economic
inequality."
All this begs the question, if women were economically empowered,
would they be in a better position to negotiate sexual relationships?
What I want to do here is, first, to state my central thesis. Then I
will use a personal anecdote to illustrate the complexities of the
issues at stake. In conclusion, I will return to the question of
women?s economic empowerment by examining the close relationship
between discourses on sexuality, culture and women?s economic
empowerment.
Dominant views on women?s empowerment suggest that offering women
economic independence and empowerment can enhance the cause of gender
equality and women?s sexual rights. I wish to extend this argument by
suggesting that because of the manner that dominant discourses on
culture have been socially engineered (in this case, in Harare), women
cannot achieve economic empowerment if we take no account of the ways
in which different gender and sexual relations operate. Whatever the
economic conditions in different countries, women the world over
continue to face the violation of our sexual rights because of a
historically produced and artificially maintained gender discourse of
"our culture" or "our tradition" ? that not only entitles men to
women?s bodies, but also informs our views on economic activity. What
I wish to interrogate are the multiple representations and
interpretations of tradition and modernity as they are applied in
relation to women under the present economic crisis in Zimbabwe.
Taking one specific example, I want to consider how young women
rationalize their choices (or lack thereof) and agency in these
situations and how families use "culture" and "tradition" to defend or
define what appears to be a fairly modern phenomenon. I also wish to
consider the multiple legal frameworks under which these relationships
occur. How does one protect the rights of young girls when there are
laws defending them as minors that consider these acts to be statutory
rape while another set of laws that have been defined as "traditional"
can also be applied to counter such charges of rape? Given the
implications of the constraint on women?s mobility and bodies, what
are the economic possibilities for young women?
"Women cannot achieve economic empowerment if we take no account of
the ways in which different gender and sexual relations operate."
I have elected to focus on sexuality, as this is a topic on which
African feminists have often been silent. Patricia McFadden speaks to
this, describing the fear of sexuality amongst us African women as
"socio-sexual anxiety". She says that "the intensity of this anxiety
is generated by the fact that there is an extremely intimate
relationship between sexuality and power, a connection which is
manifested in a range of circumstances and experiences." Like
McFadden, I am concerned that this socialization has depoliticized our
discussions of sexuality when they do occur and most often such
discussions do not even take place. Barbara Klugman endorses
McFadden?s position in an essay interrogating the discourses that took
place in Beijing on sexuality in Southern Africa, noting how previous
silences on sexuality are being challenged by the advent of the
HIV/AIDS pandemic. While discussions on sexuality in Africa have
emerged in recent years, in large part because of the HIV/AIDS
pandemic, these discourses continue to fail to address the
intersections of power, sexuality and culture. Some have noted that in
fact what is produced is the notion of "African sexuality" as deviant
and the producer of an "African AIDS". I want move away from HIV/AIDS,
not because I do not see the importance of these debates, but because
like many others I see the prevalence of the pandemic in Africa as
symptomatic of a pre-existing gender discourse of power: it is
precisely this discourse that I wish to investigate.
"I want move away from HIV/AIDS, not because I do not see the
importance of these debates, but because like many others I see the
prevalence of the pandemic in Africa as symptomatic of a pre-existing
gender discourse of power."
The decision to focus on young women is another methodological choice
because young women are rendered particularly vulnerable in Zimbabwe.
Recent statistics with regard to HIV/AIDS bear this out. In
sub-Saharan Africa young women have substantially higher rates of HIV
infection compared to young men of the same age. In Zimbabwe
specifically, it is estimated that 26% of females aged 15-24 years are
infected with HIV, compared to10% of males in the same age range.10
Such statistics reflect the particular vulnerabilities faced by young
women. Richard Mabala, who coined the term "genderation", argues that
"If women are a disempowered majority and young people an invisible
majority, girls and young women stand at the interface of gender and
generation. They have far less power and resources than older women
and are even more invisible than adolescent boys and young men." Like
Mabala, I contend that there is a need to focus on the lives of young
women. As a young woman myself, I am able to reflect upon my own daily
experiences.
I will enter this discussion with a personal anecdote to demonstrate
the complexities I have outlined above. In conclusion, I will return
to the question of economic empowerment by examining the close
relationship between discourses on sexuality, culture and women?s
economic empowerment.
Living in a world that hates women!
What unfolded in my family when my 13-year old cousin became pregnant
illustrates the ways in which calls to "tradition" are often fought
over the bodies of young women. The father of my cousin Susan?s child
was a man more than twice her age and the second older boyfriend that
she had had, or that my family had got to know about. When asked why
she was sleeping with anyone at all, let alone someone so much older,
she simply said "I also want to be loved." This was on the previous
occasion and her boyfriend had been charged with statutory rape that
time. Not surprisingly, the charges were dropped after another family
member accepted a bribe from the accused man without informing the
extended family. This time she was pregnant and my mother reported the
case to the police.
"What I found most interesting was the fact that my mother?s decision
to pursue the legal avenue in which Susan was defined as a minor was
considered to be ?non-traditional?, even against tradition."
My mother soon became the target of an onslaught of criticism from the
majority of the family. Many thought that she should have approached
the situation more "traditionally," especially since the man wanted to
marry Susan. Additionally, Susan insisted that she was in love and
wanted to marry this man. While my mother and I insisted that this was
a case of gender-based violence on the girl-child, others in the
family defined my cousin as a woman and, for their part, insisted that
the appropriate course of action was for the man to marry her. In
their opinion, since the man was not denying his responsibility, there
was no need for legal action. What I found most interesting was the
fact that my mother?s decision to pursue the legal avenue in which
Susan was defined as a minor was considered to be "non-traditional",
even against tradition. On the other hand, an alternative legal system
defined her as a woman/mother/wife and considered her situation to be
not only culturally justifiable, but almost desirable. Susan herself
refused to be viewed as a victim of assault, embracing this
"traditional" discourse as it offered her means to her desired end:
marriage.
This situation involving Susan and my extended family prompted me to
pose some questions about the kinds of gender discourses men and women
invest in, in Zimbabwe. Almost all those who proposed that customary
law be pursued were women, despite the prevailing view that customary
law is more discriminatory to women. As Joy Ezeilo offers, "universal
human rights are used to assert that universal norms of standards are
applicable to all human societies. Yet women?s freedom, dignity, and
equality have been grossly eroded in law and fact. Inequality
emanating from cultural patterns deprives women of the opportunity to
full and equal participation as citizens within their own societies
and within international society."
She continues, "This paradox recuperates the perennial jurisprudential
questions about the universal cultural legitimacy of human rights."
The paradox Ezeilo presents occurs because under the guise of "our
culture", both men and women produce and reinforce the discourses
which many of us may view as disempowering. Defining cultural
practices as either "traditional" or "modern" perpetuates this
gender-power discourse, despite the fact that this binary is not
always stable. As a way forward, Sharita Samuel suggests that,
"Disputes under customary law must not be seen as a contrast between
equality and culture in the sense that one of them must ?win? over the
other. It is in intra-cultural conflict when a woman comes to court to
argue about her status. In doing so, she does not dislodge herself
from her culture. She just brings an internal cultural dispute to an
alternative tribunal in order to be heard. The fight is no longer
between equality and culture. Rather it is between two different
interest groups battling to retain or change power relations within
their very culture ? a culture which is constantly evolving."
This view of a constantly evolving culture is the key to addressing
this peculiar paradox.
"Under the guise of ?our culture?, both men and women produce and
reinforce the discourses which many of us may view as disempowering.
Defining cultural practices as either ?traditional? or ?modern?
perpetuates this gender-power discourse, despite the fact that this
binary is not always stable."
I take the view that one must investigate the history of social
engineering to begin to understand why people would adopt a particular
set of discourses concerning sexuality. Mudimbe holds the view that it
is "because of the colonizing structure, [that] a dichotomizing system
has emerged, and with it a number of current paradigmatic oppositions
have developed: tradition versus modernity; oral versus written and
printed; agrarian and customary communities versus urban and
industrialized civilization; subsistence economies versus highly
productive economies." If we examine the process of colonization,
urbanization and the post-independence development of urban areas in
Zimbabwe, one sees how these dichotomies emerge and also how they
inform the discourses on femininity and masculinity. Rekopantwse Mate
notes the role of religion in this project, stating "from the colonial
era the Christianization of women was driven by the need to train a
corps of women who as wives of already Christianized men could
facilitate the creation of ?Christian homes? through teaching about
Christian domesticity, Christian wifehood, housekeeping and
motherhood. The gendered religious messages were part of a social
engineering project of changing social relations and ways of life,
that is civilizing and modernizing locals."
Terence Ranger?s essay, "The Invention of Tradition in Colonial
Africa," examines this process of social engineering. He argues that
European imperialism not only produced invented traditions in Europe,
but resulted in the invention of traditions in African societies too.
The process of "inventing tradition" in Africa resulted in the
practical breakdown of many customary institutions regulating
relations between the sexes, a breakdown almost always disadvantageous
to women. Citing Caroline Ifeka-Moller, Ranger concurs with her
assessment that "colonial records on African ?tradition?, on which the
new invented custom was based, were exclusively derived from male
informants, so that ?indigenous female belief? remained unrecorded
therefore ?male dominance in society, that is their control over
religious beliefs and political organization? was expressed even more
clearly in colonially invented custom than it had ever been before."
Considering the role of social engineering, and social reproduction
during the process of urbanization, Teresa Barnes? "We Women Worked So
Hard": Gender, Urbanization and Social Reproduction in Colonial
Zimbabwe, 1930 ? 1956, offers the testimonies of urban life by a group
of early African inhabitants of Harare who recount their experiences
of life in the city. By focusing on the impact of women entering the
city, the book allows us to observe the process, described by Ranger,
of "inventing tradition".
"The process of ?inventing tradition? in Africa resulted in the
practical breakdown of many customary institutions regulating
relations between the sexes, a breakdown almost always disadvantageous
to women."
It is absolutely essential that we begin to acknowledge that culture
(?tradition?) is a ?gendered practice which excludes women from sites
and statuses related to power (in both social and material senses), as
it interacts with notions of citizenship, nation and development," as
Patricia McFadden suggests, adding that "culture is a ?re-invented?
and heavily contested phenomenon." McFadden is correct when she notes
that, "Through the re-invention of culture as the central trope of
nationalist discourse, African men were able to position women outside
of the most crucial social, political and economic institutions in
both colonial and neo-colonial societies." As I have already noted,
both men and women adopt and reproduce this culture, a culture that is
patriarchal, not only in the terms of agency but as an investment.
McFadden similarly concludes with the postulation that "by positioning
women as the custodians of these sacred cultural texts, women
themselves become trapped in an unchanging phenomenal reality which
allows their exclusion in structural, ideological and other terms."
Economic Empowerment, Gender Relations and Women?s Bodies
Let us return to the question of women?s economic empowerment. How
does this revision/examination of "culture" offer us, as activists and
policy makers, an opportunity to consider the role of women?s economic
empowerment? Does women?s economic empowerment allow women more agency
in negotiating sexual relationships, if sexual relationships are so
deeply based in economic transaction? I wish to turn to the
reflections of Colletah Chitsike in an article entitled, "Culture as a
Barrier to Rural Women?s Entrepreneurship: Experience from Zimbabwe."
She writes:
"For some women, making large amounts of money is a dirty pursuit,
full of all kinds of evil. In Zimbabwe, women are traditionally
brought up to associate making money with immorality: the Shona
expression anoda mari sehure (?she wants to make money like a
prostitute?) expresses utmost disgust. The predominant male view of
business is that one has to be acquisitive and assertive ? perhaps
even ruthless ? to be a success. Even where a positive aspect is
recognized the titles given to women who are strong and decisive are
based on male standards. For example, in one of the Shona dialects,
the term bambo mukunda (father/daughter) refers to a daughter who
takes male responsibilities. The language fails to acknowledge the
female gender, and lacks words that express the strengths of women."
She continues, "Money is an expression of power, and that culture is
used by men as a way to keep women distanced from power. They [the
women entrepreneurs she interviewed] said that in contrast to those
associated with money-making (and men), the social qualities
associated with women in Shona society include skills in fostering
peace and preventing conflict; fairness and equity in distributing
resources so that society and the family benefit (even to the extent
of denying themselves resources for the benefit of others); and the
promotion of social justice and reduction in exploitation. With these
attitudes within them and surrounding them, it is exceptionally
difficult for Zimbabwean women to become entrepreneurs; they will not
do so unless there are challenges to culture. They will continue to
regard themselves as secondary earners who do not have the
responsibility of being breadwinners. They will remain trapped in
small-scale, low-investment businesses, which cannot lead to
?liberating economic empowerment? that provides independence from men."
"Men?s economic advantage itself is premised upon a preceding set of
gender relations that places women?s sexuality in the control of men."
The relationship between money, power and women?s sexuality is made
clear in Chitsike?s examination of the language used to describe women
who pursue financial success. Like her, I do not believe that sexual
relationships are transactional in Zimbabwe because men are
potentially more economically empowered that women; men?s economic
advantage itself is premised upon a preceding set of gender relations
that places women?s sexuality in the control of men. We need to pay
closer attention to the discourses that young women employ, as the
victim/agent binary is insufficient. I return to Susan?s lament that
she just wanted to be loved. In her mind, it was romantic to be
desired by an older man who could provide for her; and Susan?s is not
an isolated incident.
Policies to address women?s economic empowerment must be undertaken in
tandem with policies on sexuality. As a young woman myself, I grapple
with how best to inform policy in a manner that is meaningful. I also
wonder how to define or describe what "sexual rights" should entail.
Presently, policy on sexual rights in Southern Africa remains limited
to that of HIV/AIDS. Barbara Klugman?s review of SADC policy reveals
that
"It is clear that the dominant discourse on sexuality within southern
Africa attempts to deny it, avoid it, cover it in latex, or protect
women from coercion, rather than recognizing it as a dimension of
human experience ? a dimension that can and should provide richness
and fulfilment in addition to satisfying a reproductive function."
We must begin with a critique of such limited policies. I want to
conclude by indicating that it is my strong contention that if we are
to achieve women?s economic empowerment, we need policy makers to take
on a commitment to sexual rights for women in a manner that moves
beyond HIV/AIDS and reproductive health. This will require that we
place on the agenda, the challenge of "culture" as Chitiske so aptly
recommends.
__________________________________
8. Back home from hell. Forced into prostitution for two years. Given
Mahlalela, Sowetan 6 March 2008.
A 26-year-old woman who was forced to work as a prostitute has finally
been reunited with her family after she went missing two years ago.
Martha Nkosi of Matsulu near Nelspruit in Mpumalanga was reported
missing in December 2005 after four unknown men allegedly abducted her
at gunpoint.
On Tuesday, she returned home unharmed and related her sad abduction
story to a packed house of family members and the media. Nkosi tried
to control her emotions as she narrated her story but at times
couldn?t hold back her tears.
She said after she was abducted the men drove her to Swaziland where
she was forced to work as a prostitute.
?They kept me locked in an abandoned house where I was forced to sleep
with their clients who included prominent business gurus,? she said.
?After some time I was allowed to go to malls and other public places,
but only under the surveillance of two or more of the abductors,? she
said
Nkosi said she was never paid for what she was forced to do, but
sometimes the kidnappers bought her clothes and jewellery.
She said she finally escaped last week after one of the men betrayed
his other friends and helped her to flee.
?He told me he was sorry about what had happened and he wanted to
change and start a new life. So he gave me money and helped me
escape,? said Nkosi.
Nkosi said the man who called himself ?Joe? told her that they had
been running the scheme for about five years.
He allegedly told Nkosi that they also operate a similar scheme in an
RDP house in Tonga near Malelane.
_________________________________
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Swazi Youth Congress Statement
SWAZI YOUTH ON THE REVOLUTIONARY ROAD TO A NEW AND DEMOCRATIC SOCIETY!
- 9th General Congress held at Matsulu Youth Centre.
SWAYOCO HOLDS HISTORIC CONGRESS
SWAYOCO comes from a background of militant, disciplined youth
struggles.. On its formation, it declared to sweep clean the
tinkhundla chaos, which was and is still is reigning in Swaziland.
This giant youth movement has been borne out of the irreconcilable
contradictions between the tinkhundla royalist ruling regime and the
oppressed youth of Swaziland. As PUDEMO was born to put Swaziland on a
future pedestal of democracy and human rights, where the people of
Swaziland will one day take control of their lives and against this
backdrop, it was bound for PUDEMO to give birth to this giant youth
movement in order to mobilise the general youth of the country.
"If yesterday belonged to Tinkhundla oppression, then surely tomorrow
belongs the people. This means today we must begin our journey on the
road map to a tomorrow, a new and democratic Swaziland based on the
aspirations of the people" - Road Map to a new and Democratic Swaziland.
The Congress notes that it is, ironically, in this same venue that the
Road Map to a New and Democratic Swaziland was adopted by the 6th
General Congress of PUDEMO in December 2006. The PUDEMO congress was,
naturally, instructive to SWAYOCO and all structures of the Movement
to heed the calls of the "foreign natives" that the despotic
tinkhundla has defined the general citizenry to be.
In this regard, we take the spear from our gallant fallen hero,
revolutionary, fighter, and democrat, cde Dr. Gabriel Thandokuhle
Mkhumane to the battlefront in the fight against poverty, ignorance,
and economic lack and backwardness. We say as a youth "your spirit
will always be with us in the fight against tinkhundla tyranny". As a
youth, we shall put revolutionary critical consciousness to the
forefront in fighting for the issues, which are stopping the youth of
Swaziland from progressing and reaching significant levels of
development in Swaziland. Freedom should move in the grass of the land
of our birth. This coming decade is the decade of the youth. It shall
enrol in all activities of the organisation, in all programmes for
liberation. It shall be involved in mass work, underground work, and
in international work. SWAYOCO shall be a school, which will equip the
youth to claim back its lost dignity from the oppressors.
Against this context, the youth parliament the 9th General Congress
came out with these tasks:
That in less than three months the present leadership needs to put up
a Special Conference to deal with issues we have not been finished
during the congress.
To put political education at the cutting edge of all organisational work.
To revive the Students Movement that is SNUS, SAS, and the Trade Union
Movement (especially to ensure that the youth participates in the
trade union movement). This task will enable SWAYOCO to be really a
mass youth movement representing the aspirations of the Swazi Youth.
To engage Swazi youth both working and learning in South Africa to be
part of the patriotic youth and to join all ranks of the democratic
organisation.
To come up with a principled format in terms of engaging our allies in
South Africa ? the Young Communist League, the African Congress Youth
League together with its student's detachment the South African
Students Congress (SASCO) and the Congress of South African Students
(COSAS). This principled format has to be used with other allies in
Southern Africa and internationally.
To develop a clear, workable and comprehensive plan that will deal
with the integration of all various segments of the youth, with an
intention of creating a popular, united and formidable force for
change as led by the youth forces, in liaison with other critical
forces for change like the trade union movement.
After the special congress, the new leadership of SWAYOCO will come up
with the proper resolutions to galvanise all efforts of the youth
towards a multiparty dispensation in Swaziland.
LET ALL WHO LOVE THE COUNTRY AND ITS PEOPLE JOIN THE JOURNEY TO A NEW
AND DEMOCRATIC SWAZILAND!
_______________________________
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Swaziland@Newsletter Extra
SWAZILAND: SYSTEMATIC DEGENERATION FROM CRISIS TO SOCIAL CONFLICT
A PAPER PRESENTED BY PUDEMO CENTRAL EXECUTIVE COUNCIL TO THE
AMBASSADORS OF THE EUROPEAN UNION IN SOUTHERN AFRICA
MBABANE (Swaziland), 4TH JUNE 2008.
THE PEOPLE SHALL GOVERN!
Introduction
The Peoples United Democratic Movement (PUDEMO) views this moment of
consultation with the European Union Ambassadors in this region as a
great opportunity in which experiences and views will be shared
between us on the socio economic and political landscape of our
country, Swaziland. It is not only a great opportunity for us, but it
is the only means available for us to express ourselves to the current
government in Swaziland ? an opportunity and right not availed us.
We realise, however, that we live in an abnormal society where we, in
such a small country, as stake holders, are dismally far apart and are
failing to solve our socio political and economic challenges in a
conference situation as this ourselves. This, then, must be an
indication to you as to what kind of environment we, the partners of
the people of Europe and the member states live in.
The consultations have come at a time when we needed them most, when
the country is undergoing various national experiences and functions
which we will deal with at later stage of this presentation. It comes
at a time when Swaziland, under the SADC is faced with a challenge to
take more responsibilities that will reflect more of its internal
operative character and be permeated in her discharge of the duties
given her.
PUDEMO wish to give honour to the European Union, and in particular,
the Head of Delegation, Mr. Peter Beck Christiansen for the
unequivocal statement delivered on the occasion of the commemoration
of European Union Day at the Mountain Inn, Mbabane on Monday the 2nd
June 2008. Indeed, lack of good governance and constructive dialogue
is certain brew for enxiety, mistrust and distabilization and
unnecessary conflict within citizens and nations of this world.
Swaziland at this Conjuncture
PUDEMO firmly associates and believe in the Declaration on Fundamental
Human Rights as an international guide and convention for human equity
and satisfaction. We also believe in the pledge by member states,
including Swaziland, towards the Millennium Development Goals (MDG),
whose broader objective is to protect the peoples' fundamental human
rights and to promote social and economic progress and better living
standards within the larger freedoms of human kind
This pledge is a promissory note to each citizen of our countries,
signed by those in authority, and we will not accept any 'bad cheques'
as part of delivery or none of it under the promise. None of the MDGs
is lesser important than the other, but the eradication of poverty and
hunger, achievement of universal primary education, combating
HIV/AIDS, Malaria and other diseases and the reduction of child
mortality determines the level of commitment, will and delivery by any
member state on these goals.
The Swaziland government is failing to meet these demands as stated in
their report in 2006. But the major reason for this failure is the
lack of setting and planning on national priorities.
The central challenge, however, in the hardship is the role that is
played or not played by the monarchy institution. PUDEMO identifies
the root of the crisis in the main 'national question' ? what and
where is the problem in Swaziland? Any attempt towards resolving the
crisis without addressing the national question would merely be
attempting cosmetic reformism, dealing with the symptoms (so to speak)
and not the root causes. In Swaziland we must identify as to who
wields the power in decision making, dispensing expenditure and on
what ? here the monarch is in total control and neither the
legislative, cabinet nor the masses of our people.
The welfare of the people rests on the honesty or otherwise of those
in authority in any country. National assets, wealth and executive
authority is vested in those in authority which gives them the ability
to divert or use same for their personal benefit.
That, in Swaziland, the Tibiyo TakaNgwane is controlled in the
royalty and that ordinary Swazis are made to compete with the monarchy
in the economic market rubs salt into the wound and places all
aspiring small entrepreneurs and citizens in an unfair economic play
field. The level of corruption has reached alarming proportions with
the Minister of Finance announcing that there are millionaire cabinet
ministers; that the country loses over E40million a month to
corruption and cases involving corruption remaining unprocessed. The
wanton expenditure by those in authority; the recruitment and
expansion of the security forces and uncontrolled royal trips continue
to drain the national coffers and push the majority poor Swazi citizen
deeper into poverty and certain death, and on the other side fatten
the minority even more.
All this happens at the backdrop of a shrinking economy; abject
poverty, poor health policy, drought, high education and soaring food
costs.
"The Swazi citizens are further given a flogging by higher service
charges and more expensive public and private goods given that
prices are not set by open market economy. A people centred economy
demands that this 'evil hand' be removed from the market in order to
allow both the costs of doing business and prices to converge at the
optima".
Economic Justice Network Swaziland
World Social Forum, Nairobi, Kenya 20 ? 25th January 2007.
The crisis facing the country are also remnants of a national
constitution whose establishing process, contents and implications we
have made known in the past consultations with yourselves. PUDEMO
maintains her position that the constitutional making process was
royally managed, and eventually produced a royal desired product,
which is a document that 'constitutionally embraced' the 1973 King's
Proclamation, and thus 'constitutionally' gave the monarch all
executive powers that he exercises absolutely or through bodies
appointed by him.
That the constitution is now supreme law in Swaziland does not render
it a people driven and owned document, and we will do all means
possible to make our justifiable reasons heard by those in power. In
spite of these shortcomings, we are prepared to engage in constructive
dialogue towards a true democratically established national
constitution.
In 2007, the High Court ordered that the Prime Minister set in place a
Commission of Inquiry into the tortures and ill-treatment of our
members in prisons in the country. These are PUDEMO members who were
suspects in the bombing incidents way back in 2005. Firstly, it took
the Prime Minister some six months to announce the commission, and by
that time, of course, any physical evidence of torture would have
naturally healed. Secondly, the Commissioners finished their
investigations late in 2007 and delivered their findings to the Prime
Minister but over six months later the report is gathering dust in his
office.
We call on the Prime Minister to release this report immediately
without any further delay.
Court Cases
PUDEMO, in association with other members of the civic movement,
challenged the authenticity of the constitutional process, seeking for
the courts to rule for a democratic process. It is history now that
the Supreme Court of Appeal ruled against our prayer for various
reasons. This does not mean, we wish to mention, that all is lost,
the major battles are 'fought on the battle field' and not at
conference rooms.
There is also a court case pending before the High Court on the
interpretation of the constitution as regards the position on
political parties. The Supreme Court of Appeal ruled that the High
Court must hear this case before the end of June 2008 to allow for any
appeals before the forth coming national elections are held.
We would have opted for an immediate hearing of this matter, but the
regime has opted to proceed with the registration of voters in
disregard of the possibility of the ruling.
National Elections
The process towards national elections has already begun, as said
earlier, under abnormal environment in that:
The process is based and underpinned by a constitution denying
people their right to associate as espoused by the Declaration on
Fundamental Human Rights, the Harare Declaration, the African Charter
on Human and People?s Rights and the SADC Principles and Procedures on
national elections. This is endorsed by a constitution that (firstly)
acknowledges a Bill of Rights and (then), in Section 79, prohibits the
same rights.
The Pre-elections era is clouded in acute doubts and ill-preparedness
as the expected voters still have basic questions on what they are
voting for. There is supposed to have been an independent civic
education to inform the public on what elections are for, what choices
they have and what rights they have before putting their crosses. The
appointment of the Elections and Border Commission has caused anxiety
due to their legal standing, and their supposed independence.
The process is managed from the throne as it is the king who issues
orders through the traditional and other structures, and culturally,
people do not question him.
The media in the country is partisan and only state aligned
information is permitted time on the state electric media, in
particular.
This Commission was allowed to execute its duties before an Act of
Parliament was tabled, debated and approved. The Minister of Justice,
when queried on this, said that bringing the Act to parliament was a
mere formality, and this is why we have always said that a legislative
under the tinkhundla government is only a 'rubber-stamping'
institution without its own independence and enjoys no power.
The regime has already invited the international community to bring in
observers during the election process, and we believe that agreeing to
this invitation means legitimizing an undemocratic and illegitimate
process. We fully agree with what the Commonwealth Expert Team said
of the 2003 similar elections, that:
"We do not regard the credibility of these National Elections as an
issue: no elections can be credible when they are for a parliament
which does not have power and when political parties are banned?"
The Team also observed that:
"The ban on political parties has damaged Swaziland. It denies the
right to freedom of association and prevents the formulation of
national manifestoes, programmes and platforms on which candidates ?
and a potential government ? can be judged by the voters. It also
removes the opportunity for the democracy and transparency in
candidate selection which party process can bring".
We believe, therefore, that before elections are examined as free or
fair by any observer, one has to determine if they are, in the first
place, democratic as stated above by the Commonwealth Secretariat
Expert Team. We humbly urge the European Union Ambassadors to make a
decisive position of whether you wish to be part of an undemocratic
process for the sake of legitimizing it.
Double Celebrations in Swaziland
In September 2008, the king will be celebrating his 40th birthday, in
conjunction with the country's 40th anniversary of 'independence'.
PUDEMO has no problem with the king having his private birthday party,
but we have reservations when these parties are politicised and put on
the tax payers' account to the region of E100milion. These
celebrations are held in a country experiencing the worst in poverty,
need for primary health care and many other forms of want. Some of
the members of the European Union are witnesses to this as they are
donors for a number of NGO's here.
We are aware that some of the world's leaders have been invited and
will attend the celebrations with the king and his family members.
Our plea to you and other would-be guests is that please note that
while dining in those palaces and hotels, hundreds of Swazi people
would have had no simple meal for days. Please also note that
thousands of Swazi people are dying in unkept drugless health centres
and that many more children are rendered homeless orphans and are
destitute.
PUDEMO believes that such occasions are extravagant, costly and
unwarranted and, instead, these funds be diverted towards the poorest
and disadvantaged our Swazi brothers and sisters.
Early last year, a world wide known commentator publication on the
global politics, AfroNews, wrote about Swaziland as follows:
"The relatively small economic growth during the last six years has
increasingly gone towards government spending. While in other
countries this could have meant improved social services and wealth
for the ordinary population, Swaziland is increasingly paralyzed by
poor governance, corruption and the private spending of the
authoritarian King Mswati 111 and his large royal family. The growing
social crisis in the country and the lessening interest of donors to
support King Mswati's regime has also created escalating needs for
social services beyond the scale of national budgets".
Our Positions on these Issues
We have brought to the international community's attention these
experiences of the people of Swaziland and we are aware and expect
that the state will also present their own version of events. It is
our belief that time is not on our side, the people get more
frustrated by the day, and their patience will one day run out. After
the court rulings on the human rights, we are, unfortunately pushed
towards the wall with very limited alternatives in the quench for our
freedom.
We are, never-the-less, still committed to a constructive national
dialogue for the solutions of our problems.
PUDEMO unconditionally believes and respects the Declaration on
Fundamental Human Rights and all the other continental and regional
covenants aimed at giving people their liberties without repression.
What is being done in Swaziland falls far too short of these
conventions.
We are not about to forsake our principles and allow ourselves to
legitimize an illegitimate regime and succumb to undemocratic
practices of dictatorship. In this regard, the organization is in the
process of mobilizing for protests and education on what democratic,
free and fair national elections are in all the registration centres.
This, we believe, is our right to express our opinion.
We are also embarking on the campaign against the double celebrations
to take place later this year.
Our Broader Programme
Although we have short term programmes of action towards our goal, we
wish to state that the Road Map to a New and Democratic Swaziland
charts the way forward on how we will achieve the major objective.
This document highlights the two main important parts as the Strategic
Liberation Plan and the other, the Democratic Governance and Social
Transformation Plan. We also have, under this, the Implementation
Plan to guide us on how, when and who is key on the implementation.
Expectations from the International Community
We realize and respect the contribution that the European Union has
done to the people of Africa, and Swaziland in particular in the
economic development sector and other areas. We, however, believe
that your contribution towards the socio political empowerment of the
members of the civic society would go a long way towards capacitating
the proponents of democracy, peace and dialogue in the country.
We also request the European Union to exercise its mutual commitments
towards the ACP-EU Partnership Agreement signed in Cotonou, in
particular Article 9. Without placing into effect the bounds to the
objectives of an agreement, partners will see the other 'not doing
good'.
Conclusion
We are aware of the fact that only the people of Swaziland can
liberate themselves, with of course the solidarity from same minded
friends in the civilised community. PUDEMO is pleased that after a
long time, the Swaziland United Democratic Front has taken up and we
are all working towards achieving our common goal of a constitutional
multiparty government in Swaziland, and believe that this is key to
the achievement of a better life, peace economic growth and social
stability for our people.
We, finally, wish to congratulate the people and member countries of
the European Union for the commemoration of the European Day this past
Monday. We agree that no country can or will remain unchanged,
countries consist of dynamic people determined to ever move forward
and it is our collective responsibility to manage these transitions
towards a better world. Indeed, evil will prevail and triumph only
when good people and organizations do nothing.
Swaziland@Newsletter 66
Published by Africa Contact (Denmark)
Earlier issues can be read at
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Free subscription to the newsletter will also give access to a photo
section with thirteen albums: Swaziland. Historical. Occupation,
exploitation and rebellion. Colonial times. Sobhuza. Settlers in the
colony. People of Swaziland. Images of power. Women of the land.
Children. Men of the land. The struggle for democracy. Images of a
democratic movement.
__________________________________
1. 10 percent women, 25 percent men in agriculture working for no
pay. The Swazi Observer, June 2, 2008.
2. Swazi minister faces graft probe. (Sapa-AFP) Business Day. 30 May 2008.
3. The writings on the Swazi wall. Swazi Media Commentary, 29 may 2008.
4. Philippines, Swaziland sign two bilateral deals. GMA News.TV.
Quezon City, Metro Manila, Philippines. May 27, 2008.
5. Swaziland going for elections. Solomon Mondlane (SADC), African
Path, 24 May 2008.
6. Constitution challenge over. Sabelo Mamba, Weekend Observer, 23 May 2008.
7. 'No fault with the Swazi constitution'. Swazi Media Commentary 27
May 2008. www.swazimedia.blogspot.com
8. Zimbabwe Solidarity Forum in South Africa support for the
Swaziland Solidarity Network against Swazi dictatorship. Sipho Theys,
26 May 2008. COSATU Daily News, 27 May 2008.
__________________________________
1. 10 percent women, 25 percent men in agriculture working for no pay.
The Swazi Observer, June 2, 2008.
A significant proportion of agricultural workers in the country
especially those in the Lubombo region do not receive their payment as
required.
The Swaziland Demographic Health Survey (SDHS) conducted in 2006-7
shows that women working in agriculture are more likely not to be paid
at all, than to be paid in cash and in kind.
In fact, the study shows that 10 percent of women and 25 percent men
who work in agriculture do not receive their payment.
The study shows that women are more likely to work throughout the year
compared to men and that three in four women hold a job all year
compared to the mere 57 percent men who do the same.
Study
On the other hand, the study on the agricultural sector is said to be
more likely to provide seasonal employment for both men and women and
that and provide income throughout the year. Findings also reveal that
younger women are more likely to work in professional, technical and
managerial jobs while older women tend to work as skilled manual
labourers. Urban men were also found to be more likely than rural men
to work as professionals and technicians, whilst only 9 percent of men
in rural areas have this type of occupation. 28 percent of these rural
men were discovered to be working in agriculture compared with the 8
percent of men in urban areas.
Findings
The findings also state that women's occupations vary with their
background and characteristics. In general, it was discovered that
professional, technical and managerial jobs attract women with the
highest education and in the highest wealth quintile.
Labour
Work in sales, services and skilled manual labour on the other hand
attracts younger women with lower than tertiary education.
While women tend to be concentrated in selected types of occupations,
the study discovered that men's choice of work is more varied.
Findings show that 17 percent of men work in agriculture and that 13
percent are employed in professional, technical and managerial jobs.
Men's occupations were found to vary with their background
characteristics.
In general, professional, technical and managerial jobs in Swaziland
attract married men in urban areas, who have the highest education and
are in the highest wealth quintile.
On the other hand, men in the Lubombo region with less education and
those with lower wealth quintiles tend to work in agriculture.
_____________________________
2. Swazi minister faces graft probe. (Sapa-AFP) Business Day. 30 May 2008.
A cabinet minister is one of 30 Swaziland businessmen to be
investigated by the main anticorruption unit over how they amassed
their fortunes, the government said yesterday.
"We have handed more than 30 names to the anticorruption commission
and it is up to it to conclude its investigations," government press
secretary Percy Simelane said.
The move comes after Prime Minister Absalom Themba Dlamini told
parliament earlier this week an unnamed cabinet minister had amassed
more than 30- million emalangeni ($4m) in his bank account and would
be investigated by the commission.
Simelane said the government would not "play with fire" by trying to
pre-empt a probe outcome but it was important to clarify the source of
this wealth.
"We know how much ministers earn and it will be interesting to learn
how he made so much money," Simelane said.
Opposition groups have urged Dlamini to name the minister. United
Democratic Movement secretary-general Sphasha Dlamini said it was time
to fight corruption more vigorously.
"This country is losing a lot of money through illicit dealings and we
would like him to name the minister, instead of telling us that there
was a minister with 30-million emalangeni in his account," he said.
Swaziland, the last absolute monarchy and landlocked by SA and
Mozambique, is one of the continent?s poorest states. More than
two-thirds of its population are living below the poverty line.
________________________________
3. The writings on the Swazi wall. Swazi Media Commentary 29 may 2008
www.swazimedia.blogspot.com
The Times of Swaziland got itself in a bit of a state yesterday, when
it tried to report about some rude words that had been written on a
wall near an election registration post.
You see the words were about King Mswati III and they were not flattering.
'What was written cannot be printed due to their contemptuous nature,'
the Times reported (28 May 2008).
And to top it all some pamphlets were found nearby which were 'anti election'.
Dissent (about anything the ruling elite is in favour of) is not
allowed in Swaziland, so the mere fact that someone has dared to say
something nasty about the king is, I suppose, news. What interests me
is that there is no vocabulary for the media to use when reporting
such matters.
Reading the Times report I got the impression the newspaper
desperately wanted to give the details, but the consequences they
would face if they did would be too dire.
Here are some choice extracts from the report. The pamphlets were
about, 'The ongoing election registration process and the upcoming
elections are said to be a waste of public funds to enrich those in
the corridors of power.'
The Times said that the writing on the wall, when translated from the
original siSwati, said, 'away with ... and the government who feeds on
our money'. The writing didn't actually say 'dot, dot, dot' - the
Times put that in to spare our anger. I assume 'dot, dot, dot' is
really King Mswati III. Mswati is known in some circles as 'M3' and
the Observer newspaper group has taken to calling him 'HMK' (for, I
assume, His Majesty the King), but I shall always think of him from
this point forward as 'dot, dot, dot'.
Anyhow, the Times continued, 'Parliament was also not spared in the
seditious statements as it was accused of passing laws like the recent
Road Traffic Act, which according to the perpetrators, are made to
enrich the government at the expense of the poor.'
So dangerous are these statements that the Times took it upon itself
not to reveal the name of the political party that distributed the
pamphlets, because the newspaper couldn't confirm that they were
genuine.
The Times reported that police confiscated the pamphlets; although it
was not said what offence has been committed.
These are not the first 'anti election' pamphlets to have been found
in Swaziland recently. As I reported on Wednesday (28 May 2008)
pamphlets found at Zombodze were also seized by police.
There is a serious point to this. Swaziland is supposed to be having a
'free and fair election' (at least according to 'dot, dot, dot'), but
how can that be so if people are not allowed to discuss the issues?
Swaziland is not a democracy and just about any of the many indices
you care to use shows that too many people in the kingdom are poor,
and the distribution of what wealth there is in Swaziland is poorly
distributed. Only this week the newspapers have been reporting that
one cabinet minister has more than E30million (more than 4 million US
Dollars) in his personal bank account.
Why shouldn't people be allowed to talk about this massive imbalance
of wealth? And why shouldn't they be allowed to question the present
social setup that puts 'dot, dot, dot' above the rest of the population.
That, after all, is what elections are for. Except, of course, in the
'unique democracy' that is Swaziland.
______________________
4. Philippines, Swaziland sign two bilateral deals. GMA News.TV.
Quezon City, Metro Manila, Philippines. May 27, 2008.
MANILA, Philippines - The Philippines signed Monday two bilateral
agreements with the Kingdom of Swaziland, Malacañang said in a
statement.
The deals, signed by President Gloria M. Arroyo and Swazi King Maswati
III Monday in Malacañang, are:
- an agreement on economic, scientific, technical and cultural
cooperation; and
- creation of bilateral consultative mechanism between the two countries.
The press statement quoted Mei-An S. Austria, Deputy Presidential
Assistant for Foreign Affairs, as saying that the agreement on
economic, cultural, scientific, and technical cooperation aims to
strengthen bilateral collaboration in these fields.
On the other hand, the agreement forming a bilateral consultative
mechanism will focus on trade and investment, science and technology,
agriculture and agro-business, roads and transportation, banking and
finance, tourism, culture, human resource development, education and
technical vocational education training.
King Maswati III and his entourage including his 13th wife, Queen
Inkhosikati Lankhambule arrived on Friday last week and will depart
for Japan today.
Swaziland, which is located in the South African region, has a
population of around 1.2 million.
________________________
5. Swaziland going for elections. Solomon Mondlane (SADC), African
Path, 24 May 2008.
Swaziland is going for its elections and registrations have started
around the country. Registrations started on 19 May and it will
continue until 22 June 2008. The tiny Kingdom of Swaziland is well
known for its own unique system of governance that had been criticized
by the ?Pro Democratic Groups? in the country and the neighbouring
South Africa; The ?Tinkhundla System?. It is a system that seems
working well with the majority of its own people.
The people of Swaziland will be voting for the "Indvuna yeNkhundla
(Chief of the District Area) and for the Member of Parliament." There
are more than 40 tinkhundla (Area Districts).
Commenting on the elections, the King of Swaziland, King Mswati III
encouraged the citizens to go for registrations and to behave well. He
made his announcement on the National Media a week ago.
"We have heard in the neighbouring countries that there were
disruptions and violence during elections, and I encourage the Swazi
people to behave themselves." He said.
King Mswati III is the only absolute Monarch in the African continent
with more than 13 wives.
So far registrations are going well despite some threats from the
progressive groups in Swaziland to boycott and burn registration pole
stations. Some progressive groups are Swaziland Youth Congress
(SWAYOCO), People United Democratic Movement (PUDEMO), Ngwane National
Liberation Congress (NNLC) and the Swaziland Federation of Trade
Unions (SFTU).
According to one of the Progressive groups SWAYOCO, said that the
"Tinkhundla System" is regarded as a chaos, which was and is still
reigning and oppressing the Swazi people.
They quoted the main objective of the SWAYOCO formation saying: "On its
(SWAYOCO) formation, it declared to sweep clean the tinkhundla chaos
which was and is still reigning in Swaziland. This giant youth
movement has been born out of the irreconcilable contradictions
between the tinkhundla ruling regime and the oppressed youth of
Swaziland."
The majority of Swazi people support the system as a good system for
the African continent. They invited Zimbabwe and other countries
around Africa who are struggling with the Western Democracy to copy
the Tinkhundla Sysytem.
http://www.africanpath.com/p_blogEntry.cfm?blogEntryID=4895
______________________________________
6. Constitution challenge over. Sabelo Mamba, Weekend Observer, 23 May 2008.
The Supreme Court full bench yesterday refused to strike down the
country Constitution, which came into existence on the 26th July,
2005.
Supreme Court Judge Tebbutt said were this court to strike down the
Constitution, the 1973 Royal Proclamation would again become the
Supreme Law of the land. He said the people of Swaziland had accepted
their Constitution, "created by themselves for themselves, as the
supreme law of the land."
The Supreme Court was handing down judgment on an appeal brought by
political parties and trade unions, which were seeking an order
suspending and setting aside the present Constitution for a period of
two years.
They contended that they were excluded from participating in it and
from making oral and written representations on behalf of their members.
Justice Tebbutt said to attempt now to restore the 1973 Royal
Proclamation would not only fly in the face of the tremendous effort
expended by all those in charge with bringing the new Constitution
into being, but of the wishes of the people themselves. He observed
that such may well result in sinking this Kingdom into an abyss of
disorder and perhaps even anarchy. "This court, therefore, declines to
strike down the Constitution," he ruled.
?For similar reasons there would, in the view of this court, be scant
purpose in suspending the Constitution for two years in order to bring
about a national convention or similar body.
"The people have already spoken. To create the body suggested would be
solely to pander to the whims of the appellants, which this court
declines to do.
"The appellants have also urged this court to decide the substantive
matter which Maphalala J. did not decide -viz- should the appellants
participate fully in the forthcoming national elections. This court
cannot now embark on that exercise." There is no judgment on appeal
before it on the issue raised.
Moreover, the court was informed that there is a pending application
before the High Court dealing with the very issue now raised.
"This court cannot, therefore, entertain any appeal on it before the
decision of the High Court has been pronounced. In the result, the
appeal fails and must be dismissed." Justice Tebbutt, who was sitting
on the court bench with Justices Zietsman, Ramodibedi, Foxcroft and
Ebrahim, ruled that each party must pay its own costs.
The appellants were the National Constitutional Assembly -Trust,
Peoples United Democratic Movement (PUDEMO), Ngwane National
Liberatory Congress (NNLC), Swaziland Federation of Trade Unions
(SFTU), Swaziland Federation of Labour (SFL) and the Swaziland
National Association of Teachers (SNAT).
The respondents were Prime Minister Themba Dlamini, Minister of
Justice and Constitutional Affairs Prince David, Chairman of the
Constitution Drafting Team, Parliament Speaker Prince Guduza and
Senate President Gelani Zwane.
Appearing for the appellants were attorneys Thulani Maseko and Paul
Shilubane while Attorney General Majahenkhaba Dlamini and Mndeni
Vilakati represented the respondents.
http://www.observer.org.sz/weekend/main.php?id=43998§ion=mainweek
___________________________
7. 'No fault with the Swazi constitution'. Swazi Media Commentary 27
May 2008. www.swazimedia.blogspot.com
Swaziland's Supreme Court has given a ringing endorsement to the
kingdom's constitution.
In a judgement handed down last week the court stated that almost all
members of the Swazi nation recommended that King Mswati III should
keep his powers and they were also happy with the present system of
Tinkhundla government.
The Swazi News reported (24 May 2008) that the Supreme Court turned
down an application from civic society organisations to have the
constitution set aside so that a new one could be written. The court
said that there were no problems with the way that the constitution
was written as the Constitutional Review Commission (CRC) which
drafted the constitution followed the guidelines it was given.
These guidelines made it impossible for any group in Swaziland to make
representations about the constitution. Only individual people were
allowed to have a say.
It is of course no surprise that the court made this decision as it
was operating on a strict interpretation of the law. The law said
groups couldn't be represented and they weren't. The interpretation
was correct; it was the law itself that was bad.
I have written before that ever since the constitution was published
and enacted in 2006, Royalty, politicians and the media have been
telling us that we shouldn't complain about its contents, because the
constitution represents the will of the people.
However, we don't really know what the will of the people was, because
all the documents containing information on the way the constitution
was drawn up, and what the people said during the period the
constitution was drafted, have been kept secret.
But there was no secrecy about the secrecy. We have always known that
the documents have not been available to the public
I don't know why the media have allowed the myth of consultation to
grow in the public's mind. Even the media were banned from reporting
on discussions while they were taking place.
This shroud of secrecy was well known. In 2003 after the first draft
of the constitution was published, King Mswati III expressly requested
a group of international lawyers known as the International Bar
Association (IBA) to study the draft and to give him comments.
The IBA report, Striving for Democratic Governance, called the draft
constitution 'flawed' and reported that one critic went so far as to
call it 'a fraud'.
It is worth looking at the IBA report in some detail because it
clearly sets out what was going on during the drafting process, which
was controlled by the CRC.
The CRC did not allow the judiciary or NGOs to contribute to the
debate and ensured that individual Swazi people were interviewed in
the presence of their chiefs. As a result the 'overwhelming' majority
wanted the King to keep all his powers and wanted the position of
traditional advisers to the King to be strengthened. They also wanted
Swazi customs to have supremacy over any international rights
obligations.
The IBA report states, 'The terms of reference of the Commission did
not allow expressly for group submissions, and as apparently they were
not entertained, NGOs per se were effectively prevented from
commenting. The IBA panel considers that, unfortunately, this in
itself deprived the CRC of much valuable input.'
The IBA report goes on, 'The CRC also faced a number of practical
problems. There were disputes between local chiefs, collecting views
during the rainy season in Swaziland was difficult, and several
Commission members resigned.
'The extent to which individual Swazis were consulted has also been
questioned. The CRC did not keep records of the submissions it
received and media coverage of submissions was apparently banned.
'There is therefore no formal record of how Swazi citizens presented
their views and of what in fact they said to the CRC.
'Furthermore, information was elicited in a highly charged atmosphere.
Individuals were reportedly asked, in the presence of chiefs, whether
they wanted to retain the King and whether they preferred political
parties.
'The CRC report states that "there is a small minority which
recommends that the powers of the monarchy must be limited" and
continued that "an overwhelming majority of the nation recommends that
political parties must be banned".
'The report concludes that "an overwhelming majority recommends that
the system of Government based on the Tinkhundla must continue" and,
as well as the ban on political parties being maintained, that the
executive powers of the King should be maintained, the position of
traditional advisers to the King strengthened, and Swazi customs have
supremacy over any contrary international rights obligations.'
I am bound to say that given the way that the people were 'consulted'
with chiefs present, and the powers that chiefs hold over their
subjects, it is difficult to imagine the people coming to any other
conclusion.
Link
http://swazimedia.blogspot.com/2008/05/no-fault-with-swazi-constitution.html
______________________________
8. Zimbabwe Solidarity Forum in South Africa?s support for the
Swaziland Solidarity Network against Swazi dictatorship. Sipho Theys,
26 May 2008. COSATU Daily News, 27 May 2008.
The blocking of the Swaziland-South African border on the 12th of
April was a symbolic expression of the solidarity between progressive
organizations and activists from our two countries.
It is essential that we ask how trade can continue as normal between
our two countries while repression continues unabated in Swaziland.
Blockading the border is a reminder of the power of ordinary people
and draws attention to the abnormality of the undemocratic nature of
the Swazi political system. Until the whole of Southern Africa is free
and all of us are part of a regional peoples democracy none of us
should remain silent. Progressive forces that demand change must be
listened to.
As the Zimbabwe Solidarity Forum, a network of progressive South
African civil society organisations, including youth, women, labour,
faith-based, human rights and student formations that are engaged in
the promotion of solidarity for sustainable peace, democracy and human
rights in Zimbabwe, we recognize the inter-related nature of the
struggles in Swaziland.
In Swaziland, as in Zimbabwe, political detainees have been assaulted
in their cells without government taking any responsibility. Like
Zimbabwe, Swaziland has experienced the death of detainees in
detention under very suspicious circumstances. Like Zimbabwe,
Swaziland is suffering from the abuses of power, by an elite minority,
at the expense of the majority.
Our vision for the region, and for Africa as a whole, is of a
continent in which all of our people can share in the benefits of
freedom. As citizens of the Southern African Development Community
(SADC) Region, we share a common destiny and common concerns. We all
wish to see a peaceful, democratic and prosperous SADC Region.
We reiterate our call for a democratic transformation of the social,
economic and political space in Swaziland.
____________________________
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democratic movement.
____________________________________________
Boycott of the elections in Swaziland: excerpts of a debate in
Swaziland Solidarity Network Forum
____________________________________________
Not a "unique" form of boycott
The boycott of the tinkundla elections is not some new idea or
proposal. The progressive forces in Swaziland have always boycotted
elections there. These boycotts have been successful. The turnout has
always been incredibly low, even despite coercion by chiefs. If I
remember correctly in the last elections the turnout was something
like 5% or so, and in some areas the poling stations were just
deserted for the whole day - and this was even in the face of coercion
on people to vote. Furthermore, individuals who were previously
aligned to progressive forces who got tempted to stand were disowned
by the organisations, correctly so. The boycotts have deprived the
"elections" in the past of any real legitimacy. Of course boycotts
alone are not going to bring down the system, it will take much more,
but starting to participate now would be very dangerous.
One should also point out that this is not a "unique" form of boycott.
Even under the tricameral and town council system in South Africa, the
United Democratic Front (UDF) never said "register but don't vote" -
the entire thing was boycotted. Voter turnout is compared against the
eligible voters not against the people who went to register.
It's really worrying that a shift away from the existing position of a
boycott is going to confuse people by sending mixed messages, as well
as giving the pseudo-elections some form of legitimacy. How do you
tell people to go and register and then next thing tell them not to
vote. The entire process is illegitimate, it's can't be separated into
some parts that are ok and others not.
I'm not sure what he means when he writes "With democracy, when they
give you an inch you should generally grab hold of it and then do your
best to take a mile." That may be true for bourgeois democracy, but in
Swaziland there is not a democracy in the first place to grab hold of.
The message needs to be sent clearly, both internally and to the
world, that there is no democracy in Swaziland - it's not that there
is a democracy with some small problems.
The situation is really different from that of Zimbabwe. Despite the
big problems there, the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) was
contesting in a multi-party parliamentary system - unlike Swaziland.
We need to look at a specific conjuncture rather than just judging a
boycott as a good or bad tactic in general. The struggle in Swaziland
is not an electoral one.
As for the point that a multi-party system is likely to be declared if
the State Court case is won - I wish I could share this optimism, but
no court case is going to bring democracy to Swaziland, at least in
the foreseeable future. Even if the case were to be won there would be
many other obstacles in the way of Peoples United Democratic Movement
(PUDEMO) participating in the "elections".
Finally, it's good to talk about these issues but let's remember that
the existing position was democratically decided within PUDEMO and
re-affirmed on several occasions. Of course other organisations can
have their own positions but should consider carefully the messages
that are being sent out. Let's keep a strong and unified message that
there is no democracy in Swaziland and the struggle needs to be
intensified to get that democracy.
_______________________
The struggle will not be won in court
Participating in the elections to join a parliament with no real power
would be like joining a soccer game knowing that the ball will not be
given to you or that even if it is given you will not score. The most
ridiculous of this debate is when people think that the struggle will
be won in court. This line of thinking is promoted by (some) people
who are afraid or refuse to take the longer route and want short cuts
that are not sustainable. As Bongani Masuku once said, some people
think the struggle in Swaziland is some Hollywood movie worth endless
comments and analysis and not about people's lives.
These desk top activists refuse to align themselves with certain
political parties because they know that by doing so they would be
antagonising the enemy which will in turn remove its gloves when
dealing with them. Of late some of these so called 'neutral democrats'
have been all out discrediting all those who advocate for the boycott
of the elections with some of them even going further to claim that
'better with the devil (tinkhundla) we know than the angel (political
parties) we do not know'.
________________________
Not a virtue to be banned
What the revolutionaries must always do is to legitimate themselves,
and not to volunteer to exclude them selves. They must insist on being
present in public and in all the institutions of society.
The comrades of the United Democratic Front (UDF) opted for a boycott
of the trilateral elections. I still find this problematic. Their
success was partial, even in its own terms; and further, what is left
out of account is the "opportunity cost", in other words the lost
opportunity of having popular leaders publicly endorsed by the masses,
which would then have had a number of further options.
As for the Bantustans, when did they have elections? I don't remember
that, or any campaign to boycott them, either. I stand to be corrected
about this, by all means.
What I am sure about is that before they were banned in 1950 the
communists frequently contested elections in South Africa and won
seats on quite a number of notable occasions.
The South African communists never made a virtue of their banned
status. They fought against it constantly for 40 years and since
regaining it in 1990 have indeed, as they should, participated in all
facets of South African society, although it is not a socialist or
communist society. Our Party is legal and it is independent and it is
well loved and respected by the masses of this country. It remains, as
it always has been, a revolutionary party of the working class.
At times you say that the proposed elections are not legitimate, as if
there is some kind of election that is more legitimate than this; but
that would only be a bourgeois parliament, which type you then,
further on, also denounce. Your fallacy is to conceive of this event
in the terms that it is presented by the regime, and not as an
opportunity, conceded under pressure, for the masses to exercise a
greater measure of agency than they otherwise would have.
Your appeal for unity is formulaic and bureaucratic. Political
education is nothing like that; and the revolutionary political
process that you must necessarily contrive has to be educative in the
profoundest sense. It must serve to render greater and greater numbers
of people into free subjects, in the philosophical sense of the word
subject, not the feudal one.
Boycott, as a tactic (invented in Ireland and developed in South
Africa and further developed overseas in the South African cause) was
always about agency. It was a way for individuals to act directly and
together, en masse, as opposed to having them appeal to governments or
to international institutions to act on their behalf.
This is why an electoral boycott is a perversion of the boycott
tactic. It does not render the individual into more of a free agent,
but instead deprives the person of an opportunity to exercise a degree
of agency, or in other words a degree of choice. Such opportunities
are hard to come by, and should never be wasted, in my opinion.
Finally, the success of your tactics, whatever they may be, cannot be
measured in terms of whether a tactic was carried out according to
plan or not.
The success of your tactics can only be measured in terms of whether
they succeed in taking you closer to your strategic objective. By that
measure the best verdict that can be given on the "success" of your
electoral tactics so far is the Scottish one of "not proven".
_______________________________
If you stand away, what can you do?
Boycott is a bad tactic in these circumstances. It will put you in a
corner. Every vote cast will be a vote against you. You cannot be sure
of 100% support. Therefore the chances are that the boycott tactic
will split your own support, as opposed to support to the system.
There are many obvious counter-tactics available to the regime which I
will not mention.
With democracy, when they give you an inch you should generally grab
hold of it and then do your best to take a mile. Boycott is nearly
always a bad (electoral) tactic.
There is so much you can do when you are involved in an electoral
situation. If you stand away, what can you do? You don't have any
momentum, you don't have any initiative. You are like a spare at a
wedding.
The main actors here are not you or the regime, but the masses, and
the main event is the election, not the assembly, whether it is called
tinkundla or bourgeois parliament. Neither you nor the regime will
know what the masses can do until the day. In Zimbabwe, the MDC
considered a boycott, but decided to trust the masses, and the masses
rewarded them. An electoral victory given by the masses changes
everything.
_______________________________
Peoples United Democratic Movement (PUDEMO) is calling!
I am surprised in seeing the re-occurrence of issues in human
activities. When the Afrikaner government introduced the Bantustan,
many people raised the same arguments, saying that it was better to
vote and show the world that Black South African can govern. The same
logic was used in Zimbabwe by many African reactionaries.
If the progressives in Swaziland were to participate in any way in
this selection process, it will negate all the work that has been
done. The fact of the matter is that Peoples United Democratic
Movement (PUDEMO) is calling for a plural democracy and nothing less
than that. We in PUDEMO understands this, but it is not being imposed
on other organisation. If you are not a PUDEMO member, you can
consider participating, but if you are you do not even think about it.
The struggle is not about going to parliament, it is about effecting a
fundamental change in the Swazi society. A change that is based on an
ideology that accept that every person is equal. That all human beings
have the intelligence to make a common sense decision. You can be part
of a system that question your intelligence. The process that produced
the constitution was based on the principles that once Swazi meeting
without the supervision of a state functionary (A chief or his trusted
cronies) there bond to come to a decision that is detrimental to
themselves. My friend you may remember the words of Mndeni Shabalala,
when he said that the tinkhundla is such a good social medicine that
needs to be forced down the throat of Swazis.
My friends, please do not ask us to accept and submit to the view of
the ruling elite, in seeing us as a bunch of children that do not know
what they want. I
hope you remember the other Swazi who said that we talk about
democracy as a child playing with a new toy.
The people of Swaziland deserve to be treated with respect, even by
the educated and rich Swazis. The people are boycotting this process,
there are simply not participating, because we are not a bunch of
sheep that can be lead by the Sheppard.
It is time that we claim our pride as a people. My friend you know how
it is like to go meeting and have the people make jokes about us. The
world secretly doubts our collective intelligence. How can we tolerate
a minority to decide our collective destiny and fate?
My friend if you look at the people of Iraq, how they go to bed
knowing that the might of the American government can not take them
for granted. The people of Palestine can hold their heads high; they
are there to defend their dignity. How can you ask us to shame
ourselves as a people, for how long are we to be the foot mat for a
political system that does not care for any of our views.
Now if we were to be so foolish and participate in this selection
process and we make it to parliament. What then, we all become the
community development officers?
My friends there is no rush, time is on our side. Even if it takes 100
years. We have to wait, the African National Congress waited, the
Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) is still waiting.
Let just continue with our programme to create a meaningful democracy
in Swaziland. The organisations that are looking for donor money by
pretending there is something happening in Swaziland, let them do
that, it is their choice. History will judge them accordingly.
_______________________________
Source:
Swaziland Solidarity Network Forum
<sa-swaziland-solidarity-eom-forum@googlegroups.com
_______________________________
Swaziland Newsletter is published by Africa Contact (Denmark) and
distributed to more than 1200 national and international
organisations, research institutes, universities, trade unions and
labour movements, political parties, church organisations, print and
electronic media, governments, diplomatic missions, members of
parliament, parliamentary committees and private individuals in
Southern Africa, Europe and the United States of America.
Support the democratic movement in Swaziland: MANDELA FUND: Den Danske
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DABADKKK. Registration Number: 0274. Account Number: 3327000. The
MANDELA FUND is a registered national collection in Denmark.
Swaziland@Newsletter 65
Published by Africa Contact (Denmark)
Earlier issues can be read at
http://uk.groups.yahoo.com/group/SAK-Swazinewsletter
together with documents and other materials not included in the
regular newsletter. If you wish to subscribe to the newsletter, please
send mail to:
SAK-Swazinewsletter subscribe@... All correspondence to
swaziland@...
Free subscription to the newsletter will also give access to a photo
section with thirteen albums: Swaziland. Historical. Occupation,
exploitation and rebellion. Colonial times. Sobhuza. Settlers in the
colony. People of Swaziland. Images of power. Women of the land.
Children. Men of the land. The struggle for democracy. Images of a
democratic movement.
__________________________________
1. Swazi widows excluded from voter registration. Swaziland Coalition
of Concerned Civic Organisations (SCCCO), 18 May 2008.
2. Swazi Elections Commission?s double talk. Swazi Media Commentary 19
May 2008 www.swazimedia.blogspot.com
3. Suspect terrorists are in for a shock. Times of Swaziland, Arthus
Mordaunt, 14 May 2008.
4. SADC briefs the king on defence and security. Njabulo Dlamini.
Weekend Observer (Swaziland), May 18, 2008.
5. Lie on your own bed, says the Attorney General. Swazi Observer May
18, 2008.
6. Hannie Dlamini: "You need to trust your loved ones". Plus News
(IRIN) 20 May, 2008.
7. 'Brand people with HIV'. Donny Nxumalo, The Swazi Observer, May 21 2008.
___________________________________
1. Swazi widows excluded from voter registration. Swaziland Coalition
of Concerned Civic Organisations (SCCCO), 18 May 2008.
It has come to the attention of the Swaziland Coalition of Concerned
Civic Organisations that Election Registration Officers are ignoring
or flouting election law. We are aware of at least two occasions in
Nlhangano alone that widows in mourning have been turned away from
voter registration for the sole reason that they are widows in
mourning dress. There is no such exclusion in the 1992 Voter
Registration Order and so it is apparent that the Registering Officers
are not adequately trained on their duties, or worse, they are fully
trained but are deliberately flouting the law.
We demand that the Elections and Boundaries Commission exerts its
independence and issues clear instructions that the only law that is
applicable is the 1992 Voter Registration Order read in light of the
Constitution and that traditional customs have no place in Voter
Registration. We further demand that the Commission fully
investigates these matters and takes clear reparatory actions: namely
- Issuing a clear apology to the offended parties.
- Processing their registration as a matter of urgency.
- Investigating the nature of the actions - is it lack of knowledge or
lack of regard?
- Suspending the registration process so that registering officers may
be adequately trained.
- Retraining registration officers on the current law.
It has been obvious from the outset that Commission appointment,
qualifications, competence and experience are all outside the letter
and the spirit of the Constitution. This illegal exclusion of the
widows is just the latest in a series of gaffes where the Commission
has ignored and flouted the law, the constitution, common sense and
good practice. How many more blunders does it take before the
Commission realises how far out of its depth it is and does the
honourable thing and resign.
The Election and Boundaries Commission and the Department of Justice
and Constitutional Affairs? disregard for the rule of law and
Parliamentary Independence have shown the true colours of the
Commission. It is just as obvious that in recent closed meetings with
traditional authorities that its appearance of independence is fatally
compromised. This is not an independent rigorous, well organised and
technically capable commission but a toothless rubberstamp for
labadzala, nothing more, nothing less.
Statement issued by Musa Hlophe, Co-ordinator Swaziland Coalition of
Concerned Civic Organisations (SCCCO).
__________________________________
2. Swazi Elections Commission double talks. Swazi Media Commentary 19
May 2008 www.swazimedia.blogspot.com
Political parties are legal in Swaziland, but they are not allowed to
compete for political office.
That is according to Chief Gija Dlamini, the chair of the Swazi
Elections and Boundaries Commission (EBC).
This is the same man who previously said that when the Swaziland
Constitution talked about allowing freedom of association it meant
freedom to join a soccer club, not to form a political party.
Chief Ginja is under attack in pro-democracy circles in Swaziland for
being unsuitable for the position of chair of the EBC. Chief Gija is
variously described as 'an electrician' or an 'electrical engineer',
when the Swazi Constitution states that the EBC chair ought to be a
senior judge.
Chief Gija's latest remarks were reported in the Times Sunday
yesterday (18 May 2008). The newspaper reported that a distinguished
political expert from the United States (with senior experience in
states of the former Soviet Union) had met this week with the EBC and
concluded 'that they did not understand how political parties operate'.
The Times Sunday reported that Dr Robert Herman, Director of Programs
at Freedom House, 'had a tough time, trying to solicit their views on
what they thought of democracy, human rights and elections'.
The Times Sunday reported, 'During a press briefing on Friday Dr
Herman explained that members of the EBC told him that political
parties were not good for Swaziland because they caused wars and
pointed to the situation in Kenya as a perfect example.'
The report continued,
'Dr Herman said having spoken to a number of different spectrum of
society in Swaziland, he came to the considered view that Swaziland
was not a democracy and that a lot needed to be done in that regard.
'He said that after learning that this country was to go to the polls
later this year, he met the EBC and when he spoke to them he got the
impression that they did not understand how political parties operate.'
The Times Sunday also reported, 'Gija said he assured Dr Herman that
political parties do exist in Swaziland, but it's that they cannot
compete for political office.'
The issue of the legality or otherwise of political parties in
Swaziland has been receiving a lot of attention in the newspapers
recently.
In the same edition of the Times Sunday (18 May 2008) King Mswati
III's Private Secretary Sam Mkhombe is quoting saying that political
parties are allowed in Swaziland.
'He challenged all those who say political parties are banned to show
him the piece of legislation which prohibits political parties to
operate in the country,' the newspaper said.
One might add to this challenge a further challenge to Chief Gija to
prove that if political parties are allowed to exist in Swaziland what
is it that prevents them from standing in the election?
Mkhombe's assertion that political parties are allowed in Swaziland
follows a similar statement reported in the Swazi Observer (5 May
2008) from the kingdom's Attorney-General (AG) Majahenkaba Dlamini to
the effect that the constitution allows political parties.
The Observer reported that his audience of human rights activists
greeted the AG's remark with disbelief.
As well they might. Vusi Sibisi, writing in the Times Sunday (18 May
2008) makes a very valid practical point that the Swazi government has
not put in place the legal framework that allows political parties to
be registered and to operate.
I doubt that political parties would be allowed to meet to discuss the
election. Here's a challenge of my own. Why doesn't a group in
Swaziland call itself a political party and then announce that it is
to hold a public meeting at which it will announce its candidates for
the forthcoming election and also outline its manifesto for the coming
elections.
Let's see how far they get in Swaziland's unique democracy.
There was another very sinister story in the Times Sunday (18 May
2008) regarding the elections. It is reported that the King's advisory
council, Liqoqo, summoned the Justice and Constitutional Affairs
Minister Prince David to them to explain why the EBC thought it had
the right to decide on the date of the election when this was the
preserve of the king.
Has nobody at Liqoqo read the constitution?
_________________________________
3. Suspect terrorists are in for a shock. Times of Swaziland, Arthus
Mordaunt, 14 May 2008.
People suspected of being terrorists are in for tough times as police
will have the power to arrest them without any warrant.
This will happen in the event the Suppression of Terrorism Bill, 2008
is passed into law as it is.
The proposed legislation, in Section 22, gives police the power to
arrest anyone who has committed or police have reasonable suspicion
that he might have committed a terrorist act.
The Bill further gives the power to the police to detain suspects
suspected to be involved in terrorism or anyone suspected of
disturbing investigations for two days. However, a prior order has to
be obtained from the High Court through the office of the Attorney
General.
The two days can also be extended to seven in the event the police
have still not concluded their investigation. If this is done though,
the order shall specify the detention areas and the conditions under
which the suspect shall be detained. There shall be video recording of
the detention and conditions on how patients could have access to
government doctors.
The police will also be able to apply for orders for gathering
information. This too involves an application to a judge of the High
Court.
This will be done when there are reasonable grounds to believe that an
offence has been committed and information that may reveal the
whereabouts of a suspect(s) is likely to be received through the order.
It may also be sought in the event the suspect is believed to have
direct information and material relating to an offence
Link: http://www.times.co.sz/002.html
__________________________________
4. SADC briefs the king on defence and security. Njabulo Dlamini.
Weekend Observer (Swaziland), May 18, 2008.
Executive Secretary of the Southern African Development Community
(SADC) Dr Tomaz Augusto Salomáo on Thursday this week paid a courtesy
call on His Majesty King Mswati III.
The visit was mainly to brief the King on progress made by the Organ
of Politics, Defence and Security ahead of him assuming the position
of chairmanship.
His Majesty is the substantive deputy chairman of the organ, which is
chaired by Angolan President Josè Eduardo dos Santos but the King is
expected to assume the chairmanship post soon. The King was also
briefed on issues that were pending within the organ, said Minister
of Foreign Affairs and Trade Mathendele Dlamini who further urged the
nation to rally behind His Majesty as he carries the daunting
challenge mandated by SADC.
?He has a huge challenge as Swaziland?s Head of State but SADC
leadership have further entrusted him with the responsibility of being
deputy chairperson to the organ of politics, defence and security
which is another mammoth task.
"We, therefore, urge the nation to pray for the King especially
because his position entails being a mediator in times of political
crisis in the SADC states", the minister said.
Information sourced from the SADC website states that the organ of
security and defence was established in November 2000 in Harare,
Zimbabwe following a council of ministers report.
The organ is co-ordinated at the level of summit on a Troika basis and
reporting to the chairperson of SADC. The chairperson of the organ is
on a rotation basis for a period of one year. The Member State holding
the chairpersonship of the organ provides the secretariat services.
The chairperson of the organ shall not simultaneously hold the chair
of the Summit.
___________________________
5. Lie on your own bed, says the Attorney General. Swazi Observer May
18, 2008.
Attorney General Majahenkhaba Dlamini said political parties and trade
unions placed themselves in a situation in which they found themselves
excluded from the process of making the country?s constitution.
The Attorney General was addressing a Supreme Court full bench
yesterday in a matter in which the political formations and unions
(appellants) are challenging the constitution.
Dlamini said it was a position which the progressives took presumably
on principle, rightly or wrongly.
He submitted that they submitted their right not to participate on the
terms as provided.
"They exercised an option as they saw the situation", he said.
The AG argued that in participating as required, the political
parties/trade unions would not have been compelled to be anything
other than their individual, natural or selves.
He told the Supreme Court that the appellants should not complain for
having exercised what they considered to be an option open to them.
"It is not as if there was no other way, they had their cake; they ate
it", he contended.
The full bench comprised of Justices Tebbutt, Zietsman, Romodibedi,
Ebrahim and Froscroft.
The progressives are National Constitutional Assembly-Trust, Peoples
United Democratic Movement, Ngwane National Liberatory Congress,
Swaziland Federation of Trade Unions, Swaziland Federation of Labour
and the Swaziland National Association of Teachers.
The respondents include Prime Minister Themba Dlamini, Justice and
Constitutional Affairs Minister Prince David, Chairman of the
Constitution Drafting Team, Senate President Gelani Zwane and
Parliament Speaker Prince Guduza.
The AG said the Constitution Review Commission (CRC) and the
Constitution Drafting Commission (CDC) did not flout any provision
relevant to constitution-making process.
He submitted that there was no rule of law binding on CRC and CDC to
ensure that the appellants were included in the constitution-making
process.
"It was enough that the appellants in their individual capacity like
everyone else could take part in the process", he submitted. The AG
also submitted that the progressives cannot have a legal standing for
the challenge they had launched, whatever may be the position in other
countries.
He argued that there was no statutory basis for their claim.
"The claim cannot be based on the common law nor is it an inherent
human right. And it should be remembered that Swaziland is a Kingdom,
not a Republic", Dlamini contended.
"In general, the court has no power to review any part of the
constitution. The reason for this must be obvious. The court is itself
a creature of the constitution.
"Where the court may review the constitution, it would be most
reluctant to declare any part of the constitution as void.
"Of the cases cited by the appellants, none is to the effect that the
court can nullify an entire constitution in the normal course of the
function of the court.
"Where constitution provisions seem to be in conflict, the court will
do its best to harmonise the operation of those provisions".
Judgement has been reserved.
__________________________________________
6. Hannie Dlamini: "You need to trust your loved ones". Plus News
(IRIN) 20 May, 2008.
Hannie Thulasiwe Dlamini is approaching 40 years of age, a feat most
people in Swaziland considered impossible when he became the first
person in the country to publicly declare his HIV-positive status in
1995.
"By profession I am a builder. I graduated from school in 1990 and
started working in 1991. I was sick, I couldn't get better. I went to
see a doctor and the doctor informed me I must do a test. He told me
it was for HIV.
"I had heard about AIDS, but did not think this was my problem -
nobody ever said they were HIV positive; it had never happened. The
health ministry said there was AIDS in Swaziland, but where were the
people with AIDS? In the hospital posters there were these thin
people, but they were foreigners, they were not Swazis. Nobody knew
anything about AIDS.
"I went to get the test because the doctor was pushing me to take it.
It came back that I was positive for HIV. That was June 1991. I was
quiet about my status for some time - I refused to believe I was HIV
positive. I got married in 1992, and I was still quiet. I didn't tell
my fiancé.
"All this time there was a woman at The AIDS Support Centre in Manzini
[Swaziland's commercial hub]. She was writing me letters all the time,
asking me to come in for counselling. I refused, but she kept writing.
"Finally, in 1993 I went to see her. There was a meeting with other
people who were HIV positive; there were eight of us. We formed a
group called Swaziland AIDS Support Organisation (SASO). No one had
done this; there was no place for HIV-positive people to turn for
information and understanding.
"It was then I got the courage to tell my wife. I declared to her in
1994. There was such a stigma to HIV that her parents insisted she
leave me and come home, but she refused. She told my in-laws that she
loved me as I am.
"Because of SASO I was invited to a meeting in Cape Town. The UN was
bringing together HIV-positive people, and I heard how important it
was for a country to have its people declare their HIV status. I told
the world, and I came back from Cape Town a changed person.
"SASO spread all over the country and gave birth to many organisations
that do support work in Swaziland. I put my effort every day into
SASO. But it was very hard; I was stigmatised by my family because of
my status.
"Today it is still very hard for HIV-positive people, even those
working for the health department don't declare [their status] because
of the stigma attached. We can see people who have a problem with HIV;
they are not well. They may be educated, but still they don't come out
so it is hard to get them help.
"The way I see it, people like me and some other people need to come
together and find a way to reach out to people. Because I am
HIV-positive, I know what it means, and what people like me need. I
can see faults in the health system, I visit the clinics. I am not
paid to do this - I still earn my living as a builder - but I have to
go and find out things.
"I find the clinics don't have up-to-date information. What they know
and tell people is insufficient. There are ways to take ARVs that are
important, but these ways are not always known by the counsellors.
They have general information, but people's questions can be specific.
"My wife is a changed woman. To me, she is a different person from the
woman I married - she is an AIDS activist. We work side by side. She
is the founder of Manzini's AIDS clinic; we work in offices close by.
All of this is because she wanted to stand by her man.
"I think you need to trust your loved ones. People don't get tested
for HIV because they fear what others will say and do. But if you give
your loved ones a chance, you will be surprised by their courage and
their love for you."
______________________________
7. 'Brand people with HIV'. Donny Nxumalo, The Swazi Observer, May 21 2008.
University of Swaziland lecturer Dr. Eliot Tofa has called for AIDS
sufferers to have identification marks on their bodies to show
everyone they are living with the disease.
Dr. Tofa, who is a lecturer for Theology and Religious Studies, said
the branding should be on a thigh or on his or her back. He
argued that prevention interventions to stop the spread of the disease
have failed dismally.
He mentioned that abstinence, behaviour change or the use of the
condom have done little to stop the spread of Aids.
"I suggest a fourth intervention and complementary method that coerces
people to develop the will - BRANDING!" He said branding would compel
what he termed sero-suppressed patients to shy away from having sex
with the branded sufferers. The "danger warning sign" would hazard
the jeopardy of over-speeding or jaywalking in that zone".
Dr. Tofa noted that ARVs prolong life, saying the danger here is that
children with HIV may live long and engage in unprotected sex, and in
the process ignite the mutation and transmission of the disease.
He said even if some may think he is not in his right mind, he still
believes the benefits of branding are hundredfold.
"The question of human rights and democracy does not apply here
because this does not break rights but slightly bends the law for
the greater good.
"It must be noted that the advent of ARVs has brought ?dangers? of
reversing the SIGNS associated with HIV and AIDS, e.g. frightening
genital diseases, which have the potential to scare away acrobats.
Moreso, they also suppress clinical signs associated with this
decimating disease.
"The short of it is that HIV and AIDS have signs or symptoms known in
medical circles.
"Now the point is, once it is known that a person has tested HIV
positive, it is devastating to conceal that to innocent and sexually
active lay people. Even in the scriptures we read that God put a sign
on Abel so that he could not fall victim of people with or of evil
intentions (Genesis 4:15)."
_____________________________
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__________________________________
Dear friends of Swaziland,
The president of the Peoples United Democratic Movement (PUDEMO),
Mario Masuku, is quoted below by the Voice of America as saying: "It
is everybody's right to be voted for and to vote for a government of
their choice. But that should be held in an environment that is
conducive for freedom of association and freedom of expression".
This is not yet the case. In a land where political parties are
forbidden there is as yet no freedom of association. In a land where
the freedom of expression is cut down by the state is there as yet any
such freedom. An article on the role of the press can also be read
below.
We all know that things must change. We all also know that one day
they will change.
Patrick Mac Manus
Editor
Swaziland@Newsletter
__________________________________
1. Swaziland's opposition accuses government ahead of parliamentary
elections. Peter Clottey, Voice of America Online, Washington, D.C. 6
May 2008.
2. Swaziland's polls face widespread boycott. Gulf Times / Doha. 12 May, 2008.
3. Women not protected by law. Nelsiwe Ndlangamandla. Weekend
Observer, May 11, 2008.
4. Swaziland urged to join global court. Afrique en ligne ? Angers,
May 9, 2008.
5. Role of Swaziland?s journalists. Swazi Media Commentary 6 May 2008.
__________________________________
1. Swaziland's opposition accuses government ahead of parliamentary
elections. Peter Clottey, Voice of America Online, Washington, D.C. 6
May 2008.
Swaziland's main opposition party, Pudemo (People?s United Democratic
Movement) is accusing the government of King Mswati II of making a
mockery of the tenets of democracy ahead of this year's parliamentary
elections. The opposition party also reportedly described as illegal a
decision by the electoral commission to open the voter's register in
preparation for the parliamentary elections. But the electoral
commission says Swazis have the right to choose who should represent
them and their interests in parliament.
Pudemo is demanding political reform in Swaziland, saying the people
should be allowed to vote for their own government and not to be ruled
by an absolute monarch. Mario Masuku is the chairman of Swaziland's
main opposition Pudemo party. He tells reporter Peter Clottey from the
capital, Mbabane that his party is determined to thwart the
government's efforts of deceiving the ordinary citizen.
"As far as we are concerned, I want to say that it is everybody's
right to be voted for and to vote for a government of their choice.
But that should be held in an environment that is conducive for
freedom of association and freedom of expression.
The situation in Swaziland is that the opening of the registry is
meaningless as far as the right to associate is concerned. As long as
people may not register political parties, those national elections,
or the process towards national elections remains undemocratic and
backward as far Pudemo is concern," Masuku pointed out.
He said although the opposition party stands a chance of losing out by
refusing to be part of the upcoming parliamentary election, it is
ready to fight for a total regime change.
"What you are saying is very true. But what is noble? Is it getting
involved and be thrown out with a bucket of dirty water or stand up to
a principle, respecting the fundamental human rights? We have chosen
the latter that we would carry on at the end of it all people will
realize that the government that is in power, a government would be
elected by a minority, a government that would have a parliament, or
house of assembly that has no power at all when the power is vested in
the King and his family. We would rather stand to our principle of
respecting fundamental human rights, and that of democracy than be
counted among compromises of the truth," he said.
Masuku said ordinary people are realizing that there was the need for
a complete paradigm shift in the country's absolute monarch rule.
"I don't want to blow my own whistle, but if you read yesterday's
newspaper, one member of the house of assembly who has his own
political party, and has always been seen as and regarded as
conservative said indeed this elections are undemocratic and they are
not taking part. And a number of people are also realizing that and
are not taking part in the election," Masuku noted.
He chided those he described as playing "politics of the belly" by
trying to convince people to be part of the upcoming parliamentary
election.
"We believe, therefore, that only those who are intimidated, and only
those who want to practice stomach politics, will participate. But the
principled people, the people who know what democracy is all about
will not take part. And therefore, the result that we are looking
forward to is that the least minimum of people who take part in this
national elections. And therefore, they will not have the mandate of
the whole citizens of Swaziland that they have formed a government,"
he said.
Meanwhile, the government has reportedly announced it would, for the
first time in the country's history, invite election monitors from the
United States and Commonwealth nations. The government believes the
move would prove how transparent the country's young democracy is.
http://www.voanews.com/english/Africa/2008-05-06-voa1.cfm
_________________________________________
2. Swaziland's polls face widespread boycott. Gulf Times / Doha. 12 May, 2008.
Preparations for landmark elections due to take place later this year
in Swaziland, Africa's last absolute monarchy, are being overshadowed
by the growing prospect of a widespread boycott.
Key political players plan to stay away from the parliamentary polls
scheduled for September, in protest against the country's failure to
introduce multi-party politics.
Swaziland is run on a home-grown political system called Tinkhundla
that does not allow the existence of political parties, but the
pro-democracy groups say that this restriction is archaic.
"There are basic principles that drive these political groupings to
boycott," said Professor Qambukusa Magagula, a political science
lecturer at the University of Swaziland.
"The Tinkhundla system of government does not embrace multi-party
democracy which these groups were founded upon and it will be folly of
them to be part of a system that does not recognize them," Magagula
said.
In the past, pro-democracy groups tried to participate in order to
change the system from within parliament but failed to achieve any
meaningful progress.
The opposition People's United Democratic Movement (PUDEMO), a key
pro-reformist party, said it would not take part in the elections
until there is a change in the country's political system.
"Our mandate is to fight for a multi-party democratic dispensation
underpinned by the dictates of the fundamental and universal human
rights," said PUDEMO leader Mario Masuku.
He said his party was appealing to the international community to
intervene in Swaziland so that the tiny African kingdom can be made
democratic where political parties can freely exist.
"(We) are working hard to bring it to the attention of the world that
the system of government was not democratic and it must be isolated,"
Masuku said.
But authorities said they were inviting international observers for
the first time, to monitor the forthcoming elections in order to
enhance the credibility and transparency of the legislative vote.
The parliament comprises 85 members, more than a third of whom are
hand-picked by the King, who also makes all government appointments.
The constitution of Swaziland, re-written in 2006, allows for freedom
of association but people can only stand for elections as individuals.
Even Sive Siyinqaba, a group that previously participated in the
non-party political system, has now changed its position and announced
that it will stay away from the vote.
But Marwick Khumalo, who is the secretary general of another
opposition group Sibahle Sinje, thinks differently.
"I do not agree that the solution was to abstain from participating in
the elections," said Khumalo, a former speaker of the House of
Assembly. He has been a key advocate of the no-party system.
The boycott would "not stop the proponent of the system from forming
and becoming a parliament", he added.
The no-party political system was imposed on Swaziland in 1973 by the
then king Sobhuza, father of Mswati III. He banned all political
parties, arguing that Western-type of democracy brought hatred.
Swaziland, with a population of around 1mn, is one of Africa's poorest
countries situated next to South Africa, the regional economic
powerhouse.
_________________________________________
3. Women not protected by law. Nelsiwe Ndlangamandla. Weekend
Observer, May 11, 2008.
Women are constantly raped and abused because Swaziland has no
legislative framework that adequately condemns such acts.
These were the findings on Swaziland by other Non-Governmental
Organisations (NGOs) which attended the 43rd Session of the African
Commission for Human and People?s Rights.
The NGOs also felt that women do not have access to justice and they
were not equally protected by the law.
The latest statistics released by the United Nations International
Children?s Emergency Fund (UNICEF) showed that one in four females
experiences violence as a child.
It is also revealed that among 18 to 24 year old females, nearly two
in three had experienced some form of sexual violence in their
lifetime with some abused repeatedly.
In a press release from the Swaziland Action Group Against Abuse
(SWAAGA), it is stated that the following resolutions were made with
regard to Swaziland:
- That Swaziland enact, without delay, legislation dealing with sexual
offences, domestic violence, and child rights and trafficking in
persons.
- Ratify, demonstrate and implement without reservation, the protocol
to the African Charter on Human and Rights on the rights of women in
Africa; the protocol to the African Charter on Human and people?s
rights in the establishment of the African Court on Human and People?s
Rights, and Protocol to the African Charter on Human and People?s
Rights on the Rights and welfare of a child.
- Put measures in place, including sufficient resources, public
education and mechanisms for popularisation to ensure implementation
of all human rights conventions, protocols, legislation and frameworks
aimed at addressing violence against women.
n- Ensure that women access to justice and equal protection and
benefit of the law and that perpetrators of violence against women do
not enjoy impunity by acting with due diligence to prevent,
investigate and prosecute all forms of violence against women and hold
perpetrators accountable, irrespective of whether the acts are
perpetrated by the State or private actors.
Swaziland Action Group against Abuse (SWAAGA) feels that the issue of
violence against women and children needs to be addressed urgently.
_________________________________________
4. Swaziland urged to join global court. Afrique en ligne,
May 9, 2008.
Dakar, Senegal (PANA) - The Coalition for the International Criminal
Court (CICC) - a global network of more than 2,500 civil society
organizations - Friday called on Kingdom of Swaziland "to accede to
the Rome Statute, the founding treaty of the International Criminal
Court, without delay."
In a communiqué, the coalition stated that it had written to King
Mswati III and Prime Minister Absalom Themba Dlamini, urging them "to
prioritise the country's accession to the Rome Statute" which gave way
to the establishment of the court.
The Swazi authorities were reminded that during the sixth committee
meeting of the 57th UN General Assembly in October 2002, their
government said the court was "one of the most promising opportunities
to promote accountability and human security, in whose prospects lied
the promise of universal justice and an end to impunity which has
prevailed for so long."
The coalition, therefore, called on the government of Swaziland to act
on its expressed support for the International Criminal Court (ICC).
"This is a historic year that marks the tenth anniversary of the Rome
Statute, which was adopted by 120 nations on 17 July 1998," said
Benson Chinedu Olugbuo, the CICC Anglophone Africa coordinator.
"Now is the time for Swaziland - the only remaining monarchy in
sub-Saharan Africa - to show its solidarity with the 30 other African
states that have joined this court."
Meanwhile, with Madagascar's ratification of the statute on 14 March
2008, Africa continued to have the highest regional representation at
the court.
To date, more than half of the world - 106 countries - has joined the ICC.
The ICC is the first permanent international court capable of trying
individuals accused of genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity.
Central to the court's mandate is the principle of complementarity,
which holds that the court will only have jurisdiction if national
legal systems are unable or unwilling to act.
_________________________________________
5. Role of Swaziland?s journalists. Swazi Media Commentary 6 May 2008.
Media houses in Swaziland are often criticised for not being very
reflective about the work that they do.
However, at regular intervals you will find Swazi journalists
criticising media people abroad for the way they write or broadcast
about Swaziland. Usually, the Swazi journalists are unhappy about the
way King Mswati III is portrayed (i.e. as a lavish spender who is out
of touch with his people).
It is a great pity that the Swazi media do not give over more time and
space to reflect on what they think their role should be in Swaziland
(beyond being cheer leaders for the king).
I was reminded of this at the breakfast meeting organised by the Media
Institute of Southern Africa (MISA) - Swaziland Chapter for World
Press Freedom Day last Friday (2 May 2008). One speaker said that it
was all right trying to teach people how to be journalists but there
was nothing better than learning 'on the job' what it means to be a
journalist in Swaziland. It was the bit about 'journalist in
Swaziland' that struck me, as if there were something special about
Swaziland.
People often like to think about Swaziland as being unique. Some
people even go so far as to believe that Swaziland has been
specifically singled out by God (in a good way, I hasten to add. With
all the suffering in the kingdom, one could be excused for thinking
God was punishing the place.)
I don't think Swaziland is that unique, and especially the journalism
in the kingdom. Journalists do face problems in Swaziland, especially
when you consider that it is not a democracy, but journalists in other
countries also have their problems.
Having said that, I'd like to draw your attention to an article that
appeared in the newspaper in Windhoek, The Namibian (7 March 2008).
It was headlined 'The Role of Journalism in Namibia' and written by a
university lecturer, Robin Tyson.
What struck me about the article was that if you deleted the word
'Namibia' and replaced it with 'Swaziland' what Tyson has to say about
Namibia would apply very much to Swaziland.
Tyson wrote (of Namibia), 'Unfortunately, after 17 years of
independence, there remains a gap between the "freedom of speech"
espoused in the Constitution, and the application of antiquated laws'.
Tyson also made reference to a move by the Namibian government to
introduce a Government Media Council (something that the Swazi
Government also from time to time threatens to do). Namibia's Minister
of Information and Broadcasting said when introducing the Media
Council, 'the media has the power to contribute to our nation building
and socio-economic development'.
However, Tyson points out, that in an editorial responding to these
comments Gwen Lister, editor of The Namibian, reminded people that
while the media have rights and responsibilities, those
responsibilities 'are towards the people and not towards the
Government of the day'.
A former Namibian Prime Minister Dr Hage Geingob himself often used to
say, the Namibian nation is a house built with bricks. Remove one
brick (by publishing 'damaging' stories, for instance) and the entire
structure might fall. Some media therefore resort to what the late
Zimbabwean journalist William Musarurwa called 'minister and sunshine
journalism'. Following this model, ministers opening clinics, schools
or shopping centres would dominate the headlines. (Any regular viewer
of Swazi TV News or listener to SBIS radio would immediately recognise
'sunshine journalism' as the dominant news agenda for both these
state-owned news organisations).
But media have a duty to probe and to ask difficult questions and to
provide a platform for democratic debate and a 'vent' for people's
opinions.
In Namibia, NBC radio introduced a PM?s Question Time, which allowed
listeners to hear the Prime Minister and to give him feedback on what
they thought. What Swazi Prime Minister would have the courage to do
such a thing? The nearest we have is a monthly breakfast meeting
attended by senior journalists and the PM and other Cabinet ministers.
But if you look at the journalism that results from these meetings you
can see that they are very tame affairs. Certainly, there are no
journalists holding the government to account at these meetings.
In his article, Tyson refers to a new book from UK journalist Nick
Davies (Flat Earth News, 2008) in which Davies says that media are no
longer strong and vibrant searchers after that elusive 'truth'.
Instead, they often fail to check the most basic of untruths (or
incomplete truths) given by a company, industry or even minister. They
are susceptible to spin of the most blatant nature.
Rather, and often because of understaffing and time pressures, they
simply grab the press release or speech and publish verbatim.
There also seems to be confusion about what news actually is. News
should be, objective, honest, accurate, balanced, and, within all
possible degrees, true.
Tyson reminds us that journalism codes of ethics in Namibia (and, of
course, also in Swaziland) highlights all of these factors, also
encouraging fair treatment of minorities such as children, gays and
the disabled.
Tyson says no media editor in their right mind would tolerate 'lies'
to be published, for, in the long term, it would lead to the
publication losing all credibility and, thus, sales. The existing laws
on defamation provide ample recourse to those aggrieved by 'untrue'
reporting.
Because of this, all media publish or broadcast corrections where
errors are made. After all, journalists are also human. But, Tyson
says, the 'untruths' that media are being accused of are, in the vast
majority, not news at all. They are letters to the editor, editorial
comments, columns by writers, analysis pieces, or other items of a
subjective nature.
Tyson says this needs to be seen as opinion rather than fact,
subjective rather than objective writing. In other words, when reading
a newspaper, we need to understand the clear difference between fact
(news stories) and opinion (editorials, columns, letters, SMS
messages, etc).
Tyson leaves us with a rallying call, which I support. 'We must
empower ourselves to become involved in the debate. We need to [...]
become active voices in these debates. If we disagree with a caller,
phone in to the radio show. If we don't agree with a letter writer or
columnist, write to the newspaper.
'Let us use the existing media platforms, not as propaganda machines
of "sunshine journalism", but as communication marketplaces where we
can meet, talk, and, finally perhaps, agree to disagree.'
Link http://swazimedia.blogspot.com/2008/05/role-of-swazi-journalists.html
_______________________________
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_____________________________
1. The case of Swaziland. For AU Commission on Human and People?s
Rights 44th session to be held in Swaziland from 7-22 May, 2008.
2. Commonwealth in bed with the Swazi government: PUDEMO. Lucky
Lukhele, 5 May 2008.
3. Memorandum from the South African Progressive Forces for
international solidarity.
4. Migrant mineworkers seek to invest in SD. By Teetee Zwane. The
Swazi Observer, May 5, 2008.
5. Swaziland Army prepares for war. Swazi Media Commentary 4 May 2008.
6. Police and warders may bargain. Sabelo Mamba. The Swazi Observer,
April 30, 2008.
7. Why no outcry over Swazi crisis? Luther Lebelo, Letters, Business
Day, Johannesburg, 30 April 2008.
8. Without the King on Tour. Media Commentary 29 April 2008.
9. Swaziland Coalition calls for Elections and Boundaries Commission
to resign.
10. The business of AIDS. Sex and sensibility. The Economist, May 1st 2008.
_____________________________________
1. The case of Swaziland
As presented to the SADC Civil Society Conference on the 30 April,
2008 in Johannesburg, as part of preparing for the AU Commission on
Human and Peoples Rights 44th session to be held in Swaziland from
07-22 May, 2008.
Bongani Masuku, COSATU International Relations Secretary
Background
- Swaziland as a British protectorate and a surrogate regime in the making.
- The position of Swaziland in the global economy; supplier of raw
material and consumer of finished goods like all former colonies and
third world economies.
- Size of country: 17 000km with a population of about 1, 2m
people, located on the eastern part of the southern tip of Africa,
sandwiched between South Africa and Mozambique.
Why Swaziland is a crisis:
- Political system founded on the basis of royal parasitism and brutal
rule as core pillars of the ruling system; lacking in legitimacy,
stability and progress
- Character and essence of the tinkhundla system: Royal hegemony and
institutionalized aristocratic power. Duality of the state:
Semi-feudal characteristics: traditional system. Neo-colonial
characteristics: Westminster system
- Socio-economic indicators points to a humanitarian disaster;
HIV/AIDS figures estimated at around 38.2%, poverty levels point to
about 75% of people living in conditions of desperation.
Historic evolution of the tinkhundla system:
- Pre-independence era: introduction of capitalist relations through
colonial dispossession.
- The meaning of independence: a client regime assumes power to
supervise conditions of neo-colonial elitism.
- Post-independence architecture: a neo-colonial and semi-feudal
surrogate regime. No change in the accumulation structure and patterns
of ownership, but the integration of a royal minority to act as
gatekeepers of the process of parasitic accumulation through managing
the state as an instrument of capital accumulation for the ruling
class. In essence, the royal bourgeoisification process takes shape.
The structure of Swazi economy and society:
- Exporter of primary commodities, largely sugar and some
agro-products, whose market access and ability to sustain their GDP
value levels is at stake in this era of global neo-liberal crisis.
This is in addition to the relatively small mining base and services
sector.
- About 5% of the population control about 95% of the economy and 95%
of the population share only 5% of the country?s production.
- The economy is characterized by extreme inequalities, massive
poverty and increasing social desperation, with the resultant social
crisis of increasing crime levels, rape and women abuse,
inaccessibility of the majority to health and education facilities.
- Royal parasitism has bled the country?s economy into
non-performance and near total collapse.
- The tinkhundla system has run out of ideas, hence the naked
political bankruptcy to change the situation from the current crisis
point to one of recovery and sustained progress.
The political and constitutional crisis and the imperative of an
effective global solidarity movement
- The monarchy created a pseudo-constitutional process on realization
that its legitimacy was undergoing a serious test, and went to the
extent of trying to co-opt elements within the progressive movement to
cover for the daylight fraud.
- This process, exclusively controlled, designed and driven by the
royal family produced the current constitution which has been rejected
by all progressive forces, PUDEMO in particular.
- The so-called elections this year are meant to be based on this
indisputably fraudulent constitutional process, hence the broad
rejection.
- PUDEMO and the broad progressive forces united under the banner of
the Swaziland United Democratic Front have proclaimed it in clear
terms that only a multiparty elections would deliver and would be
worthy of participation. The days of rendering some amount of
legitimacy to discredited royal projects is over.
- The political climate in the country continue to militate against
legitimate political activities and the rights of the people to assert
and determine their future through transparent, accountable and
democratic participation in the affairs of their country.
- COSATU and the broad progressive movement in South Africa have
consistently demonstrated their determination to intensify their
support for the oppressed and struggling people of Swaziland, working
together with other genuine comrades all over the world, such as in
Denmark, Netherlands and Britain.
- We need to redesign and build an effective global solidarity
movement to raise international awareness, focus and support for the
Swazi people.
- COSATU shall be hosting a Conference on Zimbabwe and Swaziland at
the beginning of August this year, as part of our own effort to
continue raising the banner of democracy for the sister peoples of
these two countries, the cousins in arms against their own people.
- We are pleased to hear that May day shall be held jointly by all
the federations and unions of Swaziland, a giant step towards the
unity of workers. We pledge to support such noble efforts, for only
through the unity of workers can the struggle of the Swazi people be
won.
- We also are encouraged by the initiative towards a United
Democratic Front in Swaziland, involving all progressive forces ranged
against the tinkhundla regime. These are the sort of initiatives that
will encourage and inspire all of us to do more in supporting the
Swazi people?s struggle.
- With these examples, the Swazi people have set a challenge for all
of us to consolidate an even more stronger, better organized and
highly effective global solidarity movement on the issue of Swaziland.
The Zimbabwean solidarity movement have proven that such a movement is
a possibility and fundamental necessity for a sustained and meaningful
global movement in struggle.
The African Commission on Human and People?s Rights must stop
massaging the Mswati regime:
- It is important to also note the adoption of 8th ordinary session
of the Assembly of Heads of states and Government of the African
Union, held in Addis Ababa, Ethopia of the African Charter on
Democracy, Elections and Governance, popularly known as the Democracy
Charter on the 30th January, 2007.
- We further note that Commissioner Faith Pansy Tlakula, has been
assigned by the AU to be responsible for monitoring the human rights
situations of Swaziland, Namibia, Zambia and the Gambia, just like
there are other commissioners dealing with other country groups.
- The relevance of the African Commission to ordinary people on the
continent will only be determined by the extent to which it asserts
itself and the issues affecting our people without apology.
- The African people?s aspirations for democracy and dignity cannot
be held ransom by a few despots who must be the determining factor of
what it means to be African in an era of the renaissance of our continent.
- The session to be held in Swaziland this May should not be one of
those usual ones where there is a lot of general talk and no
substantive engagement of value to the affected people.
- We must build an Africa-wide movement for human rights demanding
firmer action by state actors in order to make the work of the
commission more effective and meaningful to the victims and the world
community of democracy-loving peoples.
- I attended one of the sessions of this commission in 2003 and must
state immediately that I was never impressed, not only by the state
actors of the commission, but also what is supposed to be civil
society itself, many of whom had become apologists of state
institutions.
____________________________
2. Commonwealth in bed with the Swazi government - PUDEMO. Lucky
Lukhele, 5 May 2008.
The Peoples United Democratic Movement (PUDEMO) has blamed the
Commonwealth for the problems associated with the Swaziland
constitution. Swaziland is a member of the Commonwealth.
Addressing May Day celebrations at Simunye, PUDEMO President, Mario
Masuku, said the Commonwealth was "in bed with the Swaziland
government" because it legitimised the "flawed" Swazi constitution.
Masuku said it was "disappointing that such an organisation would
agree with the government that the document was well prepared although
certain important stakeholders had misgivings about it".
"The time has come for Swaziland not to be dictated to by
international organisations and start charting their own
destinations," said Masuku, urging workers not to go to the polls in
Swaziland this year.
He said the country had "gone against a lot of international
conventions regarding elections, to which it was signatory".
He also lambasted the Swazi state for the 40/40 double celebrations
meant to celebrate King Mswati III's birthday and that country's 40th
independence.
Masuku: "What are we celebrating? Are we celebrating the poverty and
HIV that is killing this nation? I say let them continue with their
illegitimate election and I promise you that one day when a legitimate
government is in power, there would be a Truth and Reconciliation
Commission where they would be called to answer to their sins".
He urged the workers to stay united, saying nobody could defeat an
opponent on his own. He said that the government did not care
about its workers "save for amassing riches while the workers
languished in poverty in their one roomed flats".
Masuku described the governments as ?"uncaring", recalling a trip made
by Enterprise and Employment Minister Lutfo Dlamini, to Taiwan to
negotiate with textile owners during the textile workers strike in
Swaziland. He said it "defeated logic for the minister to rush to
Taiwan alone and claim to be representing the workers".
____________________________
3. Memorandum from the South African Progressive Forces for
international solidarity.
Libération Afrique, redaction@..., 7 March 2008.
Memorandum from the South African Progressive Forces for international
solidarity, gathered on the 7th day of March 2008 at the Embassy of
Swaziland in support of freedom and democracy in Swaziland, Zimbabwe,
Kenya and for the restoration of civilian political rule in
Myanmar/Burma.
We the people of South Africa, gathered under the banner of the
International Solidarity Forum, led principally by the Congress of
South African Trade Unions (COSATU) and the South African Communist
Party, supported in this action by the Zimbabwe Solidarity Forum in
South Africa, the Swaziland Solidarity Network, the Young Communists
League, the South African NGO Coalition, Free Burma Campaign, End
Occupation Campaign, Western Sahara Solidarity Forum, the
Anti-Privatisation Forum, South African Social Movements and
progressive South African civil society organisations that include
youth, women, labour, faith based institutions, human rights
organisations and student formations that are engaged in the promotion
of principled solidarity, peace, democracy and the respect for human
rights.
We are gathered today with comrades and friends, the working class and
the poor, struggling under the harsh social, political and economic
conditions imposed on the populations of these African countries by
the repressive and corrupt political elite of Zimbabwe, the repressive
Royal dictatorship of Swaziland, the expediency of the Kenyan
political leadership, the horrors of the Myanmar military junta in
Burma, weak and ineffective SADC and AU institutions and the indolence
of the South African Department of Home Affairs and the police.
Together we have marched from the Union Buildings in Pretoria to
assert loudly and clearly to the diplomatic representatives of Kenya,
Swaziland and Zimbabwe that enough is enough. Democracy is supposed to
enable the expression of the will of the majority. It is one of the
few mechanisms by which leaders must be held accountable. Yet you and
your governments are subverting and repressing these systems.
In the context of our background of solidarity and internationalism,
supported by many countries in Africa and throughout the world, in our
struggle against a brutal system of apartheid, we demonstrate our
internationalism and our deep seated anger at your enslavement of
people in your countries.
On this the 7th day of March 2008 we amplify the voices of progressive
forces from across the region, throughout the continent and from
around the world. We demand that these voices be heard.
Since 1973, Swaziland political parties remain banned. The struggle
for the basic democratic political environment, for credible, free and
fair, election continues. Much of this is the result of the
willingness with which the Swazi King has led the country to become a
greedy part of the imperialist predatory system. A system which
ignores the fundamental rights of the people to freedom, democracy and
dignity associated with their demands. The repression in Swaziland
cannot be justified under any circumstances. It is carried out to
defend a system based on the rule by a wealthy royal elite and its
networks, using the vicious suppression of human rights. Obscene
wealth for a few in the midst of extreme poverty and rising rates of
HIV/AIDS infections and deaths remain unchecked.
We are aware of your royal government plans, to hold a farcical
elections in 2008, in pursuit of the legitimation of your obsolete
political agendas, to maintain the status quo. We jointly pronounce
with the people of Swaziland, the wide repudiation of these banana
republic elections. These elections are neither meant for the people
to demonstrate their collective demands through a participatory
democratic process, nor will they reflect in any way, the will of the
people of Swaziland.
The well documented intensifying repression that is being used against
the people of Swaziland, indicate that the challenges in Swaziland
will not be resolved through a deeply flawed and the veneer of façade
highly criticised election process.
The extent to which African leadership are held accountable for their
actions and to which SADC and the African Union are able to assert a
progressive agenda will set precedents that will have far reaching
implications for regional security and the general credibility of
African institutions.
There is still an opportunity in Zimbabwe to show clearly that Robert
Mugabe has been the spoiler in this process, the evidence is there.
There is still an opportunity for SADC to demand that Swaziland
respect the democratic culture of the region.
We therefore demand that your government:
- Unbans all political parties, release political prisoners and allow
the freedom and tolerance of expression of different political
opinions, with free access to the media, judiciary, security and other
state institutions
- Initiates a serious national political process of dialogue and
negotiations with the liberation movement PUDEMO and other stakeholders
- Allow the return to Swaziland of all exiles and to create conducive
climate for the repatriation and participation in the governance
affairs and reconstruction of the country
- Allow a democratic national constituent assembly to a new
constitution in conditions of democratic and free participation
- An end to the planned farcical national elections, and the
channelling of those rare resources to poverty eradication and
tackling of the scourge of HIV/AIDS
- The institution of free multiparty electoral contest on the basis
of universally acclaimed democratic norms and principles
- Institute a dispensation for the separation of powers between the
executive, the judiciary and the legislative state functions
- Initiate constitutional, political, economic and social
transformation processes that fundamentally change the power relations
within your countries and alleviates the catastrophic poverty situation
We urge your government should respond to these demands within 10 days
of the handing of the memorandum.
7 March 2008
_____________________________
4. Migrant mineworkers seek to invest in SD. By Teetee Zwane. The
Swazi Observer, May 5, 2008.
Miners working in South Africa will be engaging in talks with
SwaziBank on investment opportunities available to them in the country.
Swaziland Migrant Mineworkers Association President Bongani Mdluli
said for a long time mine workers have been undermined in the country
and it was time for them to stand up and explore opportunities to
develop themselves economically.
"Miners have become sophisticated and have investment ideas which need
funding," he said during the Friends of Swaziland family and
professional networking luncheon at High Commissioner Muntu Mswane's
residence in Pretoria on Thursday.
He said in the past, the miners had made individual investments
through assistance from FINCORP, adding that now they wanted to invest
collectively as an association, hence the talks with SwaziBank.
"We want to expand now, so we're looking into other funding
opportunities. We want to do this because we have realised that nobody
is encouraging mineworkers to develop and this is important so as to
ensure that they have something to fall back on when the time comes
for them to return home," said Mdluli.
"The association has membership of over 20 000 miners and if we are
able to invest in Swaziland, we could make a lot of difference both
for our benefit and our country's economy."
He stated that they had established a committee that would facilitate
networking opportunities that would gain them access to more funding.
Mdluli said presently, mineworkers were cheated of thousands of
emalangeni in terms of medical compensation, pension and other
benefits due to them because they were ignorant of these. He said the
association was currently working on ways to ensure that members and
their families were duly compensated.
SwaziBank Managing Director Stanley Matsebula said the bank was more
than happy to exchange ideas and explore available investment
opportunities with the miners.
He said there were plenty of opportunities in the country, waiting for
Swazis with the required capacity to take advantage, further
commending the miners for taking the initiative to do so.
"We want every Swazi to realise that whether you're working in SA, USA
or anywhere else, to grow you must have assets. You need to go back
home and invest, so let's partner together to achieve that," he said.
"That way, you'd be creating assets and wealth for yourself and even
if you start with E500, it's a start."
Meanwhile, the day's master of ceremonies, author Elias Masilela added
that there really was a need for Swazis living in SA to think of ways
in which they could give back to their country.
"We need to think about what to put back to society, how we can help
the world," he said, adding "and we can only do that in a sustainable
way if we're grounded professionally."
_____________________________
5. SWAZILAND ARMY 'PREPARES FOR WAR'
Swazi Media Commentary 4 May 2008 www.swazimedia.blogspot.com)
This is an obviously question to ask after news emerged yesterday
(Saturday 3 May 2008) that the Swaziland Government is to purchase
'hundreds of guns and millions of ammunition', as well as 'security
gadgets'.
The Swazi News reported yesterday that a total of E25 million (about
3.5 million US Dollars) is to be spent on the equipment.
The official line is that assault rifles worth E1 million, pistols
worth E500,000, bullets worth E14 million and E5 million of 'security
gadgets' such as mine detectors are needed to protect the eight heads
of state and other overseas' dignities who are expected to attend
Swaziland's 40/40 celebrations in September 2008. (The celebrations
are to mark the 40th birthday of King Mswati III and the 40th
anniversary of Swaziland's independence from Britain, both of which
occur in 2008).
It only takes a moment to see that the amount of equipment to be
purchased is far in excess of that needed to protect 'dignitaries' for
a couple of days during a double birthday celebration. Why on earth
does the army need millions of bullets to protect a small number of
people?
And, from whom exactly does the army think it is protecting the dignitaries?
An army would only purchase millions of bullets if it were about to go
to war. And whom is Swaziland going to fight? There are no external
enemies of Swaziland at the moment, so one can only assume that the
bullets will be stockpiled for future use, possibly even to use
against Swazis. There are fewer than one million people living in
Swaziland so there will be enough bullets to go round, with some left
over.
The news of the army purchases comes just as the army started to
deploy troops all over Swaziland in what it described as an attempt to
cut down on crime in the kingdom and round up illegal items such as
guns, weapons, cars and smuggled goods.
There is a heightened level of mistrust in the kingdom at the moment
regarding the ruling elite. The deployment of the army against its own
people is just one fear. The unconstitutional way in which an
Elections and Boundaries Commission was selected to oversee the
national election expected in November 2008 has also raised suspicions
that the election will not be free and fair.
The Swazi News refused to divulge full details of the arms purchase
although it claims to have them. The newspaper said it would not
publish details 'as it's a national security matter'.
Actually, it is not a security matter; it is a matter of public
interest. It is clear to anyone who stops to think for a moment that
the amount of weaponry that the army is too much simply for
'protection of dignities'.
The Swazi government is telling lies about this purchase and the media
need to expose those lies now - before it is too late.
Link
http://swazimedia.blogspot.com/2008/05/swaziland-army-prepares-for-war.html
____________________________
6. Police and warders may bargain. Sabelo Mamba. The Swazi Observer,
April 30, 2008.
High Court Judge Qinisile Mabuza has ruled that police officers and
prison warders are entitled to collective bargaining and representation.
The judge, handing down her dissenting verdict yesterday in an
application in which the police and warders want to be lawfully
registered as unions to bargain on behalf of its members, said to this
end they need not form or join a trade union. She explained that the
right to collective bargaining and representation was not prohibited
by the Police Act and Prisons Act. "To enable the applicants
(Swaziland Police Union and Swaziland Correctional Services Union) to
freely pursue this aspect of their rights this court would have to
declare Section 3 (b) and (c) of the Industrial Relations Act No. 1 of
2000 is inconsistent with the Constitution and invalid", she ruled.
She observed that there was no legal constraint or prohibition on the
High Court from so doing.
Justice Mabuza said this would enable the applicants to pursue
measures within the Industrial Relations Act, which would regulate the
relations between them and their employer - the government. "This
would also be commensurate with Section 4 (1) (e) of the Industrial
Relations Act, which provides for the protection of the right to
collective bargaining", she said.
An earlier judgement handed down by Judges Mbutfo Mamba and Jacobus
Annandale dismissed the application brought by the police and warders.
They, however, made an observation that perhaps, as a starting point,
consideration should be given to allow members of the Disciplined
Forces to form and join and be members of a trade union of their
choice without the right to go on strike.
Justice Mamba, who read the judgement, said they believed that such
was the current position in England regarding prison officers.
Appearing for government was former Deputy Attorney General Mzwandile
Fakudze and Mndeni Vilakati while private attorneys Thulani Maseko and
Paul Shilubane were representing the unions. Cited as respondents were
Police Commissioner Edgar Hillary, Correctional Services Commissioner
Mnguni Simelane, Justice and Constitutional Affairs Minister Prince
David, Labour Commissioner Jinnoh Nkhambule, Attorney General
Majahenkhaba Dlamini and Enterprise and Employment Minister Lutfo
Dlamini.
Yesterday, Justice Mabuza said there was no doubt that the police and
members of the Correctional Services needed a strong and effective
body to negotiate better living standards and terms and conditions of
service.
"During December 2006, the current Prime Minister, Mr AT Dlamini
toured police stations countrywide", she recalled.
"He also inspected the living conditions of the police. His tour was
reported widely in the print media and electronic media.
The living conditions were appalling and shocking to say the least.
"It is in the public interest that these security forces who serve the
public should have access to decent living conditions, fair terms and
conditions of service and adequate remuneration".
_________________________________
7. Why no outcry over Swazi crisis? Luther Lebelo, Letters, Business
Day, Johannesburg, 30 April 2008.
Listening to people from Swaziland calling for assistance from both
President Thabo Mbeki and the Southern African Development Community,
I find myself asking why it is that they have not received
international attention while the people of Zimbabwe have.
Unlike Zimbabwe, in Swaziland there is no such thing as democracy
whereby leaders are chosen through democratic process, and there are
no labour rights. The people have no right to organise themselves and
demonstrate their dissatisfaction with their leaders. If they do, they
are brutally suppressed by the military. The leaders have no
obligation to account to the masses as the masses have no right to
remove them.
The country depends solely on donors and much of the budget is spent
on maintaining the monarch. The majorities of the people lives in dire
poverty and are ravaged by AIDS with no executive to protect them.
When King Mswati spends millions in donations on his many lavish
parties and too many wives, nothing is said.
In Zimbabwe, with all the difficulties and the so-called crisis, the
people can vote for another leader. They can demonstrate, the workers
can organise.
Why is Mugabe demonised yet nothing is said by the international
community about the fact that there is no democracy in Swaziland? Is
it because, unlike Robert Mugabe, King Mswati continues to preserve
white privilege and interests?
Should there not be calls for pressure to be put on Mswati to introduce
democratic processes since Swaziland remains the only country in
Africa where no political executive exists?
From: http://www.businessday.co.za/articles/opinion.aspx?ID=BD4A758748
_____________________________________________
8. Without the King on Tour. Media Commentary 29 April 2008.
www.swazimedia.blogspot.com
The quite possibly seditious documentary "Without the King" is now
freely circulating in Swaziland.
'Pirated' copies of the DVD have been winging their way around the
kingdom and I have received reports of it being watched in every major
urban area in Swaziland.
According to the documentary's own publicity, Without the King
'captures the birth of a nation's revolution'. Personally, I suspect
the 'revolution' is some way off yet, but the DVD does show scenes
where ordinary people in Swaziland talk about their dissatisfaction
with the ruling elite - including King Mswati III.
Swazi media are not allowed to voice such sentiments - and it is not
really safe for ordinary people to say them out loud in most places in
Swaziland.
I hear there have been some discussions in the main cities of Mbabane
and Manzini about showing the documentary at a public venue. People
are quite understandably scared to do this for fear of what might
happen either at the showing itself (police in Swaziland are brutal
when it comes to dealing with dissent) or what might happen after the
event to the person or organisation that allowed the showing to take
place.
All this is in great contrast to North America where Without the King
is showing in public cinemas across the continent. It is also
receiving interesting reviews in newspapers and on the Internet.
I picked up this review on the Internet from someone called Kam
Williams at News Blaze.
'King Mswati III is a benevolent despot ruling the tiny African nation
of Swaziland with a velvet-gloved iron fist. This last absolute
monarch on the continent governs just about the only sub-Saharan
country somehow untouched by civil war or ethnic cleansing over the
last 30 years. In contrast to such war-torn lands as Uganda, Rwanda,
Congo, Liberia, Sierra Leone and The Sudan, Swaziland has enjoyed a
relatively peaceful existence.
'This, despite the fact that its citizens have a 42% AIDS rate and the
world's lowest life expectancy at 31. Plus, most of the population has
to survive on about 63 cents a day, and are thus very dependent on
donations from international charities just to survive.
'Meanwhile, the royal family lives in the lap of luxury, starting with
the king. He has 14 wives, and picks another new one to add to his
harem from the 75,000 topless young virgins participating in the
annual Reed Dance, a weeklong celebration of chastity.
'He also owns 7 palaces, a fleet of luxury cars, the media and sugar
industries, and most of the developed real estate. Plus, he has $45
billion stashed away in a Swiss bank for safekeeping. Political
parties are banned in Swaziland, so the miserable plight of the people
isn't about to change any time soon in the absence of a revolution.
'Besides Mswati, the film focuses on the decadent behaviour of his
spoiled-rotten eldest child, an airhead attending college in
California. Well aware of the exploitation of her father's subjects,
this future queen sarcastically appraises the situation shortly before
the curtain comes down, vaguely promising to make some changes while
rolling her eyes.'
But, of the recent crop of reviews, Bruce Bennett, writing in the New
York Sun, is the most overtly political.
'The king's insistence on upholding venerable tribal customs at the
expense of modernization is revealed to be a social perversion
allowing tyranny, ignorance, and cruelty. "The mind fractures at the
thought of it," one U.N. health advocate says. Footage of Swazi
citizens preparing meals scavenged from landfills and slaking their
thirst from muddy ponds takes its toll in Without the King, and as the
film examines the grotesque disparity in wealth between ruler and
ruled, the heart starts to crack, too.
'But U.N. observers and film viewers, like the members of the royal
family themselves, can afford the luxury of sentiment. King Mswati's
subjects, however, cannot, and among the bracing non-fiction
disclosures that Without the King makes is precisely where terrorists
and freedom fighters come from and just how narrow the semantic line
is between the two. "I don't want to die for the struggle," says one
emaciated would-be assassin. "I want to kill for the struggle."
Nearing the end of the approximately three decades that he'll remain
alive, the man has literally nothing to lose either way.'
Link http://swazimedia.blogspot.com/2008/04/without-swazi-king-reviews.html
__________________________________
9. Swaziland Coalition calls for Elections and Boundaries Commission
to Resign.
Swaziland Coalition of Concerned Civic Organisations <sccco@...>
2008/4/27.
The Swazi Coalition of Concerned Civic Organisations is bewildered by
the stunning lack of respect for civil rights already evident in the
Elections and Boundaries Commission. We have previously commented on
the unconstitutional nature of the make up of the Commission saying
that with these commissioners in place it cannot be independent, it
does not have the legal experience and knowledge necessary and the use
of people that were or are public officials is against the letter and
the spirit of the constitution and international guidelines on proper
election management.
The Board was set up on 10 March and in its first six weeks of
operation has already trampled on our Constitution and our rights to
due Legal Process, an independent judiciary, Freedom of Speech,
Freedom of the Press and good practice in interpreting Statutory Law.
So far it has banned reporters from public meetings solely because it
does not like the way they report, how very thin-skinned from people
who are constitutionally supposed to show 'demonstrable competence in
the conduct of public affairs. A competent authority would
understand the role, nature and workings of the press and get its
message across - professionally.
It has said that our Freedom of Assembly extends to football teams but
not political parties. It made this 'unique' pronouncement without
hearing any party's opinion and more importantly ignoring the fact
that the matter is due to be heard at the high court and so is sub
judice. This shows that they are prepared to pre-empt our courts and
ignore Swazi Citizens' constitutional rights to a fair hearing and to
administrative justice ? not exactly commendable in an adjudicating
authority. These actions do not give the Coalition confidence in the
Commission's ability to judge properly and fairly when there are
disputes around our upcoming elections.
Much has been made of the former Deputy Attorney General's
professional qualifications and the government's opinion that his
advice will be the legal bedrock on which the commission can stand.
This is most worrying since this is the self same 'legal eagle' who
imagines that the Commission's constitutional duty to 'facilitate
civic or voter education' gives it the right to curtail our Freedoms
of Speech and of Assembly that are in the Constitution. Its recent
pathetic attempt to ban anyone other than it from providing civic
education is not only repugnant to those of us who respect
constitutionalism and human rights but shows the true nature of the
Commission's attitude to those rights ? it doesn't know or it doesn't
care.
We have seen in Zimbabwe and in Kenya how non-independent, unqualified
and biased Election and Boundaries Commissions can be manipulated to
bend to the will of the powerful and the corrupt. The violence that
erupts is an inevitable consequence of vote stealing and election
rigging. We will not stand idly by and allow this to happen in
Swaziland. An Election and Boundaries Commission is supposed to
protect our votes and to make each one count as much as possible.
This Commission already has shown a blatant disregard for other
fundamental human rights, how can it be trusted with the most
fundamental of all the democratic rights - our right to vote? In
light of this litany of errors of judgement, law and professionalism,
we call on the Commissioners to do the honourable thing and resign en
masse.
In the mean time, the Coalition will continue with its programme of
Civic and Voter Education and it will defend its right to do so
robustly. Any interference with this programme will be taken as an
attack on Freedom of Speech and Freedom of Assembly and the
perpetrators will personally find themselves answering to a judge.
The Coalition exists to promote democracy and human rights in
Swaziland. The Swazi Constitution is very new and it will take time
for all of us (including the government and the traditional
authorities) to get used to this new way of doing things and of
emaSwati having rights not permissions. While these rights are being
ignored, attacked and generally not respected by the government and
those in authority, the Coalition must, and it will, speak out and
take action - it is our duty.
Statement issued by Right Reverend Meshack Mabuza, Chairperson of
Swaziland Coalition of Concerned Civic Organisations.
______________________
10. The business of AIDS. Sex and sensibility. The Economist, May 1st 2008.
MORE than 2m people die from AIDS every year and as many get infected
with HIV. Despite grand programmes to roll out anti-retroviral drugs
that keep the infected alive, and billions spent by foreign donors and
the governments of the worst-affected countries, AIDS is likely to
cause one in six deaths in Africa by 2015.
Why is this so, when most people know how it is spread? AIDS has not
been around long, but the science is thoroughly understood, as are the
most effective public-health interventions. Get people to cut down on
risky sex and stop drug injectors sharing infected needles and you
will achieve wonders. In rich countries the prospect of the general
population succumbing to AIDS is now almost nil. Even in much of the
poor world it has been contained. Thailand nipped the epidemic in the
bud when brothel owners were threatened with closure if prostitutes
failed to use condoms with clients. In China and India, where
activists long feared an explosion, prevalence rates have been kept low.
Africa is the exception. This is particularly true of the
English-speaking countries, especially in the east and south. In
Swaziland over 40% of the adult population has HIV; life expectancy in
Botswana will soon be down to the mid-20s on average. Explaining why
Africa has suffered most is controversial, however, as that means
talking frankly about sex.
Both these books do that. The short guide by Alan Whiteside, professor
of HIV/AIDS at South Africa's University of KwaZulu-Natal, is packed
with statistics and handy explanations of the science. Rightly he
focuses on Africa and helps to dispel some myths, such as the claim
that poverty somehow spreads AIDS. He notes that relatively rich
Botswana and South Africa are worse hit than poorer Senegal; within
countries, the well-off are often more likely to be infected than the
poor. He suggests looking at social and cultural matters: where male
circumcision is the norm prevalence rates are lower (the foreskin
offers an easy way for HIV to enter the body).
Elizabeth Pisani's book packs a greater punch. There may be one
breathless description too many of hanging around with transvestite
prostitutes in Indonesia, but the epidemiologist and ex-AIDS
consultant's colourful anecdotes generally serve her cause well. Most
welcome is her desire to challenge taboos. She thinks that a
widespread emphasis on patients' rights may have done unintended harm.
Drumming into patients' minds the "right" to keep their infected
status private "even from sexual partners" may have encouraged stigma
around the disease and thus its spread. In countries such as Cuba,
where there is more compulsion in getting people tested for HIV, the
epidemic has been contained. She also argues that much money is
frittered on conferences, pointless interventions (for example to
encourage abstinence), paying NGOs to repeat the same studies and
hangers-on in the AIDS "mafia".
Ms Pisani is at her best when talking about sex, which does most to
explain why Africa is hit so hard. In parts of the continent it is
common to have concurrent sexual partners, which lets the virus move
quickly between a "web" of hosts (especially as people are most
infectious to others soon after becoming infected with HIV). If serial
monogamy is the norm, even if individuals have many partners over
time, the virus is trapped within relationships and gets around
slowly. Where it is common for older men to have younger girlfriends
the virus swaps generations and is likely to hit young women
especially, as in Africa.
Such sexual patterns make it harder to fight the plague, but not
impossible. In Uganda people were warned of the risks of HIV and
encouraged to use condoms and be sexually faithful. That helped reduce
the impact of AIDS (although recent trends are less encouraging).
Political, religious and local leaders have done little elsewhere in
Africa. Some, such as South Africa's president, Thabo Mbeki, preferred
disseminating untruths about the disease and how it should be treated.
Where strong leadership could have had the greatest impact its absence
is most keenly felt.
____________
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Swaziland@Newsletter 62
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_____________________________
Dear friends of Swaziland,
We are now so close to May Day. The International Workers' Day: a day
created on the execution of workers arrested after the Haymarket
strikes and the unrest of 1886 in Chicago, Illinois. A commemoration
and a will to move forward despite all the losses.
That is also your way. The longest strikes in many years. The deaths
and illness of members and leaders of the movement. But there is no
other way than to unite and go forward in sadness and in strength.
Wishing for all a May Day this year that will open the future for the
people. Driving away the power of the past and of a corrupted
monarchy. There is no other way towards a land of peace, of
development and equality.
Patrick Mac Manus
Editor
Africa Contact
Denmark
___________________
1. May Day to reveal state of solidarity in Swaziland. Terry Bell,
Business Report, 25 April 2008.
2. Who killed Pudemo leader? Donny Nxumalo. Mbabane, Swaziland, 24
April 2008.
3. South Africa: Mbeki's first state visit to Swaziland. Wilson
Johwa, Business Day (Johannesburg), 25 April 2008.
4. BBC: Swaziland political documentary.
Swazi Media Commentary 25 April 2008 www.swazimedia.blogspot.com
5. Albertina Nyatsi: "You don't have to suffer in silence; you
don't have to suffer at all". Mbabane (IRIN), 22 April 2008.
6. Human trafficking on the upswing. Durban, 23 April (IRIN).
7. Two children have been jailed in Swaziland for being vagrants.
www.swazimedia.blogspot.com, 20 April 2008.
8. Food crisis: Swaziland should make use full of land. Augustine
Moyo. The Swazi Observer, April 19, 2008.
9. Statement Issued by the Chairman of Swaziland Coalition of
Concerned Civic Organisations. 23 April, 2008.
______________________________
1. May Day to reveal state of solidarity in Swaziland. Terry Bell,
Business Report, 25 April 2008.
As May Day looms, the army of the working poor and the legions of the
unemployed are being force-marched to still greater hardship - nowhere
more so than in Africa's last feudal monarchy, Swaziland, which is
affected directly by rising inflation in South Africa.
This year's May Day celebrations in the tiny landlocked kingdom should
provide the first indication of whether the long-promised unity of the
fragmented labour movement has been achieved.
In recent years the country's two labour federations and the two large
independent unions of civil servants and teachers have staged separate
events. However, all support the demand for democratic reforms. Signs
of greater unity on the labour front should, therefore, provide a
significant boost to the pro-democracy movement.
Such a move would be welcomed by unions throughout the region,
especially Cosatu affiliates, which have staged protests, including
border blockades of Swaziland, in support of that country's
pro-democracy movement.
"We, of course, welcome any move to greater unity," says Cosatu
spokesperson Patrick Craven. Cosatu is aware that the new constitution
introduced two years ago by King Mswati 3 - and hailed by governments
in the region as a "step in the right direction" - provides a flimsy
democratic facade for what remains an absolute monarchy.
The king's right to appoint the prime minister and several ministers,
as well as to veto any decisions of parliament, makes a mockery of any
democratic process.
"Even if we had a legitimate, free and fair voting procedure, it would
still be meaningless," says Mario Masuku, the president of the
officially illegal Peoples' United Democratic Movement (Pudemo).
Pudemo is in talks with the labour movement and other pro-democracy
groups in an effort to establish a united front before the next
Swaziland elections, scheduled for October. To highlight what it terms
the "farcical nature" of the elections, Pudemo has announced a boycott.
Even the generally supportive US state department has noted that the
Swazi regime's human rights record is poor. This repressive nature and
the signs of growing unity among pro-democracy forces, together with
the electoral boycott, raise the spectre of turmoil along the lines of
that in Kenya and Zimbabwe.
This has been spelled out by Pudemo to various governments in the
Southern African Development Community (SADC). Because of SADC's
awareness of the situation and the regional organisation's demands for
democratic processes, there were no protests at President Thabo
Mbeki's official visit to the kingdom earlier this week.
In their public statements, neither Mswati nor Mbeki mentioned the
thorny issue of democracy; they talked instead of closer ties and
trade. But this did not overly concern the pro-democracy movement,
which tends to see this as an example of more "quiet diplomacy" at work.
"Given the SADC guidelines and against the background of Kenya and
Zimbabwe, we are sure the matter must have been raised with the king,"
says Masuku .
Not that the local opposition is looking to SADC for salvation. "The
struggle must be won by the Swazi people themselves," says Masuku. He
adds: "With the solidarity and support of others."
That support has been pledged by the regional and international trade
union movement. May Day should reveal whether Swaziland's
pro-democracy forces are starting to achieve the unity necessary to
take full advantage of such support.
_______________________________
2. Who killed Pudemo leader? Donny Nxumalo. Mbabane, Swaziland, 24
April 2008.
Officially, Swazi opposition leader Gabriel Mkhumane died at the hands
of criminals when he was shot dead in Nelspruit at the beginning of
this month. But fellow opposition supporters reject the official
explanation for his murder and believe that he was assassinated by
government operatives.
At the time of his murder Mkumane, the deputy president of the
People's United Democratic Movement (Pudemo), the country's main
opposition party, had been attending a meeting to discuss staging a
blockade of goods going to Swaziland.
The border blockage was to have been held on April 12, a day that
Pudemo and other pro-democracy organisations in Swaziland mark as the
day democracy died in Swaziland. On this day in 1973 King Sobhuza II
outlawed political parties.
In 2006 South African police fired at opposition supporters during the
annual blockade. Last year the Swazi government charged six opposition
supporters with sedition after they tried to block the border.
When news of Mkhumane's killing reached Swaziland, suspicions were
immediately directed at the government. Pudemo confirmed that Mkhumane
was a key player in the planned blockade, which was later abandoned
because of his death.
Pudemo president Mario Masuku said a number of elements about the
official version of Mkhumane's death are questionable.
Masuku said he and fellow Pudemo supporters were more than convinced
that Mkhumane's death was a government-sponsored hit.
"For one, the girl he was with reported the incident hours later --
and also came up with a questionable tale of rape. What is worrying is
that we have been told she is a member of the royal family in Lobamba.
"Another reason to be uneasy is that the Swaziland police visited
Gab's mother at Luve, asking where he was. She said he was not there
and then [they] told her she must expect him any time, adding that he
would come home wrapped in a black bag," Masuku said.
Mkhumane, who worked as a doctor at Themba Hospital in Nelspruit, was
in exile, having left Swaziland in the 1980s to live in Maputo, then
in Cuba, where he trained as a doctor before settling in South Africa.
Masuku said the state was watching Pudemo members very closely --
especially since Pudemo launched a campaign known as Ulibambe
Lingashoni ["Don't Let the Sun Set"], which he said is aimed at a
"total liberation" of Swaziland. According to Masuku, Pudemo will do
all it can to disrupt the national elections, planned for later this
year.
"That is why Swaziland is becoming a military state, where the army
would be deployed all over -- to seek and destroy Pudemo cadres. But
we are not backing down -- the liberation of the Swazi is at hand.
Link:http://www.mg.co.za/articlepage.aspx?area=/insight/insight__africa&articlei\
d=337702
___________________________________
3. South Africa: Mbeki's first state visit to Swaziland. Wilson
Johwa, Business Day (Johannesburg), 25 April 2008.
Normally ignored and hardly the focus of South African diplomacy,
Swaziland yesterday was the subject of President Thabo Mbeki's
attention when he held talks with King Mswati.
The day-long visit, at the invitation of the king, was intended to
strengthen political and economic ties. Among other areas, the two
leaders undertook to co-operate over joint water and tourism
development projects.
The trip symbolised Mbeki's intention to reclaim his role on the
continent following his battering over Zimbabwe. Coming three weeks
after the death of an exiled senior official in Swaziland's main
political movement, Mbeki's trip was overshadowed by political
overtones.
Gabriel Mkhumane, deputy president of the People's United Democratic
Movement (Pudemo), was shot dead in Nelspruit, Mpumalanga, where he
was working as a doctor.
Political activity is highly restricted in Swaziland. Most opposition
politicians boycotted the previous elections, held in 2003. Even
though a new constitution was promulgated in 2005, there was no sign
of change.
Civic groups were also waging a campaign for a boycott of
parliamentary elections due later in the year.
Lucky Lukhele, Swaziland Solidarity Network spokesman, said Mbeki's
state visit, his first official visit to Swaziland, was a welcome
initiative.
"We don't expect a public statement but we know he is a democrat and
will not betray the people of Swaziland."
Buoyed by remittances from SA -- through Swaziland's membership of the
Southern African Customs Union -- Mswati has been constantly accused
of wasteful expenditure even as his country battles poverty and the
highest rate of HIV infection in the world. A "40-40" celebration was
planned later this year when his 40th birthday will be celebrated with
the national independence anniversary.
"The media focuses its attention on democratic practices in Zimbabwe,
and rightly so. But the situation in Swaziland is worse," said
Congress of South African Trade Unions spokesman Patrick Craven. Even
as it enforced a ban on political parties, Swaziland was hardly the
focus of regional and international attention.
The lack of pressure on Mswati to adopt democratic reforms is because
of an absence of interest by western powers, says political analyst
Steven Friedman. "Ironically, if your major concern is proving to the
world that Africa is not a basket case, then you end up having them
set the agenda," he said.
Mbeki was accompanied by Water Affairs and Forestry Minister Lindiwe
Hendricks, Home Affairs Minister Nosiviwe Mapisa Nqakula, Deputy Trade
and Industry Minister Elizabeth Thabethe and Deputy Agriculture and
Land Affairs Minister Dirk du Toit.
The visit was also to explore opportunities around the Soccer World Cup.
_____________________
4. BBC: Swaziland political documentary.
Swazi Media Commentary 25 April 2008 www.swazimedia.blogspot.com
Swaziland's political turmoil was featured in a documentary aired by
the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) in the UK yesterday
(Thursday 24 April 2008).
It told a story of police committing murder, child sex abuse - and, of
course, HIV AIDS.
All this was seen through the eyes of one consultant from Northern
Ireland who is presently working in Swaziland as a civil rights
campaigner.
Star of the show is Stephen Donaghy, who works as a 'volunteer' for
the Swaziland Coalition of Concerned Civic Organisations (SCCCO) in
Manzini.
I haven't had a chance to see the documentary (but I hope a DVD is
winging its way to Swaziland and will soon be available in pirate
version all over the kingdom), but the Belfast Telegraph (a newspaper
in Northern Ireland) carried a long interview with Donaghy, in which
he gives one view of Swaziland that is not often seen, either in the
kingdom itself, or in the international media.
The Telegraph reported,
?His work is highly sensitive in a country ruled by King Mswati III,
who has "a special place in the hearts of the people and a lot of
power which he doesn't use properly".
?We had to speak on a South African phone as Stephen's telephone calls
are monitored, like his emails. "So we use heavy encryption."'
?He wanted change, and from day one in his job working for the
Swaziland Coalition of Concerned Civic Organisations (SCCCO), he got
it?.
?A month in, Stephen was involved with the sort of case he would not
have encountered at home [in Northern Ireland]?.
"We work on three levels, the highest of which is advocacy of basic
human rights," he says.
"There was a criminal called Ntokozo Ngozo, who was accused of
shooting at police officers. The police then rang his cell phone and
said, 'We don't know where you are but when we find you, we'll kill
you.'
"He was naturally scared and rang a journalist on The Times of
Swaziland, thinking that if they ran the story, it would save him. But
while the presses were rolling, the police shot him. He'd stripped to
his waist and come out with his hands up when he heard them coming,
but they questioned him, left him to bleed for four hours and he was
dead on arrival in hospital."
'SCCCO paid for an independent pathologist who established that,
contrary to the official story, which claimed the man was armed and
had fired at the police, he had been shot at a distance of 35
centimetres. Also, the holes on his clothes didn't match the bullet
holes, so evidence had been tampered with.
'To top it all, there was never an official investigation. Stephen
says: "Another aspect of our work is civic education with various
groups. In 1973, the king took away all civil political rights, so
there was no free speech, no right of assembly. You could be locked up
without trial, just on the say-so of the executive."
'He adds that people in Swaziland think they'll be in the same
situation as Zimbabwe in a few years' time.'
According to the Telegraph, Donaghy, who featured in BBC Northern
Ireland's 'Distant Horizons' programme, had reached the age of 41, was
in a comfortable job as a management consultant with an equally
comfortable lifestyle when he decided he needed, as he puts it, 'to
find out that life doesn't stop at the border' [of Northern Ireland].
So he signed up for two years via Skill Share International.
Donaghy has the perfect background for the work with a law degree from
Newcastle on Tyne and a CV charting a career in management, primarily
in the public sector.
________________________________
5. Albertina Nyatsi: "You don't have to suffer in silence; you don't
have to suffer at all". Mbabane (IRIN), 22 April 2008.
"I grew up in the north. My father died when I was two years old and
I was raised by my mother. I have two brothers and five sisters.
"Two things I really like to do are teach and communicate with people
about HIV. This is a big job in Swaziland: the most conservative
survey showed that over a quarter of the adult population are HIV
positive, but most people won't get tested.
"They are like I was - living in denial, denying that AIDS is a
serious problem, and denying that they can get infected. It comes from
fear - you are afraid to know the truth about your condition. One
reason is that you fear your family will abandon you. My family did not.
"I have a wonderful relationship with my daughter. She is 17 and we
live together in a flat. She knows about my HIV, and maybe it has
brought us closer together.
"A lot of people who find they are HIV-positive keep it a secret, even
from their loved ones. They worry that their families will reject
them, but you must give your friends and loved ones credit. If you
believe in them, maybe they will believe in you. My daughter has put
up with a lot from people who say things about me because I am
HIV-positive, but she still loves me and we depend on each other.
"It is not easy being HIV-positive. My condition cost me my job as a
teacher, I believe. I was educated at St. Elizabeth Institute in
Lesotho, [then] I was posted by the Ministry of Education to Zinyane
Primary [in northern Swaziland] to teach grade-seven home economics.
"By then I was HIV positive. I'm not sure how I got infected, but most
likely it was through intercourse. At first the doctor told me I had
TB [tuberculosis], and he asked me to test for HIV because he said it
was an opportunistic disease that can be found in HIV-positive people.
I was very shocked when I got the result. I thought, 'I am not thin
like those AIDS people in the newspaper'.
"I told the head teacher - I felt I had to because I was sick and I
was away from the classroom for a time. Two weeks later, he told me to
go home and not come back. He said my contract would not be renewed;
he did not give a reason.
"I got another posting to Emcengeni Primary [also in the north] and it
was a different story altogether. I believe people should be honest,
and if you hide something you can become stressed, which is bad for
you medically. So I told them that I was HIV positive and the head
teacher and the other teachers have been very supportive.
"Nowadays, I speak to people about HIV and they can relate to me,
because before I got tested I denied the seriousness of HIV. I tell
the groups I speak with that 'I am like anyone', I am like them.
The organisation I helped form, Swazis for Positive Living, is about
this: you don't have to suffer in silence; you don't have to suffer at
all if you take care of yourself and have a positive attitude."
_________________________________________
6. Human trafficking on the upswing. Durban, 23 April (IRIN).
The victims of human trafficking in Southern Africa are often
invisible because many countries in the region have failed to
implement laws to combat it, Hans Petter Boe, Regional Representative
for the International Organisation for Migration (IOM), said in his
opening remarks at a conference in the South African port city of
Durban.
"The needs of victims of human trafficking are unique compared to
those of other victims of abuse. Because many countries in the region
have yet to legislate comprehensive anti-trafficking laws, many of
these victims fall through the cracks," Boe told a Regional workshop
to protect victims of human trafficking.
The conference was hosted by the IOM and the Migration Dialogue for
Southern Africa, which aims to facilitate regional dialogue and
cooperation on migration policy issues, and attended by civil society
and government representatives from the Southern African Development
Community.
Boe congratulated Mozambique for recently passing its first law geared
specifically to combat human trafficking. "A great advance, to be
emulated by other countries in the region," he said.
Lack of legislation has allowed traffickers to either escape
prosecution or only be convicted of such crimes as rape, abduction or
fraud, but beyond this
there are few national or regional mechanisms that afford the victims
of trafficking any protection.
Poor intelligence on the numbers of people trafficked and the
inherently clandestine nature of the activity mean the traffickers
usually ply their harmful trade without fear of repercussion.
According to the IOM, trafficked persons often find themselves in
situations where they are held against their will, their documents are
taken from them, and they are abused and kept captive by reason of the
debt they incurred while being taken across borders. It is made
virtually impossible for them ever to repay this debt.
Trafficked people are highly vulnerable: they have been brought into a
country illegally, so they are reluctant to seek help from the
authorities, fearing that they will be treated as illegal immigrants
or criminals.
"Victims of human trafficking are exposed to extreme forms of
dehumanisation and exploitation," Malusi Gigaba, the South African
Deputy Minister of Home Affairs, a keynote speaker at the three-day
conference, told IRIN.
"They are transported through a well-oiled trafficking system, using
intricate and extensive networks to transport their 'human cargo'",
Gigaba said.
Although the incidence of human trafficking is believed to be growing,
accurate information on the extent of the trade remains elusive. The
invisibility of the trade makes it difficult for countries in the
region to allocate resources to anti-trafficking initiatives in the
face of a host of other social problems, such as health care and
poverty-related issues.
"All indications are that there are more and more people being
trafficked, in particular in our region," Gigaba said. Steadily
climbing migration flows and rising crime in southern Africa mean
"there is now greater need for cooperation and urgency in combating
[human trafficking] and providing protection to those that are most
vulnerable," he told the delegates.
"It is good that the victims are getting more attention - human
trafficking is a human rights issue; the women, the children, who are
victims of human trafficking, deserve better treatment," Gigaba said.
"We cannot afford any more talk-shops that yield no outcomes. The
action-steps are there; no one can claim to be clueless about what to
do," he said.
_____________________________
7. Two children have been jailed in Swaziland for being vagrants.
www.swazimedia.blogspot.com, 20 April 2008.
The boys, who were offered the chance to pay fines of E100 each (about
14 US Dollars), were too poor to pay so were taken off to prison for
30 days.
The Times of Swaziland reported (18 April 2008) that the boys, who
'lived' in the bush near a disused motel, were believed to be part of
a gang who had been 'terrorising' people with robbery.
The Times did not say how old the boys were (typically, in the Swazi
media even the most basic of information gets overlooked by reporters)
but it was stated that their case had been adjourned so that their
parents or guardians could turn up to court. This means that they were
clearly not adults.
When parents or guardians failed to appear, the boys were tried
nonetheless and convicted under the Vagrancy Act of 1963.
By coincidence on the same day Swazi Observer columnist Ackel Zwane
wrote that '100 percent' of the people in prison in Swaziland at
present were from the 20 percent poorest people in the kingdom.
Wealthy people never go to jail, he wrote.
'There is a hungry boy from kaKhoza who snatches a purse in town and
is rotting at Zakhele Remand Centre.
'He has been there for the past 18 months and is likely to stay even
longer before he is sentenced. There was only E10 in that purse. A
government official with accomplices stole E50million from the state
[from a job creation scheme] but they are roaming the streets and
bragging about how sweet money can be.'
Poverty is in the news in Swaziland at the moment. This is not because
70 per cent of the approximately one million population of Swaziland
earn less than one US Dollar (E7) a day and 600,000 of them rely on
international food aid to avoid starvation, but rather because King
Mswati III has jetted off to a 'poverty summit' in Mauritius. At the
summit he is expected to talk about Swaziland's poverty reduction
strategy.
This is not the first (and probably not the last) poverty summit he
has attended. Last August (2007) the king went to Malaysia for similar
talks. While there a foreign reporter asked him how many poor people
there were in Swaziland and the king replied that he did not know - he
would have to ask his minister.
Here's a fact - courtesy of Zwane - the richest 20 percent in
Swaziland own 60 percent of the national income. The poorest 20
percent own 4 percent.
Another fact - courtesy of Forbes magazine, New York - King Mswati III
is estimated to have a net worth of 200million US Dollars
(E1.4billion) and is the 15th richest monarch in the world and the
richest in sub-Saharan Africa.
Link http://swazimedia.blogspot.com/2008/04/poor-children-in-swazi-jail.html
______________________
8. Food crisis: Swaziland should make use full of land. Augustine
Moyo. The Swazi Observer, April 19, 2008.
First it was the global credit crunch and now it is escalating food prices.
With recent global riots against the backdrop of high food prices
spurred by global fuel increases, Swaziland could make use of its 80
percent of fertile land to grow food crops to feed its population and
export surplus, economic experts have noted.
Stanlib Economist Paul Hansen said food costs have doubled by more
than 100 percent in four months.
He added that this was largely attributed to excess demand for food in
countries like China and India, which have populations of over a
billion citizens due to the change of lifestyles in their growing
middle class. This excess demand for food was tilting the demand
supply globally, he noted.
?Economic growth in Swaziland has been stagnant since 1997. Between
the years 1989 and 1998 growth averaged 4.2 percent and since 2000,
growth has been less than three percent,? the economist said.
?Eighty-nine percent of Swaziland?s imports are from South Africa and
food constitutes 38 percent of the consumer price index (CPI). In this
case, it makes sense for Swaziland to use its land to grow food,?
explained Hansen.
CPI is a measurement of prices for a range of consumer products. It is
calculated in urban areas and provides a fairly good look at how much
inflation has occurred in the country. Inflation in Swaziland
presently stands at 11.07 percent.
Since early last year, prices of wheat, maize, rice and other basic
foodstuffs have more than doubled or tripled.
This has largely been against the backdrop of climate change, which
has led to poor grain harvests in some of the world?s leading grain
producing countries in Europe and Australia.
This has, however, devastating effects particularly on developing
countries like Swaziland where food accounts for more than two thirds
of household spending. Economic experts say the poor spend about 60
percent of their earnings on food while the rich spend just five
percent.
Hansen added that the recent diversion of food crops such as maize - a
staple food to many people in southern Africa - to bio-fuels by
developed countries like the United States of America (USA) in
response to the price increases for a barrel of oil, has played a
major role in the increase of food prices.
?Bio-diesel production in the developed countries has quadrupled in
the last three years and this then poses a challenge for Swaziland and
southern Africa as a region. Countries with surpluses of grain and
rice are presently holding on to their reserves as they are looking at
feeding their own populations first. Therefore, countries that are
heavily reliant on food imports have been forced to pay hefty prices
for importing food.
?Countries like China were previously able to feed their populations
from their seven percent of arable land while Swaziland has 80 percent
of fertile soils suitable for agriculture and is not fully utilising
that land,? he said.
Analysts are of the belief that agriculture and tourism could be the
answer to the growth of the Swazi economy seeing that the
manufacturing sector, which makes up 34 percent of the economy, has
been adversely affected by cheap imports from China and India, which
are undercutting well established local manufacturers.
____________________________
9. Statement Issued by the Chairman of Swaziland Coalition of
Concerned Civic Organisations. 23 April, 2008.
The Swaziland Coalition of Concerned Civic Organisations, supports the
efforts of its colleagues in the Lwas Society of East Africa when it
hosted an emergency consultation on ?Africa Taking the Initiative on
the Zimbabwe Election Crisis? held in Dar Es Salaam, Tanzania on 21st
April. The meeting brought together the finest African minds from
over 100 civic and legal organisations from all over the continent.
After lengthy discussions on the Zimbabwean situation it was concluded
that, in spite of what President Mbeki and Minister Sgaoyoyo Magongo
might find politically or personally expedient, it is most definitely
a crisis. In fact it is multiple crises of democracy, security, the
rule of law, constitutionalism, independence, freedom of speech,
safety of people, the role of the police and military and the death
free and fair elections. It calls Mugabe?s post election actions
simply and clearly a military lead de facto coup d?etat.
Three weeks delay in counting only the presidential vote is a crisis
of due process.
Calling for a recount before the result of the count is announced is a
crisis of free and fair election law.
Assaulting citizens and killing them on the basis of their vote is a
crisis that goes to the heart of democracy ? the secrecy of the vote.
Ordering a shipment of arms 2 days after the election in times of
peace when no external aggression is present is a crisis of internal
repression and of international law.
We concur with the East African Law Society when we say that the Mbeki
lead process has contributed to the greatest failure of all ? the will
of the majority of the long suffering people of Zimbabwe has been
systematically and structurally stolen.
We call on the AU to replace the SADC / Mbeki driven mediation process
with one of the calibre that was appointed to address the recent
problems in Kenya.
We also call on the AU and its Commission on Human and People?s Rights
to appoint special rapporteurs to investigate the horrific allegations
that are coming from many independent and respected sources of planned
and programmed human rights abuses.
We also call on SADC, AU and the world to turn their backs on the so
called Mugabe Government and not to recognise its legitimacy. We call
on a complete embargo on any form of weapons shipments to be imported
to the country and we support the moral courage of the African Trade
Unions in preventing the Chinese shipment from landing in Durban and
Maputo.
We finally call on our King Mswati III as he meets President Thabo
Mbeki to use their collective influence to ensure that the legitimate
will of the people of Zimbabwe to elect a government of their choice
is restored and respected and reflects the true results of the 29
March elections.
Statement Issued by the Chairman of Swaziland Coalition of Concerned
Civic Organisations. Right Reverend Bishop Meshack Mabuza, 23 April
2008.
_______________________________
Swaziland Newsletter is published by Africa Contact (Denmark) and
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Swaziland@Newsletter 61
Published by Africa Contact (Denmark)
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__________________________________________________
Dear friends,
Has the time of radical change now gone, a time that gives the people
a new life, a new hope, a new future? Sometimes it seems that this is
the case. And sometimes Swaziland seems such a place.
To survive and to create a better life they must organise and move,
call out and reach out, discuss and plan and take all those steps that
must be taken. There is no other way.
And to those who stand in the way, to the royal and privileged of the
land, it must be said: you must follow us or you must flee or fall. In
the past it is you that have ruled us. In the future it is us ourselves.
Patrick Mac Manus
Editor
Swaziland@Newsletter
Denmark
___________________________________________________
1. Against the proclamation. Yesterday marked the 35th anniversary of
Sobhuza's notorious April 12 Proclamation of 1973. 13 April 2008.
2. The king celebrates his birthday. World News Forecast, RSS
Newsroom. 7 April, 2008.
3. Without the King. Empire Movies - North Bay, ON, Canada
http://www.empiremovies.com/movie/without-the-king/22645/preview
4. Food price surge could mean '7 lost years' in poverty fight. World
Bank calls for plan to fight hunger. April 11, 2008.
5. Every third woman sexually abused as a child, says report.
Mbabane, 9 April (IRIN).
6. Partnership between World Bank and Kingdom of Swaziland receives
boost. Mallory Saleson, World Bank Group - Washington, DC, USA, 15.
April 2008.
7. Starving Swazis exploited. Swazi Media Commentary Tuesday, April 15, 2008.
8. No political parties at elections. Timothy Simelane, The Swazi
Observer, April 9, 2008.
9. Swazi Election Board bans reporters. Swazi Media Commentary, April
15 2008.
10. Climate change poses humanitarian challenges - top UN official.
Dubai, 8 April (IRIN): http://www.irinnews.org
11. Underpaid and undervalued - caregivers go hungry. Mbabane, 4 April
2008 (IRIN).
12. New book: Gerald Caplan, The Betrayal of Africa
http://www.groundwoodbooks.com/gw_titles.cfm?pub_id=1270
______________________________________________
1. Against the Proclamation. Yesterday marked the 35th anniversary of
Sobhuza's notorious April 12 Proclamation of 1973. 13 April 2008.
The Swaziland Progressive Party (SPP), under the leadership of John
Nquku, was founded in 1960. Its manifesto had four points: democratic
enfranchisement for all persons irrespective of race, colour, or
creed, opposition to the incorporation of Swaziland by South Africa;
adoption of the United Nations declaration of human rights; and
complete integration to eliminate racial discrimination.
Due to questions about Nquku's leadership that party splintered and
eventually another party, the Ngwane National Libratory Congress
(NNLC) was formed in 1963. Around this same time two other but much
less significant parties also were born - the Swaziland Democratic
Party (SDP) and the Mbandzeni National Convention (MNC).
Seeing the British would go ahead with the June 1964 elections, Van
Wyk de Vries, one of Sobhuza's legal advisors and a "prominent member
of the South African Broederbond" encouraged him to hold a referendum
and then form his own party.
The Imbokodvo (The grindstone) National Movement (INM) was formed
one month before the election. INM won 85.45 percent of the vote and
NNLC was the only party to gain any support - 12.3 percent. The MDC
and SDP now aligned themselves with INM as did the white settlers of
the United Swaziland Association (USA). The king's party again won all
twenty-four seats in the April 1967 election but the NNLC had won 20
percent of the popular vote - that would change in five years.
In the 1972 election, the NNLC won three of the twenty-four seats in
Parliament. Dr. Ambrose Zwane, Thomas Ngwenya and Mageja Masilela had
gained all three seats from the eastern constituencies of Mphumalanga
- the same region which had experienced the huge labour strikes of May
1963. One eighth of the seats did not pose an immediate political
danger but Sobhuza would not tolerate these members. This was
significant because the three had been elected in the "constituencies
containing large numbers of sugar plantation workers who were
disgruntled with the government over their working conditions".
Additionally, "the NNLC had enjoyed significant popular support among
non Swazi Africans".
Before the drastic action of April 12, 1973 three attempts were made
to limit the NNLC opposition. First, Ngwenya was ordered deported on
the grounds that he was not a Swazi citizen. Secondly, the Assembly
Standing Order was amended so that a Private Member's Motion "would
lapse for the duration of the meeting if there were no quorum when it
was either moved or put to the vote". Thirdly, INM members left the
chamber "when NNLC Members rose to introduce a motion".
Ngwenya was not deported as he challenged the order in High Court and
was successful. Immediately an Immigration Amendment Act was
introduced to Parliament and passed; so once again Ngwenya was ordered
deported. He then challenged this in the Swaziland Appeals Court and
won. Sobhuza would not be out-manoeuvred by the courts. Parliament
passed a motion that the Constitution was "unworkable" and the king
was called upon to resolve the crisis. With assistance from Pretoria,
on April 12, 1973 Sobhuza declared: the constitution had "failed"; it
was the cause of "growing unrest"; it had permitted "undesirable
political practices"; there was "no constitutional way" to amend the
Constitution; and a new constitution needed to be "created by
ourselves for ourselves in complete liberty."
A State-of-Emergency was declared and Sobhuza "assumed supreme power".
The Attorney General then read the decrees that included "Political
parties [including his own INM] were prohibited and political meeting,
processions and demonstrations disallowed without prior consent of the
Commissioner of Police. The King-in-Council was given the power to
detain a person without trial for a period of sixty days, which period
could be repeated as often as deemed necessary in the public interest.
This situation would be reviewed in six months' time."
April 12, 2008 is the thirty-fifth anniversary of these decrees; they
have never been repealed. The Swazi people refer to this as the
"King's Coup."
_________________________
2. The king celebrates his birthday. World News Forecast, RSS
Newsroom. 7 April, 2008.
Swaziland 19 April 2008 Swazi King Mswati III celebrates 40th birthday
On Apr 19 Swaziland, sandwiched between South Africa and Mozambique
and one of Africa's poorest and most AIDS-ridden countries, celebrates
the 40th birthday of King Mswati III, who plans to throw a lavish
birthday party and independence day celebration and is likely to
choose a new wife. He is Africa's last absolute monarch.
Opposition deputies have called for the celebrations in Mbababe and
elsewhere to be scrapped or scaled down, but the government is
defending the plan.
For his 39th birthday the monarch expressed concern about the growing
drought and food shortages in the country, but went ahead with lavish
birthday celebrations. The South African Press Association reports
that the bash, at a cost estimated at the equivalent in emalangeni of
US $4 million, drew criticism from rights groups but the king said it
helped boost national morale.
The 2004 party brought together some 10,000 guests in the national
football stadium.
The birthday and the 22nd anniversary of his accession to the throne
on 25 Apr invite media scrutiny of his rule by decree and his
lifestyle, including the number of his wives.
While he has embraced Western-style market-driven economic policies,
King Mswati has adhered to his traditional political culture that
allows him full control of the executive, judiciary and executive arms
of government. Political parties are banned. The recent release of a
draft constitution guaranteeing his eternal dominance has sparked
protests from underground opposition movements. There were hopes the
long-awaited document would move the country towards constitutional
democracy. Instead, the draft gives the king legal immunity for any
wrongdoing and article 65 states emphatically: "The executive
authority of Swaziland vests in the king."
Like all the Swazi kings before him, he is a polygamist. His father
had more than 70 wives, and Mswati has some 15 already. Each new bride
is chosen at the annual red dance in August, a courtship ceremony
where some 20,000 semi-clad virgins perform a selection of tribal
dances outside the royal enclosure.
Mswati's rule has been criticized for ignoring the growing problems of
his subjects while lavishly spending his nation's wealth on his own
comfort. The country is relatively prosperous in normal circumstances,
but drought and AIDS have taken their toll. The Food and Agriculture
Organization reported in May 2007 that drought and high temperatures
have resulted in the "worst harvest ever" in Swaziland, leaving one in
three people in need of food aid in the southern African country. The
agencies said some one third of the population will need about 40,000
tons of food between now and the next maize harvest in April 2008. The
FAO/WFP report notes that the majority of Swazis live on less than one
dollar a day. Some some 33 per cent of the country?s people is
infected with HIV. The king responded to the HIV/AIDS crisis in 2001
by banning sex for women under 18. Just two months after imposing the
ban, the king fined himself a cow for breaking it by taking a
17-year-old girl as his ninth wife. He has since lifted the ban.
The Times newspaper of Swaziland reported in Jan 2004 that the King
asked for US $15 million ? almost as much as the 2002 health budget ?
to redecorate his three existing palaces and build eight new ones for
his wives. In 2002 the parliament rejected his request to buy a US $45
million royal jet.
He is the 67th son of the late elderly King Sobhuza II, and was born
only months before Swaziland attained independence from Britain. He
was crowned king at the age of 18, becoming the youngest ruling
monarch in the world. King Sobhuza II died in 1982 at the age of 82,
after having ruled from 1921 to 1982.
_____________________________
3. Without the King. Empire Movies - North Bay, ON, Canada
http://www.empiremovies.com/movie/without-the-king/22645/preview
The tiny country of Swaziland is the last absolute monarchy on the
African continent. Its leader, King Mswati III, faces huge challenges
as his people face starvation and the worst AIDS crisis in the world.
Swaziland has the lowest life expectancy in the world at a startling
31 years of age. These problems have given birth to an underground
revolutionary movement intent on bringing democracy to the country.
"Without the King" explores Swaziland's Royal Family and their lavish
lifestyle, replete with palaces for each of the King's fourteen wives,
a fleet of expensive cars, designer wardrobes, and school abroad for
his 22 children, while also dramatically underscoring the conditions
of poverty lived by the majority of ordinary Swazi people.
This disparity is highlighted by a group of "freedom fighters" who
quest to remove the King from power and form a constitutional
democracy. Their growing anger is chronicled in protest rallies,
violent clashes with the police and glimpses into the severe living
conditions prevalent in the country. But when the HIV/AIDS prevalence
rate is 42.6%, the highest in the world, their hope for survival as a
nation begins to be questioned.
In the middle of both these worlds is the King's eldest daughter,
Princess Sikhanyiso, aka Pashu. Traveling between her first year of
college in California, where she contrasts her interests in rap music,
fashion and American culture, with her duties in Swaziland, the
Princess begins to truly see what's going on in her country. When she
returns home to attend the annual Reed Dance, where over 75,000
virgins dance for the King, hoping to become his next wife, the
Princess begins to question the role of the monarchy. As her father
becomes more oblivious to the dire situation plaguing the country, her
own concern about a possible revolution becomes heightened. In the
end, she is left to consider what will become of her country and what
she can do about it.
Director: Michael Skolnik. Release Date: April 25, 2008
Official Site: MySpace.com/WithoutTheKing
Distributor: First Run Features
________________________________________
4. Food price surge could mean '7 lost years' in poverty fight. World
Bank calls for plan to fight hunger. April 11, 2008.
The crisis of surging food prices could mean "seven lost years" in the
fight against worldwide poverty, World Bank President Robert B.
Zoellick said. "While many are worrying about filling their gas tanks,
many others around the world are struggling to fill their stomachs,
and it is getting more and more difficult every day," Zoellick said at
a press briefing on the eve of the IMF-World Bank Spring Meetings. To
meet this crisis, Zoellick is calling for a "New Deal on Global Food
Policy." For the "immediate crisis," he urged governments to fill the
US$500 million food gap identified ! by the UN's World Food Program.
Under the New Deal, the World Bank will nearly double agricultural
lending to Sub-Saharan Africa over the next year to US$800 million to
substantially increase crop productivity. In addition, the
International Finance Corporation - the World Bank Group's arm for
private sector development - will boost its agribusiness investments.
Zoellick is also proposing that sovereign wealth funds around the
world allocate US$30 billion - one percent of their US$3 trillion
assets - to investments for African "growth, development, and
opportunity."
At his press briefing Thursday, Zoellick said rising food prices are
also contributing to malnutrition, one of the "forgotten" Millennium
Development Goals. "This is not just about meals foregone today or
about increasing social unrest. This is about lost learning potential
for children and adults in the future, stunted intellectual and
physical growth. Even more, we estimate that the effect of this food
crisis on poverty reduction worldwide is in the order of seven lost
years. So we need to address this not just as an immediate emergency
but also in the medium term for development.
"Meetings such as this are usually about talk. Words can focus
attention. They can build momentum. But we can't be satisfied with
studies and paper and talk. This is about recognizing a growing
emergency, acting, and seizing opportunity, too. The world can do
this. We can do this. We can have a New Deal on Global Food Policy."
Zoellick said the poor spend as much as 75 percent of their income on
food. "In just two months, rice prices have skyrocketed to near
historical levels, rising by around 75 percent globally," he said. The
price of wheat has risen 120 percent over the past year, he added.
Over the past three years, food prices overall have risen 83 percent,
the World Bank estimates.
_____________________________________
5. Every third woman sexually abused as a child, says report.
Mbabane, 9 April (IRIN).
One in three Swazi women have suffered some form of sexual abuse as a
child, while one in four experienced physical violence, a new United
Nations survey revealed this week.
The study by the UN Children's Fund (UNICEF) is the first of its kind
conducted in a country where anecdotal evidence suggests an alarming
number of female children are victims of abuse: more disconcertingly
still, the mushrooming population of orphans and vulnerable children
in Swaziland provides yet more opportunities for sexual exploitation
to occur.
In two years, Swaziland will have a population of 200,000 children
orphaned by AIDS - more than one-fifth of its population, according to
UNICEF. With HIV prevalence at 33.4 percent among people aged between
15 and 49, the country has the world's highest infection rate. As a
result, life expectancy has halved from nearly 60 years in the 1990s
to just over 30 years today.
"Disabled children, children out of school and orphans are some of the
most vulnerable groups," said Jama Gulaid, UNICEF representative in
Swaziland. "Poverty and the high prevalence of HIV create high numbers
of marginalised children."
The survey, the National Study on Violence Against Children and Young
Women, based its findings on interviews among rural and urban
communities. Disturbingly, it concluded that violence and sexual
assault against girls primarily took place at home.
"We found that 75 percent of the perpetrators of sexual violence were
known to the victim," Gulaid said. "It is not surprising that sexual
abuse of girls is a household problem, because Swazis reside in
multi-generational homes, usually isolated farms. Relatively few girls
are raped by strangers in towns because less of the population resides
in towns, and there is a heightened awareness of security there".
Rapists don't use condoms
Often the abusers are the girls' own fathers and boyfriends. Only 43.5
percent of girls said their first sexual experiences were freely
willed and devoid of coercion: a little less than five percent said
they had been introduced to sex as rape victims.
Underscoring the urgency of addressing violence against girls was the
AIDS crisis. "Rapists don't use condoms, and if a father or uncle are
so inclined to rape a daughter or niece, or a boyfriend forces himself
on his girlfriend, the danger of HIV transmission is rife," said
Victor Ndlovu, a voluntary testing and counseling officer in the
central commercial town of Manzini. "Add to that the reluctance of
girls to report abuse or in many instances to rightly understand they
have been violated, we are faced with a serious public health
challenge, aside from the individual suffering incurred by the girls."
A third of Swazi females interviewed for the study reported they had
experienced emotional abuse. Often, the perpetrators had been abused
themselves as children.
"The established 'hand me down' passing on of abuse is evident from
what we were told," said Pamela Dlamini, a sociology student at the
University of Swaziland, who was one of the survey interviewers.
"Emotional abuse of girls is mostly carried out by the girls' female
relatives, who were abused themselves. Sometimes there is jealousy.
Instead of reporting an abusive husband or unable to police [the
girl], the girl's mother or aunt will treat the girl as a rival. This
comes from a culture where any post-pubescent girl is considered
eligible for marriage in a polygamous household, even if she is 13,
although Swazi culture does not allow for the incest we find rampant
in households where abuse occurs."
Although officially a middle-income country, the UN Development
Programme estimates more than two-thirds of Swazis live in chronic
poverty, about the same number - over 600,000 - currently depend on
food assistance from the World Food Programme and other donor groups.
The report noted that "Violence can damage the emotional, cognitive
and physical development of children and thereby impact economic
development of Swaziland by degrading the contribution of affected
children".
The way forward
Less than half of sexual assaults and other abusive crimes are
reported to the authorities. Swazi children were found to have sought
help from the police or social welfare counsellors in only one out of
five cases that resulted in injury serious enough to consult a doctor.
The way forward appears to be through education, instructing girls
about what constitutes abuse. "I spoke with many girls who said they
did not understand that they had been abused. They felt abused,
physically and psychologically, but no one told them this was not
normal," said Dlamini.
The report backed Dlamini's observation, noting, "The numbers suggest
a lack of understanding of what sexual violence is and how and where
to report such incidents".
Educational programmes in schools would assist in a country where
primary school attendance is relatively widespread, and instruct girls
on the type of behaviour acceptable when they return home.
"The large numbers of sexual violence incidents happening in the home
underscores the hidden nature of sexual violence and presents one of
the largest challenges in preventing sexual violence in Swaziland,"
the report said.
________________________
6. Partnership between World Bank and Kingdom of Swaziland receives
boost. Mallory Saleson, World Bank Group - Washington, DC, USA, 15.
April 2008.
The growing partnership between the World Bank and the southern
African Kingdom of Swaziland received a significant boost on April 8
with the launch of the Swaziland Development Information Centre (SDIC).
The new centre is a partnership between the Bank and the University of
Swaziland (UNISWA), which is hosting the centre, the European Union,
the Coordinating Assembly of Non-governmental Organizations (CANGO),
the Central bank of Swaziland, the National Emergency Response Council
on HIV/AIDS and the World Health Organization.
The Swaziland Development Information Centre is aimed at enhancing
knowledge and information sharing around development issues and
challenges as well as consultation with all stakeholders through
development dialogue.
The centre located at UNISWA Kwaluseni Campus library is open to
everyone, from the students attending the university to academics and
policymakers. The centre offers a range of facilities and services
that stimulate development thinking through access to the latest
knowledge and information. Partners consider the SDIC a
one-stop-centre for public access to information on development.
The launch followed World Bank board endorsement of the new Interim
Strategy Note for Swaziland, the first in 14 years. The Interim
Strategy is a product of joint discussion between the Bank and Swazi
government and sets out the framework for strengthening the Bank
group?s engagement with Swaziland over the next two years. The
strategy builds on three particular areas for Bank assistance:
HIV/AIDS, governance and competitiveness.
"The strategy underscores the Bank commitment to Swaziland and maps
the way forward for our relationship, noted World Bank acting Country
Director for Swaziland Dirk Reinermann. "The launch today of the DIC
is another indication of our growing partnership with the Swazi
government and people".
Minister of Education Themba Msibi noted the DIC is an invaluable
resource to extend the frontiers of knowledge.
"It comes at a very opportune time when Swaziland is trying to meet
the Millennium Development Goals by 2015," he said. "This is a hub for
information for the government and for all the Swazi people that can
help us meet the goals we aspire to and develop our human capacity".
Msibi urged other partners to join the DIC: It is through
partnerships such as these that development can be addressed.
Development information is critical, especially cross-cutting
information that expands knowledge.
We are committed to an informed society that leads to
nation-building, he said. "Swaziland is part of the global knowledge
economy and needs to know and keep abreast of what is happening in
international and regional trade, markets, economy, commerce,
governance, banking, financing and education. The establishment of the
SDIC comes at an opportune time, considering the fact that the drivers
of the global economy are information and communication technology."
Magagula said countries with access to information and knowledge
develop faster than those that do not: Knowledge is power and this
new centre will provide knowledge through access to printed materials,
electronic databases, and many publications.
All partners signed a Memorandum of Understanding committing them to
the development of the DIC. Reinermann welcomed the partnership as
another sign of engagement.
We know it is not always about projects, or lending money.
Partnerships work because both sides believe the relationship has
mutual benefits. In this case, it is about sharing all our knowledge
and progressing development.
The World Bank regional office in South Africa has established similar
centres in Lesotho, with the University of Lesotho in Roma, in
Botswana with the Botswana Institute for Development Policy Analysis,
in Namibia with the Polytechnic of Namibia and in Johannesburg with
the South African Institute of International Affairs on the campus of
the University of the Witwatersrand. Partners have included United
Nations organizations, think tanks, tertiary institutions, NGOs and
governments.
_______________________________
7. Starving Swazis exploited. Swazi Media Commentary Tuesday, April 15, 2008.
Swazi people threatened with starvation are being forced to pay cash
to receive food aid that has been donated free of charge by
international agencies.
In the latest example of corruption in a kingdom eaten away by the
cancer, the Swazi News reported (12 April 2008) that people in the
Mkhiweni area must pay E2 to get food or they go hungry. (In Swaziland
about 70 percent of the population earns less than E7 per day.)
The Swazi News reports, 'It has been gathered that the E2 is a
prerequisite for residents to be listed as beneficiaries for donor
food.'
The newspaper quotes a resident, who refused to be named for fear of
victimisation, saying, 'The E2 payment is something that has been
going on for some time. When it was introduced it was said that it was
meant to hire a car for the area's traditional authorities to attend
food rations. We can hardly afford this amount. That we qualify for
donor food rations means we do not have the money to buy food, and
this just leaves us confused.'
The Swazi News reported that residents were called to a community
meeting where the money was demanded from them.
One resident told the Swazi News, 'It is inhumane. In the meeting the
authorities of the area said they would take even 50 cents. It's
pathetic, but we pay up [rather] than miss out on the rations.'
In Swaziland about 600,000 people - about two thirds of the total
population of the kingdom - are reported to have received
international food aid in the past year.
The Disaster Task Team in Swaziland, responsible for donated food, is
investigating the matter. The news of this obvious corruption will
almost certainly tarnish Swaziland's reputation further in the
international community. Already the World Food Programme is finding
it difficult to get donor agencies to meet the cost of food aid to the
kingdom.
Swaziland also has a poor reputation in the international community
for its inability to use money wisely.
On the same day as the Swazi News article (12 April 2008), its rival
newspaper the Weekend Observer reported Swaziland Prime Minister
Themba Dlamini saying his government was embarrassed that it had not
utilised the E36 million (about 5.1 million US Dollars) that it had
itself earmarked to spend on HIV AIDs drugs. At the same time as it
failed to spend this money, the government was asking foreign
institutions for cash to help in the fight against AIDS. (Swaziland
has the highest rate of HIV infection in the world).
The Weekend Observer quoted the Prime Minister at a business meeting saying,
'I am embarrassed. I do not have much to say. This reflects certain
weaknesses in the management system. I will ensure that I get an
explanation from those involved.'
Surely, if it is a problem with the 'management system' the Prime
Minister, as the 'senior manager' of Swaziland, ought to take the blame.
Swazi journalists - and some others - often complain that Swaziland
has a poor image abroad and they put the blame for this state of
affairs squarely on 'misreporting' by the media. I don't suppose it
will take too long for the international media to pick up on the two
stories I have written about here.
And when they do, and Swaziland is rightly shamed, please don't blame
the messenger this time.
__________________________________
8. No political parties at elections. Timothy Simelane, The Swazi
Observer, April 9, 2008.
Chairman of the Elections and Boundaries Commission Chief Gija Dlamini
says political parties remain illegal in Swaziland.
Chief Gija says the clause allowing freedom of association in the
national constitution merely talks about other formations, not
necessarily political parties. He made an example of Mbabane
Highlanders as just one of the many associations people can freely
associate with. Chief Gija was addressing chiefs and traditional
authorities at Siteki Hotel where the Elections and Boundaries
Commission held a civic education.
He said the national constitution did not say people would go to the
polls by political associations.
?People will be elected as individuals. If the community picks an
individual and feels he qualifies to represent them, they can just
vote him in, as long as he or she is Swazi.
The chairman was responding to a question from Chief Sibengwane
Ndzimandze who wanted to know what would happen in the event that some
people use political affiliation to canvas for parliamentary seats.
Petros Masina of Enceka also asked: What are we going to do when
people who affiliate with political parties eventually win the
elections and go to parliament. Whilst there, they may try to change
the system of governance.
Chief Gija said the chiefs should not be concerned about political parties.
Emaphathi akhona emoyeni nje. Emtsetfweni akabusiswa. Kwasho emaSwati
kutsi afuna tinkhundla, he said, meaning ?political parties are not
founded on the law. Swazis said they needed the Tinkhundla system of
governance.
The chairman explained that in parliament no one could claim to be
representing a political party.
He read section 79 of the constitution: The system of government for
Swaziland is a democratic, participatory, tinkhundla-based system
which emphasises devolution of state power from central government to
tinkhundla areas and individual merit as a basis for election or
appointment to public office.
___________________________________
9. Swazi Election Board bans reporters. Swazi Media Commentary, April
15 2008.
Journalists were banned from a meeting held by the Swaziland Elections
and Boundaries Commission (EBC) because its chairman doesn't like the
way the media is reporting its activities.
Police, including at least one from the intelligence branch, were
called to eject any reporters who tried to get into the meeting.
In another twist in the long-running controversy over the way members
of the EBC were chosen and the Commission's activities since then, the
announcement of the date of the election has been postponed.
Chief Gija Dlamini told the Times Sunday today (13 April 2008) that
the reason the meeting was held behind closed doors was because 'the
media had failed to report truthfully about their previous meeting at
Siteki.'
The Times Sunday reported that the meeting at a hotel was with
traditional leaders from the Hhohho Region of Swaziland and was part
of ongoing 'civic education' being undertaken by the EBC.
The Times Sunday reported that more than 40 chiefs from different
areas of the region 'were given the special privilege of meeting the
EBC behind closed doors and protected by the presence of the police.
'Police officers, who were deployed at the hotel, were told that
journalists were not welcome to cover the meeting.' The Times Sunday
continued, 'Apparently, Chief Gija was not happy with one of the
dailies [Swazi Observer] after it quoted him saying political parties
were not allowed at the in the upcoming elections.
'He said they were now careful with who participates in these meetings
as they do not want to expose themselves to "manufactured" stories in
the media.'
It is significant that Dlamini did not say that contrary to the
Observer story; political parties indeed were allowed to participate
in the election.
The Times Sunday reported that the EBC had already met privately with
chiefs in other regions of Swaziland.
Dlamini went on (unwittingly, I suspect) to admit that not all people
in Swaziland were to be afforded the same opportunities to learn about
the election. Chiefs were to be given special privileges.
The Times Sunday reported, 'Chief Gija said their meeting with the
Chiefs was meant to respect traditional protocols before they can
start the process of civic education to the ordinary masses.
"You will know that Swazi culture dictates that we respect chiefs as
heads of communities and we could not therefore be seen to be doing
something without the knowledge of the chiefs", Gija said.'
The Times Sunday in an editorial comment said, 'By holding such secret
meetings, for a process that determines who will govern us for the
next five years, the EBC has compromised the transparency that should
encompass such an important election process.
'To cut a long story short, the Commission has indicted to all that
the elections, or selection, will not be independent.'
The EBC is under attack on several fronts at the moment. During the
past week it was announced that civic organisations are going to court
to get the appointment of the EBC members ruled unconstitutional. The
Swazi Constitution states that members should be judges, but none of
the people appointed are. The chairman himself is variously described
in the media as an 'electrician' or 'an electrical engineer.' Whatever
his formal job title is one thing is for sure: he has no legal training.
Following Chief Gija's statement that political parties remain banned,
the African Union Democratic Party announced it had petitioned the
Swaziland House of Assembly to make a law allowing political parties
to operate.
According to a report in the Swazi Observer (10 April 2008), 'The
petition alternatively states that the House of Assembly should amend
provisions of the Constitution which prohibit political parties from
standing for local and or general elections and from managing and
directing public affairs at government level.'
Meanwhile, there is mystery about the actual date of the election.
Recently, Chief Gija called a press conference to say that a date
would be announced last week. The date for the announcement has come
and gone but we still do not know when the election will be held.
_________________________
10. Climate change poses humanitarian challenges - top UN official.
Dubai, 8 April (IRIN): http://www.irinnews.org
Global demand for humanitarian assistance is likely to grow in the
coming decade because of climate change, warned John Holmes, UN
under-secretary-general for humanitarian affairs and emergency relief
coordinator.
In his keynote speech to the fifth Dubai International Humanitarian
Aid & Development Conference & Exhibition (DIHAD) on 8 April, Holmes
said: "What we are witnessing is not an aberration, but rather a
'curtain raiser' on the future."
The conference, which ends on 10 April, addresses four main subjects -
future crises, technology innovation, future challenges and emerging
trends.
"We are already beginning to feel the effects: last winter, large
swathes of Central Asia were devastated by the most severe weather for
nearly three decades. Cyclone Gonu, which hit the [Arabian] Gulf coast
last June, was one of the most severe cyclones ever to hit this part
of the world," Holmes said.
He said such events were "not abnormal" but were the "new normal".
Disaster risk reduction
Reviewing the number of recorded disasters in the world, Holmes said
these have doubled from about 200 to over 400 per year over the last
two decades, with nine out of every 10 disasters now climate-related.
Despite the rise in the number of disasters, the level of preparedness
remains inadequate. "What we are trying to do now is to promote
disaster risk reduction. It is not just being prepared for the
disaster, but to reduce the impact of the disaster that we know is
going to happen," Holmes told IRIN after his keynote address.
"For example, in Bangladesh we know that there will be flooding every
year. so you try to make sure that people are not living in the most
flood-prone area and houses are built in the most flood-resistant way.
This does not stop the flood from happening but it reduces its impact
on people's lives and their livelihoods," he said.
Last year, the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs
(OCHA) issued an unprecedented 15 funding appeals for sudden natural
disasters, five more than the previous annual record. Fourteen of
these appeals were climate-related.
During the last decade, the world has paid more attention to global
warming and climate change. A UN Climate Change Conference was held in
Bali, Indonesia, in December 2007 to step up efforts to combat climate
change and to launch formal negotiations for a long-term international
agreement at the conference in Copenhagen to be held towards the end
of 2009. These negotiations will also lay down measures and
obligations after the expiry of the Kyoto Protocol's first commitment
period (end of 2012).
Food prices
Some experts say climate change has been a contributory factor in
recent food price rises. These have led to riots in numerous
countries, including Burkina Faso, Cameroon, Egypt, Mauritania,
Mexico, Pakistan, Senegal, and Yemen.
"Since mid-2007, food prices have risen an estimated 40 percent as a
confluence of factors has increased demand. These factors include
rapid global population growth, ever greater numbers of people eating
resource-intensive foods such as meat and milk, bio-fuel production,
shortage of reserves, and increasing oil prices," Holmes said.
The UN Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) warned in February that
36 countries were in crisis as a result of bad weather and conflicts
and would require external assistance.
____________________________
11. Underpaid and undervalued - caregivers go hungry. Mbabane, 4 April
2008 (IRIN).
Overworked and poorly paid, volunteer caregivers in Swaziland
struggling to cope with the growing numbers of bedridden patients with
HIV, are faced with a hard choice: to quit or go hungry.
"I love helping people. It is the first time I have done anything out
of the home. I do not do this for money. But I am in need of money to
buy food for my children now that my husband has passed on," explained
Sipiwe Matsebula, a home-based care worker.
The demand for their services is clear: one out of four adults in the
country is HIV-positive, and the health system is faced with a growing
workload and a shrinking workforce.
Increasingly, non-governmental organisations (NGOs) and government
agencies that depend on volunteers are budgeting small monthly
stipends to show some appreciation for long hours worked under
difficult conditions. But these allowances can be as low as R60 (US$8)
a week for a daycare centre worker and R200 ($26) a month for food
distribution point workers.
Matsebula started her work as a caregiver at home, tending her
HIV-positive husband. She was trained by a nurse from the Nyakeni Red
Cross Clinic, 20 minutes north of the central commercial hub Manzini;
and subsequently began to assist her neighbours' relatives who were
bedridden with AIDS-related illnesses.
"I never had a job, and it felt good to have the responsibility and
respect, and get out of the house. My husband had some disability pay
from work, and our needs were met.
"I learned to treat people wearing rubber gloves, and supervise their
taking the ARVs [antiretrovirals], and help their young ones change
bed sheets and wash the very sick ones," she related.
Facing reality
The overwhelming number of AIDS cases in her area and the rising
deaths due to AIDS-related illness have not diminished her enthusiasm
for her work. But now comes the hard reality of supporting her family,
and this means finding a paying job - amid Swaziland's depressed
economy.
"What will happen to the people I care for when I am working? I will
have to try to see them at night, because at some of these homes there
are only small children who can do nothing to assist the older sick
people," she wondered.
Swaziland's nurses number about 3,000 and have pay issues of their
own, which led to a work slowdown this month. Unresolved issues of
security and unhealthy working environments continue to prompt work
stoppages.
But volunteers like Matsebula also endure harsh conditions, and
instead of ambulances, their transport is their own two feet. An
allowance for bus fare is a luxury unheard of, as is a food allowance.
Matilda Simelane, a cook at a community care point for orphans and
vulnerable children in Manzini, has no problem with food - her lunch
is the beans, porridge and cabbage that she prepares for the centre's
300 children, augmented by occasional fruit.
"My problem is I depend on my working children for everything. My
children are struggling. I cannot bear to leave these poor orphans you
see at the centre without a cook, but I may have to go back to the
market where I was a vendor before I started volunteering here," she
said.
Like the pre-school teachers who volunteer at the centre's two
classrooms, the two cooks and a grounds man receive R60 ($8) a week
from the centre's maintenance fund paid by a US-based Christian
organisation. The volunteer staff has been promised an allowance
increase for the past year - but their needs are now overwhelming
their patience.
More than cheap labour
Jackson Dlamini, a voluntary HIV counselling and testing officer in
Manzini, told IRIN/PlusNews: "In my opinion, volunteers are seen as
cheap labour who can be counted on to do everything from taking head
counts door to door for aid censuses to doing construction work. The
philosophy is that these people who volunteer are helping themselves
by helping to improve their communities, which is true. But it is also
cynical to use this as an excuse not to budget for workers' pay."
"The truth is, in the developed world when a school is built or a
hospital is staffed, workers are contracted and paid. Nobody would do
such work for free, and no one would ask them to. Why are the poor
expected to do the same thing for nothing?" Dlamini added.
Going on strike is not an option. Instead, the volunteers drift off to
find ways to sustain themselves.
"I would say all the volunteers I've worked with enjoy what they are
doing, said Samuel Magagula, who holds a traditional post as chief's
runner and who communicates community activities to a band of elders
meeting at his chief's kraal.
"Even young men toiling with wheelbarrows full of sand, bringing these
up from the river to a building site, they prefer this hard work to
being idle, because there are no jobs in their community. But people
need to eat, and those wheelbarrows can be heavy," he noted.
_______________________________________
12. New book: Gerald Caplan, The Betrayal of Africa
http://www.groundwoodbooks.com/gw_titles.cfm?pub_id=1270
Think Africa, and many people think of brutal war, endless famine,
pervasive corruption, unworthy rulers, universal poverty and AIDS
epidemic out of control. These characteristics are both true and a
caricature at the same time. While Africa faces a daunting list of
challenges, the vast majority of the continent?s citizens live
ordinary lives with the hopes and dreams that all of us share.
There is a widespread assumption among rich countries that Africa is
the problem and that we in the rich world are the solution.
This book turns this complacent conventional wisdom on its head. It
argues that the policies of rich countries, though couched in
benevolent terms, are in fact responsible for many of the ills in
Africa.
Every year, contrary to what Western leaders and the media tell us,
far more of Africa?s riches flow out to the rich world than we plough
into Africa. In this systematic process of exploitation, leaders of
the rich world work in happy cooperation with most of the leaders of
the African continent, who are ready accomplices in accepting the
destructive policies demanded by the outside world.
For Africa to move forward, the citizens of rich countries must be
aware of the false premises on which their own leaders deal with
Africa. Only by reversing the policies that have done such grievous
harm to Africa over the past decades do the new leaders of the continent
and activists have the chance of making serious progress.
__________________________________
Swaziland Newsletter is published by Africa Contact (Denmark) and
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labour movements, political parties, church organisations, print and
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Support the democratic movement in Swaziland: MANDELA FUND: Den Danske
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MANDELA FUND is a registered national collection in Denmark.
Swaziland@Newsletter Extra
Published by Africa Contact (Denmark)
It is with great sorrow and anger that we learn of the death of our
friend and comrade, Gabriel Thandokuhle Mkumane. We have known him,
talked and laughed and worked with him since the earliest days of our
support for the People´s United Democratic Movement of Swaziland. We
will miss him and can only say: the struggle must continue. He will
lead us and follow us and be by our side as long as that struggle
lasts. And then and only then will he lie to rest.
With sorrow and solidarity,
Patrick Mac Manus
Editor
Swaziland@Newsletter
Denmark
Articles of the day:
Murder will not go unpunished
Dr. Gabriel Thandokuhle Mkhumane
6 December 1960-1 April 2008
Swazi Revolutionary; Deputy President of PUDEMO
The Swaziland Solidarity Network [SSN] and the entire progressive
community has learnt with shock and is saddened by the news of the
murder of the exiled comrade Dr. Gabriel Thandokuhle Mkhumane, the
Deputy President of the People's United Democratic Movement [PUDEMO],
the liberation movement of Swaziland.
We are saddened and angry that such a cowardly act ended a great life
of a People's Doctor and a hero of the Swazi revolution.
Comrade Gabriel Mkhumane was a sterling Swazi revolutionary who has
been living in exile for 24 years since 1984 in Mozambique, left for
Cuba and came to South Africa to be nearer his home country Swaziland
in 2000.
Comrade Gabriel was trained as a medical Doctor in Cuba where he
stayed for more than fifteen years. At the time of his death he was
living with his wife Soraida and two sons Lizwi and newly born Lizo [3
weeks old]. The movement is still gathering the circumstances leading
to his untimely death and will make announcement soon.
Obviously, like many progressive exiled Swazis they live under
constant threat of their lives from the autocratic Swazi regime and
their cronies living and roaming freely in South Africa.
Comrade Gabriel would be most remembered for his humility and
kindness, his concern for the plight of the many poor Swazis, his
fiery opposition and denouncement to the autocratic regime and a
revolutionary commitment to the cause of his people. He was a real
people's Doctor who provided many poor people free medical services.
He was a committed cadre and great combatant for his people. He also
left a living legacy as a family Doctor in Cuba.
Those responsible for this callous act should be brought to book and
face justice and people's wrath of anger, they should know that they
terminated only his life but not his revolutionary spirit which will
born many Gabriellas to pick up his courageous spear and advance to
people's victory over tyranny and barbarism. The SSN calls on the
South African government to probe his death and leave no stone
unturned to bring to book his murderers.
May his revolutionary spirit live on and let the Swazi regime crumble
for his blood. His death will not be in vain and will not go
un-punished.
We dip our banners in his memory and pass our deepest sympathies and
condolences to his family both in South Africa and Swaziland, PUDEMO
and all progressive Swazis and the rest of the Solidarity movement all
over the world.
Long live the undying spirit and may his soul rest in forever peace.
Issued by the Swaziland Solidarity Network
2 April 2008
National Chairperson, Solly Mapaila
For more information contact Lucky Lukhele, SSN Spokesperson, Cell:
072 502 4141 Tel: 011 339 3621, Fax: 011 339 4244, Email: ssnnetwork@...
_________________________________
PUDEMO CHIEF SHOT DEAD. Donny Nxumalo. The Swazi Observer April 3, 2008.
The deputy president of PUDEMO, Dr. Gabriel Mkhumane, has been shot dead.
He died yesterday morning at about 10a.m, when gunmen ambushed him at
Nelspruit in Mpumalanga, South Africa. Dr. Mkhumane, who went into a
self-imposed exile in the 80s, was a doctor based at Themba Hospital
in Nelspruit.
He was from attending a meeting at White River when he was gunned
down. The White River meeting had been called to discuss logistics of
a border blockade PUDEMO wants to stage on Saturday next week (April
12) in protest against what it calls an undemocratic situation in
Swaziland created by the April 12, 1973 Decree. The killers fled after
shooting him in his car.
He stayed at KaNyamazane, the biggest location in Nelspruit.
Last night, PUDEMO officials hurried to the Mkhumane family to offer
words of comfort.
Dr. Mkhumane was trained in Cuba, where he schooled after going into
exile. He returned to work in South Africa some five years ago and has
been active in PUDEMO activities, especially marketing the Kingdom as
an oppressive regime that hates democracy.
PUDEMO president Mario Masuku confirmed his deputy?s death, saying the
movement would release a statement once it has received permission to
do so by the Mkhumane family.
These are trying times for the Mkhumane family and indeed the
movement, Masuku said, yes we can confirm Comrade Mkhumane has
fallen and we are in discussion with his family at the moment.
As the news of Dr. Mkhumane?s death filtered into Swaziland, a mood of
depression enveloped both SWAYOCO and PUDEMO activists - especially
those planning the April 12 blockade.
__________________________________
Congres of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) mourns the passing away
of a gallant fighter, Dr Gabriel Mkhumane
The sound of a gun has put an end to the life of one of the most
outstanding sons of the Swazi revolution, Dr Gabriel Mkhumane, the
Deputy President of the Swaziland democratic liberation movement,
PUDEMO.
The Congress of South African Trade Unions conveys its sincerest
condolences to his family and all his close comrades in the Swazi
liberation movement led by PUDEMO.
Dr Gabriel Mkhumane was killed in Nelspruit on the night of 1 April
around 22h00 as he was dropping a colleague at Likazi township. He was
from a meeting that finished very late at night and had just parted
with his very close comrade, Boy Mkhatshwa, also a PUDEMO member.
His death is a mystery. It seems more than just a crime, and hence we
agree with the fears raised around the circumstances of his killing.
It seems the Swazi regime may have a case to answer, if the statement
by the Swazi police to his mother in 2006 is anything to go by, when
they openly threatened her that "since your son is causing trouble, he
will come back in a coffin".
Dr Gabriel's death comes at a time when he himself had begun to raise
concerns around his security, owing to strange movements,
surveillances and suspect indicators.
He addressed the COSATU march on Swaziland and Zimbabwe on 7 March in
Pretoria so eloquently that he put forward an unquestionably
compelling case for more solidarity with the people of Swaziland.
Dr Gabriel left Swaziland in 1984, as he was part of the ANC
underground machinery that operated from the eastern part of the
country, at the same time being a PUDEMO underground operative. The
intensification of the apartheid security onslaught against the ANC
and its cadres led to himself and his closest comrades being forced to
skip the country into exile in Mozambique, where he underwent some
difficulties due to the then situation there posed by the RENAMO
insurgent activities.
He was then assisted by the UN to go and study medicine in Cuba, which
he completed successfully before coming back to Mozambique and
practising as a doctor. In 2001, the PUDEMO leadership redeployed him
to South Africa to lead the movement, particularly to re-establish a
strong PUDEMO presence not only in South Africa, but throughout the
whole of Africa. He was then assigned by PUDEMO to the position of
Chief Representative for Africa and the Caribbean, owing to his vast
experience with that part of the world too.
Working together with other comrades, he established a very strong
PUDEMO presence and was instrumental in raising the profile of the
Swazi people's struggle in South Africa and beyond. Many people in our
country owe their understanding or general appreciation of the Swazi
struggle to this gallant son of the heroic Swazi people. He never
tired from persuading even the most difficult amongst us to appreciate
the urgency of the Swazi question.
He also participated in the last COSATU Congress as part of the PUDEMO
delegation, together with the President of PUDEMO, Mario Masuku, and
interacted with comrades about the developments in Swaziland.
In 2006 December, he was elected Deputy President of PUDEMO at their
historic Congress held in Mpumalanga, where the movement adopted its
historic revolutionary programme - the Road Map to a new and
democratic Swaziland. He was instrumental as part of the team that
developed it and was always passionate about it as an instrument for
moving towards liberation for the Swazi people.
Just last week, he was very pivotal in steering the discussions about
the process towards the formation of a Swaziland United Democratic
front, in a meeting of all progressive organisations of Swaziland that
took place in Johannesburg. He surely left an indelible mark in minds
of all the Swazi patriots gathered there as his message echoed at all
times - that unity is the most precious weapon of the oppressed in
struggle.
He was a humble and modest, yet a firmly principled and dedicated
cadre. Many of us in South Africa admired him and felt inspired by his
exemplary leadership, which was characterised by less talk and more
concrete action on the ground. He symbolised the best in Cuban
traditions: selflessness, dedication, courageous and firmness in
principle.
His death should mark a new era of intensification of the Swazi
struggle in pursuit of the ideals for which he stood to the end.
We continue to pledge our fullest solidarity with the struggling
people of Swaziland, workers and the oppressed in particular. We shall
honour the memory of this gallant fighter with a renewed sense of
urgency and commitment to what he stood and died for.
Patrick Craven (National Spokesperson)
Congress of South African Trade Unions
1-5 Leyds Cnr Biccard Streets
Braamfontein, 2017
______________________________________
Murder of PUDEMO Deputy President
Issued by Young Communist League (YCL).
The Young Communist League (YCL) has learned with shock of the
senseless and gruesome murder of Cde Gabriel Mkhumane, Deputy
President of Peoples United Democratic Movement of Swaziland [PUDEMO].
Cde Mkhumane was gunned down yesterday evening at 10h00 at
KwaNyamazane Township, Mpumalanga province.
We call on the law enforcement agencies, particularly the South
African Police Service [SAPS] to apprehend those responsible for his
murder.
We extend our sincere condolences to the Mkhumane family and the
democratic movement in Swaziland. His death is not only loss to his
family and friends, but it is also a loss to the internationalist
struggle of the working class and the oppressed.
As the YCL we say to the oppressed people of Swaziland, Cde Gabriel
has not died; he joins the living in ideas. His political activism and
dedication to the liberation of the oppressed people will serve as an
inspiration to those striving for democratic change in Swaziland and
elsewhere in the world.
Issued by Young Communist League (YCL) National Secretary, Buti
Manamela, 2 April 2008.
For more information contact: Castro Ngobese, YCL Spokesperson, 082 567 3557
___________________________________
WORLD FEDERATION OF TRADE UNIONS (WFTU)
The WFTU is following the latest developments in Swaziland and
conveys sincere condolences to PUDEMO and the people of the country
for the loss of cde Gabriel Mkhumane, Deputy President.
We are sure that your organisation will follow cde Mkhumane exemple
and he will be alive on your side in your struggles for freedom and
peace.
Please convey our condolences to his family and friends
Athens April 4, 2008
WFTU Secretariat
40, Zan Moreas street
171 21 Athens Greece
www.wftucentral.org
_______________________________________
Pakistan Federation of United Trade Unions (APFUTU)
Dear Comrades,
All Pakistan Federation of United Trade Unions ( APFUTU ) has learned
with shock of the senseless and gruesome murder of Comrade Gabriel
Mkhumane, Deputy President of Peoples United Democratic Movement of
Swaziland.
Our organisation APFUTU and its 2,46782 members extend our sincere
condolences to the Mkhumane family and the democratic movement in
Swaziland. His death is not only loss to his family and friends, but
it is also a loss to the internationalist struggle of the working class.
The APFUTU is also share with you of this incident & say to the
working class people of Swaziland, that Comrade Gabriel has not died;
he joins the living in ideas. His political activism and dedication to
the liberation of the oppressed people will serve as an inspiration to
those striving for democratic change in Swaziland and elsewhere in the
world.
The APFUTU is always with our Swaziland brothers & sisters. Please
convey our condolences to his family and friends.
Fraternally yours,
Pirzada Imtiaz Syed
Secretary General
April 3,2008.
H.O: Imtiaz Labour Hall, Faizabad, GUJRAT ( Pakistan ). Phone: (+92 -
53 ) 353 3736 Fax: (+92-53) 352 5302 E.Mails:
paklabourunity@... & apfutu2001@... Web Site:
www.labourunity.org
__________________________________
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Swaziland@Newsletter 60
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___________________________________________________
1. Swaziland is a ticking time bomb: Swazi Media Commentary. Richard
Roney, March 25, 2008.
2. 40 textile workers hospitalised. Fanyana Mabuza. Weekend Observer,
March 22, 2008.
3. Swaziland textile strike met with threats and violence. Eugene
Puryear. Party for Socialism and Liberation, March 23, 2008.
4. Swaziland Coalition of Concerned Civic Organisations (SCCCO)
Statement, 20 March 2008.
5. Police being used as a political tool. Mbabane, 19 March 2008 (IRIN).
6. Swaziland Solidarity Network: The people of Swaziland are Speaking
??.Is the world listening?
18 March, 2008.
7. COSATU condemns Swazi police brutality. Patrick Craven, COSATU
National Spokesperson, 17 March 2008.
8. "Leadership doesn't act like it is a crisis". James Hall (Mbabane),
IPS-Inter Press Service, 11. March 2008.
9. Enough is enough, say nurses. UN Integrated Regional Information
Networks (Mbabane) 11 March 2008.
10. Reviewing ?emergencies? for Swaziland. Shifting the paradigm in a
new era. Alan Whiteside, Amy Whalley. Edited by Scott Naysmith, 2007.
11. 'Times of Swaziland' newspaper sued by speaker of the House of
Assembly for alleged defamation. Media Institute of Southern Africa
(Windhoek). Press release, 18 March 2008.
_____________________________
1. Swaziland is a ticking time bomb: Swazi Media Commentary. Richard
Roney, March 25, 2008.
Link http://swazimedia.blogspot.com/2008/03/swaziland-ticking-time-bomb.html
Swaziland is a ticking time bomb as the Swazi army prepares to set
up military bases across the kingdom.
People will not stand for it and will push for democracy in the
kingdom ruled by King Mswati III, according to the editor of one of
Swaziland?s few independent newspapers who is predicting ?evil people?
are going to turn the kingdom ?into one that is ungovernable?.
Mbongeni Mbingo, editor of the Times Sunday, said the deployment of
the army across Swaziland might provoke people to demand democracy.
Writing in his own newspaper on Sunday (23 March 2008) Mbingo said,
?It is now clear that there are people who are out to destroy this
country. These are evil people who have their evil dreams of turning
this country into one that is ungovernable. And you wonder what it is
they will achieve when the country is in the ruins!?
He added, ?And it is not the people from PUDEMO [a banned political
party] or other progressive formations we have to fear now, it is the
people who worm themselves around the king and proclaim undying love
for him. They are a danger to our peace and prosperity.
But they must be warned that their action will not serve anything but
to destroy this country - and that time is nigh.
On the previous Monday (17 Mach 2008), protesting bus drivers and
conductors had blocked off the centre of Manzini - Swaziland?s second
city. Police used brutal force against protestors.
Mbingo wrote,
- The patience of the people, as witnessed on Monday with the protests
at the Manzini bus rank when Manzini came to a standstill, is wearing
thin, and now it will not take long before things really get out of
hand.
- The danger about this protest on Monday is that those people have
realised they can take matters into their own hands and win. It must
not be perceived that it was the bus conductors and drivers who are
lawless people who did this, but these are people in our society who
believe they have been pushed to the edge, and could not take it any
longer.
It is a warning that sooner or later, this whole country will ground
to a standstill.
But somehow, miraculously even, people do not realise this, or are
intentionally pushing the people to revolt, because they have their
own selfish ends to meet.-
Mbingo went on, The protests on Monday are a big warning to everyone
that this generation of people is not going to allow things to be run
as they were, and these people will no longer accept being treated as
subjects, but they are people who have their rights that need to be
protected ? and respected.
Mbingo went on to say there was no reason to deploy the army since
there was no national emergency at present. If there were to be a
state of emergency some time soon it would be caused by the army.
Unfortunately, this is a bad move that will backfire badly, because
if anything the army on our streets does not do anything to scare any
more, rather it pushes the people to realising that a full democracy
is on the horizon, Mbingo said.
If government and the ruling elite do nott take action or indeed
notice, the tide will turn in time and this country will seriously get
into ruin.
It has been an accident waiting to happen, but now I get the feeling it
is only a matter of time.
_______________________
2. 40 textile workers hospitalised. Fanyana Mabuza. Weekend Observer,
March 22, 2008.
In a gesture of solidarity with the textile workers who got caught up
in the crossfire with police during their recent strike, the four
public sector unions have forked out a sum of E4 000, to be used in
the purchase of medical supplies for the injured workers.
Latest figures showed that 40 textile workers were hospitalised during
skirmishes with the police at the height of the industrial action,
while 11 were seriously injured such that they have not even returned
to work.
Making the presentation at the SNAT Centre in Manzini, SNAT President
Simon Makhanya expressed his disappointment at the police who opted to
silence the strikers with the nozzle of the gun, while they were
engaged in a legal strike.
Makhanya was in the presence of officials from the other public sector
unions officials, namely the Swaziland National Association of
Teachers (SNAT), Swaziland National Association of Government
Accounting Professionals (SNAGAP), the Swaziland National Association
of Civil Servants (SNACS) and the Swaziland Nurses Union, (SNA).
They all slammed the recent police's heavy handedness when dealing
with strikers.
"It is making us wary and jittery. We will also be going to the table
to negotiate on behalf of our members soon. Does this mean that if we
fail to agree and our members opt to engage in industrial action we
will also be given the same medicine the textile strikers were forced
to taste?"
This, they added, was because they would be demanding a much higher
percentage from government than what the textile workers had been
demanding, and would it be a guarantee that they will have their heads
bashed by the police in the name of enforcing law and order if they
strike?
"Coming to think of it, we collectively lead over 30 000 people. Now
if such a huge number could agree on industrial action after failure
of the talks with government, then the police would have their work
cut out for them. It then means they should prepare for a tiring time
ahead."
Makhanya continued that violence begot more violence and the police's
latest strategy of using guns indiscriminately was against the lore of
nation building. "The textile strikers were simply demanding a living
wage, which was within their rights as the cost of living in the
country is extra-ordinarily high. It should be noted that commodity
prices are on a permanent rise in the country. Petrol, bread and bus
fares are always hiking up, yet the textile workers are expected to
survive on the pittance they get at the factories. When they demand
better salaries police are deployed to bash them up. Is this a ploy to
silence the masses? If it is, sadly for them, it will never work,"
they all vowed. They then extended their sympathies to those who got
injured and hoped the money they were offering would go a long way in
easing the pains of those who were brutalised by their fellow
countrymen, as they crusaded for their rights. "But most of all, we
are still astounded at the sudden passion police have developed for
using their guns, and it is very dangerous and will not promote
national unity and nation building," they warned.
___________________________
3. Swaziland textile strike met with threats and violence. Eugene
Puryear. Party for Socialism and Liberation, March 23, 2008.
http://www.pslweb.org/
Thousands of Swazi textile workers have gone on strike for better pay
and work conditions.
There has been almost no reporting in March of militant workers?
struggles in the tiny landlocked Kingdom of Swaziland. In what some
are calling the worst labour unrest in a decade, the country has been
the scene of protests and strikes by tens of thousands of textile
workers and workplace actions by Swaziland nurses.
Beginning March 3, 16,000 Swazi textile workers went out on strike
demanding better pay and conditions. Workers face humiliating
treatment from managers and owners and receive dismal wages. They are
seeking a 12 percent raise.
Cynthia Ndwandwe, a mother of five, told a U.N. news agency, "My
take-home pay is R300 (US$38) a fortnight." A fortnight is two weeks.
The textile industry is the center of Swazi manufacturing. It has been
paralyzed by the strike, prompting threats from factory owners. The
bosses say they will fire workers if they do not immediately return to
work.
Striking workers were subjected to beatings and tear gas from
authorities at protests on March 3 and March 5 and at other smaller
protests.
The workers have remained undaunted. Alex Fakudze, leader of the
Swaziland Manufacturing and Allied Workers Union, told the Sunday
Times, "Even if it means earning zero at the end of the month, we do
not mind because we want what is due to us."
Nurses in Swaziland have also protested low pay and working
conditions. They face dismal wages, physical attacks and a lack of
basic sanitary and medical equipment.
The main hospital in the capital, Mbabane, was declared unfit for
human occupation earlier this year. Nurses have decided to work no
overtime until conditions are improved in the country?s hospitals and
clinics.
Swaziland and neo-colonialism
Swaziland is a perfect example of the extreme economic polarization
wrought by colonialism and neo-colonialism.
The country is ruled by monarch King Mswati III. The king appoints the
prime minister and all members of parliament.
The economy is dominated by the king and a small elite affiliated with
the royal family. The king owns 60 percent of the land in the country
and significant portions of the other 40 percent through the
government and a company owned by the royal family.
Roughly 69 percent of the country lives in poverty. Most of those in
rural areas are frequently ravaged by natural disaster, which creates
widespread hunger. The International Monetary Fund reports that at
least 25 percent of the population requires some sort of food
assistance.
Swaziland suffers from the highest rate of HIV/AIDS in the world, with
38.6 percent of the population infected. As a result, life expectancy
has fallen to 39 years of age.
While most agriculture is oriented toward subsistence, Swaziland has a
sizable sugar industry. Coca-Cola?s concentrate production plant is
located in the country. King Mswati frequently visits with the CEO of
Coke in Atlanta.
The manufacturing sector is almost totally dominated by foreign
investment capital. Swaziland is partner to the African Growth and
Opportunity Act. AGOA is a "free trade" deal African countries have
signed with the United States.
In most cases in Africa, there is no indigenous capital of any scale.
Monopoly companies, mostly from Taiwan, open factories in the host
country. They put labels such as "Made in Swaziland" on products and
ship them to the United States for massive profits.
Swaziland?s government encourages Taiwanese investment in the textile
sector, hoping to benefit from the overall economic boom. This
arrangement boosts production for transnational corporations such as
Wal-Mart, not for the Swazi people.
Under conditions such as these, both urban and rural workers will
continue to struggle for improvements in their living standards and
for the right to control the political destiny of their country.
Progressives in the United States should play close attention to the
struggles waged by workers in Africa. They are fighting against
tremendous poverty, government repression and the very same
transnational corporations that workers are battling in the United
States.
_________________________
4. Swaziland Coalition of Concerned Civic Organisations (SCCCO)
Statement, 20 March 2008.
The Swaziland Coalition of Concerned Civic Organisations wishes a holy
and peaceful Easter time to all the people of Swaziland. We hope that
the Easter break will be used by all people to reflect on the true
natures of peace and justice. In what has been a troubled time in the
Kingdom, we call on all parties in any dispute to treat each other
with respect and to accord each person the dignity of their rights to
hold opposing positions. We call on all the people involved in the
current disputes to put their arguments forcefully and clearly, to
listen intently, to negotiate honestly and above all to behave
peacefully and justly.
Peace is not the mere absence of violence, but the ability to live a
full and free life without undue restraint and to obtain, fulfillment,
growth and development.
Justice is not about law but about being treated as an equal, being
accorded dignity and being respected for who we are and what our views
are. It allows fair access to the things we need to enable us to
fulfill our dreams and desires.
As Swazis we do not handle diversity of opinion and conflict very
well. Conflict is a necessary and vital part of our lives, we have
all been given free will and it is ours to do with as we choose.
Therefore it is natural and it is healthy to differ, to discuss, to
compromise and to identify and solve problems. Handling disputes in
an open, honest, restrained and constructive manner is one of the
hallmarks of a mature society and these are skills that we all must
learn.
We support the rights of the strikers to lawful strike. We support
their rights to a peaceful picket. We equally support the police in
their efforts to promote and retain law and order. We have been
consistent in these views since the Coalition was formed. We do not
advocate, support or condone the use of violence from any quarter. It
is outside the definitions of democracy, freedom of thought and action
and respect for others. We support people?s rights to nonviolent
protests and expect those rights to be respected.
We note with dismay the attacks on the police force by some
protesters, however we also note that there have been occasions where
the police have been extremely provocative. The purpose of this
provocation seems to be with the intent that it will give them an
excuse to react with massively disproportionate force. We are yet to
see an incident where the police have used tactics to calm down and
diffuse a situation or to refuse to overreact to minor and even verbal
taunts. Our support for strikers is conditional on their ability and
discipline to protest peacefully. Our support for the police force is
conditional on their ability and desire to display professionalism and
understand and respect our and their human rights. We have seen
police bullying tactics used at football matches, at the university,
against strikers, and with the kombi drivers. It is rarely the
intended targets that get hit or gassed but the young, the old, the
slow, the vulnerable and the weak. These tactics are
counterproductive and just escalate and continue the cycle of
violence. Many police forces across the world have learned new
methods of crowd control that are more effective and less brutal.
Please, please, please Commissioner Hillary do as King Sobuza II
instructed, Bad and useless indigenous customs should be given up,
and good, meaningful and successful ones from foreigners should be
taken over and adapted. We again put out our offer to work with RSP
and international partners to abolish these destructive and divisive
tactics.
The real tragedy in this, is that the terms and conditions under which
the women at the factories work under are no longer what is important.
The violence has become the story. The fact that the women work for
long hours at low pay in dirty and dangerous conditions and cannot
make ends meet without resorting to offering sex for money is a
shocking indictment on our society. It is this oppressive and
demeaning environment in which the scandal of the foetuses in the dam
was born.
We are coming into an election year, the nature of elections are that
they are competitive and that they are divisive. There will be
winners and losers. If they are held properly then we should respect
the result. His Majesty has called on potential candidates not to
rely on muti, traditional killings and traditional practices to help
secure parliamentary seats. We, of course, echo his call but also ask
the authorities to go further and not to undertake, order or condone
other less traditional practices in our elections, blatant use of the
army and police force to break up peaceful and lawful public meetings,
rigging of election processes so that alternative and unusual
candidates cannot get onto the ballot sheet, using the powers of
traditional authorities to hamper canvassing, disrupt voter education
and influence voters decisions.
We are profoundly discomfortable with the make up of the election and
boundaries commission and do not see in it much evidence of
independence, fairness or expertise. However, we call upon it to be
thorough, balanced and respectful of international standards of
democracy and election management.
Under the Tinkhundla system we may be able to only vote for
parliamentarians rather than a government but let us elect the best
parliamentarians we possibly can.
We urge people to consider not only the candidate?s character and
their gender but more importantly to consider what their favoured
policies are regarding the great and multiple crises that face our
nation. Starvation, death, poverty, ignorance, injustice, inequality
and rampant corruption. We cannot lavishly spend our ways out of
these problems, nor can we ignore them. We must come together in a
new parliament with a new mindset. Parliamentarians, Business, Civil
Society, International Partners, the Government and even the
Traditional Authorities: we must all change our attitudes and find a
way of working together.
It is a definition of pure madness to keep doing the same things as
before and to expect the results to be different. Let us all work to
heal the wounds of the past. Let us use the message of Easter to
forgive the sins of our brothers and sisters and to pledge ourselves
to working towards a peaceful, inclusive and just nation. One that
respects each other as human beings, as members of our communities, as
colleagues and as Swazis. We must not fear change, we need not fear
diversity. We cannot hope to develop without them both.
May the peace that comes with the message of Easter be upon everyone.
Statement issued by His Lordship Bishop M B Mabuza +
Chairperson, Swaziland Coalition of Concerned Civic Organisations
SCCCO web site is at: http://www.swazicoalition.org.sz/
___________________________________
5. Police being used as a political tool. Mbabane, 19 March 2008 (IRIN).
The Swazi police has been accused of using excessive force and the
army has been deployed for domestic policing after a rare episode of
political unrest in the mountain kingdom.
As Swazi policemen clamped down on yet another protest action this
week, concerns that the security force was being used as a political
tool have been raised by non-governmental organisations.
Public transport workers were tear gassed at the downtown bus station
in the central commercial town of Manzini on 17 March. Manzini, the
country's transport hub, was shut down by mini-bus operators to show
solidarity with textile workers, who have been on strike since 3 March.
Dozens of shops were vandalised and the bus station's entrance was
barricaded in this week's protest. Members of banned political parties
had also urged onlookers to participate in the strike action. The
police responded with rubber bullets and six people were hospitalised
with gunshot wounds.
Earlier this month, Swazi textile workers, who have been on strike to
demand better salaries, were tear gassed and beaten by police. At
least a dozen workers were reportedly injured following attacks on
peaceful marchers by the police on the first day of the strike. More
than 16,000 workers, most of them women, have been affected by the
strike action. The Swazi press characterised police violence against
strikers as unjustified.
"Too dangerous" to continue
So intense have the police attacks become that members of the
Swaziland Manufacturing and Allied Workers Unions agreed with its
leadership that it was "too dangerous" to continue the strike. The
textile workers voted to suspend the strike action over the Easter
holidays, and to resume their protest next week if no progress had
been made with the employers, the Swaziland Textile Exporters
Association.
In a statement, the Swaziland Coalition of Concerned Civic
Organisations (SCCCO) condemned the "continued abuse of the Royal
Swazi Police and Umbutfo Swaziland Defence Force [the Swazi army] to
achieve partisan and politically motivated actions".
The SCCCO noted with particular concern the use of teargas and rubber
bullets on "unarmed" women textile workers. "Police officers have been
heard telling the women to 'get back to work.' What is their role here
- protection of law and order or politically motivated
strikebreaking?" read the statement, signed by Anglican Bishop Meshack
Mabuza, the coalition chairman.
Police spokesman Vusi Masuku said the police moved in to stop isolated
acts of vandalism, and used "minimal force". He defended the police
action, saying some marchers had attempted to stop other textile
workers from going to work.
Jason Simelane, a member of the banned political organisation, Peoples
United Democratic Front (PUDEMO), said, "The police are a politicised
force. They are under orders to silence dissent. The new
constitutional guarantees about freedom of speech and assembly are
meaningless."
Organised political opposition groups were banned by royal decree in
1973 by King Sobhuza, father of current monarch, Mswati III. A new
constitution signed into law by Mswati in 2005 provided for freedom of
assembly but did not legalise political parties.
While the police was being used to suppress political activity,
demonstrators needed to show restraint, commented a political analyst
based at the University of Swaziland. "The Swazi union movement has
been aligned with pro-democracy groups for decades...the authorities
view any strike action as a pretext for anti-government
demonstrations...but their [authorities] job is made easy because the
anti-government groups engage in violence and vandalism. If police
need to show restraint, so do demonstrators."
Army deployed for civilian policing
Meanwhile, the army is being deployed to conduct random checks in
homes and set up roadblocks. "As an army, our job is not only to guard
the frontier, but it is also to look after the people who are in the
country. We have realised that there are a lot of illegal things
[guns, weapons and consumer goods] which are circulating in the
country and we want to combat that," said Khanya Dlamini, spokesman
for the Umbutfo Swaziland Defense Force.
He said army camps would be set up across the country, and denied that
the deployment of troops for civilian policing was politically
motivated.
PUDEMO strongholds of Madlangemphisi in northern Swaziland, Bulembu,
50km southeast of the capital, Mbabane, and the rural towns,
Manjengeni and Sihhoye are some of the sites of the new army camps.
"At the moment we will not be focusing on political activities. This
is not meant for the national elections [to be held in November]. It
is just a clean-up campaign," said Dlamini.
The army's response was "very guarded", said Charles Mhlindza, a
political commentator. "The army spokesman's statement... left open
the option of overt involvement in future. The question of why an army
that has never been involved in internal domestic policing activities
should do so now is an issue Swazis need to raise and debate."
_________________________________________
6. Swaziland Solidarity Network: The people of Swaziland are Speaking
- Is the world listening? 18 March, 2008.
The Swaziland Solidarity Network (SSN) condemns with strongest
possible terms the thurgerish behavior of the Royal Swaziland Police
for their brutality against striking textile workers who have been on
strike since March 3 for better working conditions. The strike is led
by the Swaziland Manufacturing and Allied Workers Union (SMAWU). We
are however not surprised by this ruthlessness as brutality has been
institutionalized by the Swazi government for years led by the
despotic dictator King Mswati. This is happening while the Swaziland
government is preparing for its exclusive election this year largely
funded by the commonwealth and the British Government while's
Political parties remain banned, banning of the most basic rights and
freedoms to associate, organize and speak, as well as all forms of
political activity and proclamation of a perpetual state of emergency,
which is effective to date by the way, it is the oldest state of
emergency in the whole Southern African region, if not in Africa, at
35years.
In solidarity with the people of Swaziland we will doubled our efforts
in mobilization of this year's Boarder Blockade in all border gates
linking Swaziland and South Africa to be held on the 12th April 2008.
We will also make sure that we mobilize all resources for the
NO-ELECTION Campaign led by PUDEMO to ensure that these exclusive
elections do not take place. Tinkhundla exclusive elections are non
democratic in their very nature and are designed to perpetuate the
prevailing royal oppression of the Swazi people. As PUDEMO has put it
"PUDEMO can only participate in democratic elections which have a
bench mark. Tinkhundla elections failed the test of democratic and
free/fair elections even by the standards of the very same
Commonwealth which funded the 'Swaziland Constitution'. What a
contradiction".
SSN calls on all internationalists around the world to join the
solidarity campaign to be kick started by the 12th April, 2008 boarder
blockade. We also call on the South African government, SADC, AU,
COMONWEALTH, to condemn and Isolate the Swaziland government in all
international bodies.
Issued by the SSN National Chairperson South Africa Chapter comrade
Solly Mapaila.
_________________________
7. COSATU condemns Swazi police brutality. Patrick Craven, COSATU
National Spokesperson, 17 March 2008.
COSATU has angrily condemned the Swazi police for their brutality
against striking textile workers who have been on strike since 3
March. The Swaziland Manufacturing and Allied Workers Union (SMAWU)
has informed the Minister of Enterprise and Employment that because
the strike has now turned violent through brutality by the police
force, they are now forced to suspend it.
COSATU understands that police have not only been indiscriminately
been opening fire on strikers? demonstrations but have been visiting
the houses of people in the vicinity of the textile factories, beating
any people who are on strike and forcing them to agree to return to
work and threatening them with death if they fail to do so.
According to the Swazi Media Commentary, heavily armed police shot an
innocent woman bystander in the back as they attacked striking textile
workers during a legal picket and shot five workers by the end of the
unprovoked violence. In total 16 workers and one policeman were
hospitalised. Police fired indiscriminately and some people who were
not textile workers were also attacked.
Even the Weekend Observer - perhaps the newspaper most loyal to the
non-democratic Swazi regime - described the scene as a "war zone", in
which there was a "heavy smell of teargas and gunfire". The Swazi News
likened the scene to something from Iraq, with police ?armed to the
teeth?.
The violence happened after striking workers met to listen to their
union leader. After he finished speaking police pounced on the
unsuspecting workers and immediately fired teargas canisters without
uttering a word, according to the Weekend Observer. "That marked the
beginning of complete mayhem as the police assaulted every worker on
sight with batons".
The Weekend Observer quoted a woman eyewitness saying: We ran
helter-skelter as the police had a field day on us. Some workers
sought shelter in nearby shops but were removed and further assaulted.
I have never seen such brutality in my life. They were heavily armed
and were scattered all over the industrial area. They were literally
running after us, obviously enjoying what they were doing.
The Swazi News reported that a women vendor who was not involved in
the strike was shot in the back, saying, I just saw a police car
speeding towards us and while it was moving I was shot in the back. I
just don?t know why they shot me when I am just a vendor selling ice
blocks, biscuits and fish.
The Weekend Observer interviewed a man who said police deliberately
fired into his knee and quoted him saying: They came and started
assaulting us and asked why we were not at work. One officer pulled
out a gun and fired at my knee. I fell down and several of them
started assaulting me with batons all over the body, with blood oozing
from the gunshot wound.
The fact that the pro-government media is reporting all this is a
positive development, as they have been under pressure from the police
to report nothing about the strike. SMAWU President Alex Fakudze has
told COSATU that the state-controlled broadcaster, the Swazi
Broadcasting and Information Services, phoned him to say that they
could not broadcast a statement he had given them because police had
instructed them not to report anything about the strike. The fact that
some of the print media have defied similar threats is significant.
Another positive development - which shows the potential for a broad
movement of opposition to the Brutal monarchist dictatorship - was the
solidarity action by bus operators at the Manzini Bus terminal, which
came to a stand-still as bus operators joined the textile workers
strike, saying that because of the strike and the brutality workers
are facing they are losing business, as textile workers are their
major customers. The operators have blocked the roads leading to the
bus rank and buses are parked, none going out and none going in.
The strikers have been beaten back to work, in complete contravention
of international labour conventions. COSATU, together with the Swazi
unions, is to report the matter to the International Labour
Organisation and will intensify its campaign of solidarity with the
workers of Swaziland and in support of the fight for democracy and
respect for human rights.
COSATU also calls on all its affiliates and trade unions around the
world to join the solidarity campaign.
_____________________________
8. "Leadership doesn't act like it is a crisis". James Hall (Mbabane),
IPS-Inter Press Service, 11. March 2008.
A substantial increase in the number of Swazis requiring food aid has
raised questions in this Southern African country. Why the rise, and
how long are the higher numbers likely to prevail? More fundamentally,
what has caused such widespread and enduring hunger to begin with?
"We need to dig deeper for answers, particularly when we hear donor
fatigue may cut into the emergency contributions that are now keeping
Swazis alive," said Charles Dlamini, a food aid distribution manager
in the central Manzini region.
In his annual budget speech, delivered to parliament recently, Finance
Minister Majozi Sithole noted that 665,000 Swazis out of a total
population of 953,000 now require food assistance.
Only a few months ago, the United Nations World Food Programme (WFP)
had projected that 407,000 people would need food aid by this time.
Rains since the start of the planting season in November had even
raised hopes of fewer dependants.
In interviews with government and humanitarian officials, and with
persons on small farms and in urban settlements affected by food
shortages, IPS came across a variety of explanations for the current
situation.
"I have been urging for months that people take advantage of the rains
and plant crops like in other years. The back of last year's drought
has been broken. But some people are wary of planting; they remember
how the rains stopped falling in the past and all their work went for
nothing," said Ben Nsibandze, chairman of the National Emergency
Management Committee.
Last year's drought was historic: up to 80 percent of crops failed in
formerly productive areas, while harvests were absent in hardest hit
regions. The international community stepped in to assist.
"Unfortunately, the lesson learned by some people is that they don't
have to worry if they have no crops. They will be given food. They
will be provided for. This laziness has led to dependency, and it is
why many fields were not ploughed this year," said Dlamini.
Fears about a culture of dependency have also been voiced by others.
Nsibandze has warned against it, as has legislator Trusty Gina. "The
dependency syndrome is killing the nation," he told parliament recently.
Some 80 percent of Swazis live as subsistence farmers on land overseen
by chiefs, existing much as generations of their ancestors did. When
rains cease, people require food aid to avoid starvation.
"Government hoped that rural men working for the agricultural
plantations could support their families on their wages," said an
economist with a bank in the capital, Mbabane, in reference to estates
where export crops such as sugar cane and citrus are grown. "But wages
are low, and inflation is high."
The Ministry of Agriculture mounted an agriculture summit last August
to seek answers to Swaziland's perennial food shortage problems. In
addition to government, the private sector, U.N. groups and farmers
participated. But to date no report of the summit's outcome has been
released, and no suggestions offered on how to return Swaziland to the
position it occupied in the 1970s of being a net food exporter.
AIDS is another contributing factor to the dearth of food in this
country; at 33.4 percent, the country's adult HIV prevalence rate is
the highest in the world.
"There are no able bodied people to tend the farms; the surviving
elderly people and children can't do it," said Nonhlanhla Simelane, an
HIV counsellor in Mbabane. "Wage earners in town used to come back to
the farm to tend the crops, but we see less of that because AIDS
mortality is as high in urban areas as in the countryside."
AIDS groups see the nation's food shortage very much as a health
issue, and they doubt that production will return to normal before the
pandemic has been brought under control.
Greed may also be playing a role.
According to Sipho Shongwe, minister of regional development and youth
affairs, the numbers of people in need of food aid have been inflated
by local authorities seeking to sell supplies for cash. Similarly,
school principals are accused of trying to profit from aid claimed for
AIDS orphans.
"One wonders what lessons on morality our children will learn from
principals who are guilty of deliberately increasing the number of
orphans in their schools?" asks Shongwe. Himself a Swazi chief, he
also accuses other chiefs of fraud in connection with food aid.
Yet, there are no hard figures showing the extent of the alleged
misappropriation, and food aid organisations contacted by IPS doubt
this appreciably raises the total of aid recipients.
"I don't think that cheating is raising the overall number of
recipients that much. They say officials want to sell the food. Sell
to who? Sixty percent of the local population lives in absolute
poverty, and part of the food crisis is (that) they cannot purchase
basic foodstuffs," said a programme officer with a U.N. agency.
The WFP office in Mbabane told IPS that the agency's food distribution
system is based on information from local community committees which
canvas homes to establish need. The same holds true for children's
care points in urban and rural areas, where local committees send
orphans and vulnerable children for hot meals provided by WFP
contributors, primarily the United States.
What, then, will it take for Swaziland to cease being a country in
perpetual want?
"I think most importantly we need the political will to find
solutions. I think the national leadership has become comfortable with
food dependency as well," said Dlamini. "As long as the international
community is giving, why bother?"
Even with much of the nation requiring food aid, "...leadership
doesn't act like it is a crisis...I think that is why the emergency
agriculture summit never amounted to anything."
______________________________________
9. Enough is enough, say nurses. UN Integrated Regional Information
Networks (Mbabane) 11 March 2008.
Tired of being taken for granted, Swaziland's nurses have opted for
industrial action after the government ignored a deadline to improve
conditions of service.
After marching to the Ministry of Health and Social Welfare in the
capital, Mbabane, on Friday to deliver their ultimatum, Swaziland's
nurses registered their anger with an overtime ban beginning on Monday
to protest delayed pay, unsafe working conditions, and crumbling
facilities.
"We must start somewhere, so we've chosen the overtime issue," said
Sibusiso Lushaba, secretary-general of the Swaziland Nurses
Association (SNA). "As workers we have decided not to work the extra
hours, as it is our right not to do so. This is not a strike; we have
played our part as workers, but the employer does not want to meet
their obligation."
Nurse Patricia Dlamini expressed some of the anger health workers
feel. "Swaziland's nurses are a demoralised lot, and this comes from
having so much to offer and so much knowledge and, I would say, love
of the profession, but not being given the recognition we deserve. If
we are unable to carry out our duties people suffer, people die. Why
is that so hard for the authorities to understand?"
Beyond pay, issues of security are a real concern, especially for
nurses working in remote clinics. "Nurses fear for their lives. We are
not protected; there is no security in some clinics in the rural
areas, no lights and no transport. Nurses are bludgeoned, robbed and
raped. It makes you want to cry," said Nelsiwe Thwala, a nurse posted
to a clinic in the rural Manzini region of central Swaziland.
Dangers of nursing
SNA released a table of 12 hospitals and clinics where nurses'
quarters were burglarised, nurses assaulted and rapes committed. Top
of the list was Hlatikhulu Government Hospital in Shiselweni, in the
south of the country, where 20 nurses have suffered some form of
criminal attack.
"The question that keeps on coming into our minds is: 'How many nurses
should die before government takes us seriously?'" said Lushaba. A
spokesperson for the Ministry of Health and Social Welfare told IRIN
the ministry had no comment on the nurses' complaints.
The 2,016 nurses registered by the SNA, who have stayed in Swaziland
rather than going abroad to work, have watched the deterioration of
hospitals and clinics with dismay. Earlier this year, the Health
Inspector of Mbabane declared the city's hospital, the largest in the
country, unfit for human habitation.
In rural clinics an issue is a lack of water - the most basic of
requirements. Often, none is available in the nurses' quarters or the
clinics. It then becomes the nurse's duty to trek to streams to fetch
containers of water for patients' use, cleaning and to operate toilets.
"When nurses complain they are ill-treated, and they thus are thinking
of quitting the public service, it is because of this," said Lushaba.
_______________________________________
10. Reviewing "emergencies" for Swaziland. Shifting the paradigm in a
new era. Alan Whiteside, Amy Whalley. Edited by Scott Naysmith, 2007.
Executive Summary
The world?s highest HIV prevalence and the increasing number of deaths
due to AIDS is having unprecedented impact on Swaziland.Worryingly,
with a generation of orphans and rapidly escalating poverty, this
desperate situation is being accepted as "normal".
HIV/AIDS in Swaziland has been characterized by a slow onset of
impacts that have failed to command an emergency response. With
insufficient resource allocation and a lack of capacity, slow onset
events can become emergencies. The absence of an agreed definition of
"disaster" or "emergency" has helped to sustain this characterisation.
The nature of these terms is changing. The case of Swaziland
emphasizes that they can be long-term, complex, widespread events that
evolve over years. Swaziland is experiencing a generalized epidemic.
National sero-sentinel surveillance prevalence increased from 3.9% in
1992 to 42.6% in 2004 (MOHSW, 2006). HIV prevalence is estimated at
19% among the entire population and 26% among productive adults (CSO,
2007). Currently, there are around 220,000 people living with HIV.At
similar prevalence rates, this would equate to 56 million and 92
million infected individuals in the USA and EU respectively.
Prevalence is similar in rural and urban areas, and all districts.
Unless the trajectory changes, AIDS may claim the lives of two thirds
of all 15 year olds (UNAIDS, 2000).
______________________________________
11. 'Times of Swaziland' newspaper sued by speaker of the House of
Assembly for alleged defamation. Media Institute of Southern Africa
(Windhoek). Press release, 18 March 2008.
The privately-owned "Times of Swaziland" newspaper is being sued by
the Speaker of the House of Assembly, Prince Guduza, for 2,000,000
Euros for alleged defamation. Guduza is brother to King Mswati III.
The lawsuit follows recent reports linking the Speaker to an import
and export company allegedly involved in illegal trade. Following the
reports, the Speaker faced extreme pressure in Parliament, with MPs
seeking to remove him from his position. The Speaker had to defend
himself, stating that he resigned from the company.
The company, Tanya Investments, is currently involved in a court
battle with the government after its consignment of cigarettes, worth
17 million Euros, imported from overseas was impounded by the
Department of Customs and Excise.
In a letter to the "Times" sent through his lawyers, the Speaker
claims that he was defamed by a series of articles and commentaries in
various editions of the "Times" and its sister newspapers.
The Speaker's attorneys state that the first article, published on 26
February 2008, was issued without affording their client an
opportunity to comment or reply to the allegations against him "as
required in law and recognized good journalistic practice."
"The cigarettes in question did not belong to our client but a
separate legal entity known as Tanya Investment (Pty) Limited. The
publication of the aforesaid article set the tone for further articles
and commentaries in the newspaper in which our client was accused of
being a liar, unfit to be Speaker of Parliament, abusing his position
as Speaker, abuse of power in general and being corrupt and engaging
in a generally corrupt relationship with the police."
The lawyers argue that the articles were published recklessly without
regard to the accuracy of the information relied upon. They further
stated that the Speaker, before he resigned from the company, was a
non-Executive Director and as such he was not involved in the
company's operational matters.
"We may mention the fact that the company, which our client resigned
from as a director on February 2, 2008, had not been found guilty of
any wrong-doing by any court of law," the lawyers added.
The "Times" is yet to respond to the lawyers' letter of demand.
Background:
This is one of many lawsuits currently facing the Swazi media,
particularly the "Times". Another privately-owned media house, "The
Nation" magazine, is currently in court battling a 2.5 million Euro
lawsuit by a government official who is suing the magazine for alleged
defamation. The official had recently won 120,000 Euros in damages
after "The Nation" failed to appear in court to defend the case. But
"The Nation" later won an order for stay of execution and the case is
yet to be argued in court.
For further information on a previous lawsuit against the "Times of
Swaziland", see: http://www.ifex.org/en/content/view/full/81602/
For further information on "The Nation" case, see:
http://www.ifex.org/en/content/view/full/91185
____________________________________________________
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Swaziland@Newsletter 59
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______________________________________________________
1. Insika Yenkhululeko YemaSwati ( PUDEMO) Press Release: March 5, 2008.
2. Media alert: We the people of South Africa, 7 March, 2008.
3. Worst labour strife in a decade. (IRIN), 6 March, 2008.
4. Violence erupts as 16,000 textile workers strike, 7 March, 2008:
just-style.com.
5. Textile workers reject 7% offer. Sisho Magagula. The Swazi
Observer, March 10, 2008.
6. Swaziland government 'is a fig-leaf', 7th March 2008. George
Conger. ReligiousIntelligence, 7 March, 2008.
7. Government pleads ignorance on jatropha (biodiesel fuel), The Swazi
Observer, March 11, 2008.
8. Tool for deciding on food versus fuel. (IRIN), 25 February 2008.
9. COSATU Demands Democratic Polls in Zimbabwe. The Zimbabwean,
Saturday, 8 March, 2008.
10. Elections committee appointed. Timothy Simelane, The Swazi
Newsletter, March 7, 2008.
11. Development in Swaziland: To Relocate or Not To Relocate? James
Hall, IPS 3 March, 2007.
12. Understanding terrorism in Africa: building bridges and overcoming
the gaps. African Security Analysis Programme, Institute for Security
Studies, 2008.
_______________________________________________
1. Insika Yenkhululeko YemaSwati ( PUDEMO) Press Release: March 5, 2008.
The People's United Democratic Movement (PUDEMO) has held its second
National General Council (NGC) since the 6th General Congress over the
past weekend that began on the 29th February and ended on the 2nd
March 2008.
The Movement continues to hold its crucial activities in the foreign
land and thanks to our South African Allies who give the people of
Swaziland the un-wavered support. Our reason for holding our
activities outside the country inter alia is that, some of our members
are in exile hence can not come into Swaziland.
The purpose of the NGC is to evaluate progress and come up with an
action plan that is based on the Congress Resolutions and give fresh
mandate to the National Executive Committee of the People's Movement
for implementation.
The Plan of Action is for PUDEMO's 2008 Activities which are as follows:
To fully participate in the UNITED FRONT that all progressive forces
have agreed to form as their political home.
To join the world and celebrate the International Woman's Day since
PUDEMO strongly believes in Women Emancipation.
To double our efforts in this year's Boarder Rallies to be held on the
12th April.
To embark on an Anti 40/40 Celebration Campaign.
To advocate for a single Workers Day Celebration for the workers of
Swaziland for the slogan "One Industry One Union, One Country One
Federation" is the best for all workers of the world.
Not to participate in the Tinkhundla elections because it has failed
dismally to deliver and instead it has started self erosion. PUDEMO
can only participate in democratic elections which have a bench mark.
Tinkhundla elections failed the test of democratic and free/fair
elections even by the standards of the very same Commonwealth which
funded the 'Swaziland Constitution'. What a contradiction!
To continue call for an all-inclusive and people driven constitution.
To aggressively embark on the UNBAN POLITICAL PARTIES Campaign.
To continue demanding for quality, free and compulsory education that
is skills-based, for all the school going-age children of Swaziland.
The people share and the people shall govern.
The People's Secretary
Sphasha Dlamini
__________________________________
2. Media alert: We the people of South Africa, 7 March, 2008.
Memorandum from the South African Progressive Forces for international
solidarity, gathered on the 7th day of March 2008 at the Embassy of
Swaziland in support of freedom and democracy in Swaziland, Zimbabwe,
Kenya and for the restoration of civilian political rule in
Myanmar/Burma.
Preamble
We the people of South Africa, gathered under the banner of the
International Solidarity Forum, led principally by the Congress of
South African Trade Unions (COSATU) and the South African Communist
Party, supported in this action by the Zimbabwe Solidarity Forum in
South Africa, the Swaziland Solidarity Network, the Young Communists
League, the South African NGO Coalition, Free Burma Campaign, End
Occupation Campaign, Western Sahara Solidarity Forum, the
Anti-Privatisation Forum, South African Social Movements and
progressive South African civil society organisations that include
youth, women, labour, faith based institutions, human rights
organisations and student formations that are engaged in the promotion
of principled solidarity, peace, democracy and the respect for human
rights.
We are gathered today with comrades and friends, the working class and
the poor, struggling under the harsh social, political and economic
conditions imposed on the populations of these African countries by
the repressive and corrupt political elite of Zimbabwe, the repressive
Royal dictatorship of Swaziland, the expediency of the Kenyan
political leadership, the horrors of the Myanmar military junta in
Burma, weak and ineffective SADC and AU institutions and the indolence
of the South African Department of Home Affairs and the police.
Together we have marched from the Union Buildings in Pretoria to
assert loudly and clearly to the diplomatic representatives of Kenya,
Swaziland and Zimbabwe that enough is enough. Democracy is supposed to
enable the expression of the will of the majority. It is one of the
few mechanisms by which leaders must be held accountable. Yet you and
your governments are subverting and repressing these systems.
In the context of our background of solidarity and internationalism,
supported by many countries in Africa and throughout the world, in our
struggle against a brutal system of apartheid, we demonstrate our
internationalism and our deep seated anger at your enslavement of
people in your countries.
On this the 7th day of March 2008 we amplify the voices of progressive
forces from across the region, throughout the continent and from
around the world. We demand that these voices be heard.
Since 1973, Swaziland political parties remain banned. The struggle
for the basic democratic political environment, for credible, free and
fair, election continues. Much of this is the result of the
willingness with which the Swazi King has led the country to become a
greedy part of the imperialist predatory system. A system which
ignores the fundamental rights of the people to freedom, democracy and
dignity associated with their demands. The repression in Swaziland
cannot be justified under any circumstances. It is carried out to
defend a system based on the rule by a wealthy royal elite and its
networks, using the vicious suppression of human rights. Obscene
wealth for a few in the midst of extreme poverty and rising rates of
HIV/AIDS infections and deaths remain unchecked.
We are aware of your royal government plans, to hold a farcical
elections in 2008, in pursuit of the legitimation of your obsolete
political agendas, to maintain the status quo. We jointly pronounce
with the people of Swaziland, the wide repudiation of these banana
republic elections. These elections are neither meant for the people
to demonstrate their collective demands through a participatory
democratic process, nor will they reflect in any way, the will of the
people of Swaziland.
The well documented intensifying repression that is being used against
the people of Swaziland, indicate that the challenges in Swaziland
will not be resolved through a deeply flawed and the veneer of façade
highly criticised election process.
The extent to which African leadership are held accountable for their
actions and to which SADC and the African Union are able to assert a
progressive agenda will set precedents that will have far reaching
implications for regional security and the general credibility of
African institutions.
There is still an opportunity in Zimbabwe to show clearly that Robert
Mugabe has been the spoiler in this process, the evidence is there.
There is still an opportunity for SADC to demand that Swaziland
respect the democratic culture of the region.
We therefore demand that your government:
- Unbans all political parties, release political prisoners and allow
the freedom and tolerance of expression of different political
opinions, with free access to the media, judiciary, security and other
state institutions
- Initiates a serious national political process of dialogue and
negotiations with the liberation movement PUDEMO and other stakeholders
- Allow the return to Swaziland of all exiles and to create conducive
climate for the repatriation and participation in the governance
affairs and reconstruction of the country
- Allow a democratic national constituent assembly to a new
constitution in conditions of democratic and free participation
- An end to the planned farcical national elections, and the
channelling of those rare resources to poverty eradication and
tackling of the scourge of HIV/AIDS
- The institution of free multiparty electoral contest on the basis of
universally acclaimed democratic norms and principles
- Institute a dispensation for the separation of powers between the
executive, the judiciary and the legislative state functions
- Initiate constitutional, political, economic and social
transformation processes that fundamentally change the power relations
within your countries and alleviates the catastrophic poverty situation
We urge your government should respond to these demands within 10 days
of the handing of the memorandum
7 March 2008
__________________________________
3. Worst labour strife in a decade. (IRIN), 6 March, 2008.
A bloody week of the worst labour strife in a decade has exposed
cracks in the Swazi government's poverty-alleviation plan of creating
thousands of low-paying jobs by promoting a textile industry.
In the strike action, which began on 3 March, workers participating in
peaceful marches to demand better salaries have been teargassed and
beaten by police, and at least a dozen have reportedly been injured.
More than 16,000 workers, most of them women, have been affected by
the strike action.
Local media reported that the Swaziland police carried out unprovoked
attacks on peaceful marchers on the first day of the strike. Several
injuries were reported after riot police shot teargas into a line of
marchers in the Matsapha Industrial Estate outside the central
commercial town of Manzini.
Police spokesman Vusi Masuku defended the police action, saying some
marchers had attempted to stop other textile workers from going to
work. Some Asian-owned shops adjacent to factories reported looting.
On 5 March, several marchers were beaten and teargassed after vandals
sealed the lock on the gate of a textile factory with glue. Uncertain
of the culprits' identities, the police randomly struck at marchers,
some of whom had to be hospitalised. One policewoman was injured by a
thrown stone.
Alex Fakudze, president of the Swaziland Manufacturing and Allied
Workers Union (SMAWU), told the Industrial Court on 5 March that
factory owners had instructed the police to assault strikers.
Industrial Court President Peter Dunseith ordered the police to permit
peaceful picketing outside company premises.
"My take-home pay is R300 (about US$38) a fortnight," said Cynthia
Ndwandwe, a mother of five employed by an Asian-owned garment factory.
"I can no longer afford to buy bread."
Only job creating sector
Swaziland's textile industry is dominated by garment-making factories
owned by Taiwanese immigrants who came to Swaziland in 2000/02 to take
advantage of preferential trade conditions with the US under the
African Growth and Opportunity Act, creating tens of thousands of
employment opportunities.
The country is one of the few that has diplomatic ties with Taiwan and
does not recognise the People's Republic of China. Taiwan returned the
favour by encouraging its garment-makers to invest in Swaziland.
In turn, the Swazi government has offered tax holidays to incoming
firms, and constructed factory shells that are sometimes leased for
free of charge to large employers.
Textiles have become a key player in Swaziland's otherwise moribund
manufacturing sector, which saw many of its multinational companies
relocate to South Africa when apartheid ended in 1994 and economic
sanctions against the government were lifted, making it unnecessary to
use neighbouring Swaziland to gain access to South Africa's market.
Asian-owned textile firms, mainly located at the Matsapha Industrial
Estate, offered the only significant job creation in the past decade,
and led to the development of a new industrial park at Shiselweni, the
regional capital in the south of the country, where some firms have
set up shop.
Low wages and "cultural conflicts" bedevilled labour relations from
the outset, but came to a head when a strike vote was approved by 30
percent of the nation's 16,000 SMAWU members, with the remainder
abstaining, according to the union.
The union seeks to raise wages by 12 percent. "Textile workers are
forced to live on mediocre salaries," said Fakudze. "How can
breadwinners be expected to provide for their families on just R600
($77) a month?"
The Ministry of Enterprise and Employment, which brought the textile
industry to Swaziland, called workers and management to a resolution
conference in Manzini for the evening of 6 March. On the table will be
the wage dispute, but another less tangible issue will likely remain
unresolved when workers return to their jobs: the workers' complaint
about lack of respect.
"The Asians treat us like children," said Ndwandwe. "They yell, they
speak down to us. This is not the Swazi manner of conduct. We think of
them as guests in this country, and we refuse to be mistreated by
people we have shown hospitality."
Members of parliament have complained that textile factory owners
bring in relatives for management positions rather than train and
promote Swazis, and have expressed concern about an isolationist
mentality in the Asian community: parts of government-built factory
shells have been converted into living quarters, which management
rarely leaves.
The Swaziland Textile Exporters Association, which is following a
no-work no-pay rule for the duration of the strike, argued that it had
met government's goal of creating jobs in a country where few are
available. The association said the expense of doing business in
Swaziland, coupled with competition from China, put factories in an
economic bind.
______________________________
4. Violence erupts as 16,000 textile workers strike, 7 March, 2008:
just-style.com.
Violence has erupted in the southern African kingdom of Swaziland
after more than 16,000 textile workers went on strike to press for
better pay and working conditions.
The strike at 10 factories began on Monday, but has been marred by
clashes between textile workers and the police in the capital Matsapha.
Alex Fakudze, president of the Swaziland Manufacturing and Allied
Workers Union, said the strikers are demanding a 12% pay rise, and
that many currently earn less than US$100 a month.
The textile industry is the second largest employer in Swaziland.
Many of the factories are owned by Taiwanese businessmen who are
trying to take advantage of preferential trade conditions with the US
under the African_Growth_and_Opportunity_Act (AGOA).
______________________________
5. Textile workers reject 7% offer. Sisho Magagula. The Swazi
Observer, March 10, 2008.
Striking textile workers have rejected a 7 percent pay rise which had
been offered by their employer - the Swaziland Textile exporters
Association, STEA.
As a result, talks have broken down, and the workers say they will
continue with their strike which enters its second week today.
The STEA had said in a statement: "STEA wishes to assure its employees
that we are going to effect the 7.07 percent increase in order to
improve their wages. Moreso because we feel we have a responsibility
to our workers. We are prepared to implement this increase as soon as
our workers return to work."
But the Swaziland Manufacturing and Allied Workers Union (SMAWU)
rejected the offer, saying it is made in bad faith because it would be
effected at the end of June - which would have meant the workers would
have returned to work empty handed.
SMAWU president Alex Fakudze said it was not true that they agreed on
the 7 percent as claimed by the STEA, following 11 hours of talks
brokered by labour consultant Maduduza Zwane.
"To say we agreed on the 7.07 percent salary increase offer is
misleading. We did not agree on that because it was not the mandate we
were given by our membership," Fakudze said.
"Our membership sent us to negotiate an increase for the current
financial year, not the next one. STEA say they will effect the
increase in the next financial year - and we say no to that."
Fakudze confirmed that the strike would definitely continue today
because their demands have not been met.
The 16 000 striking workers are holding out for a 10 percent salary increment.
As the effects of the strike bite deeper into the economy, the Chinese
Embassy in Mbabane and Enterprise and Employment Minister Lutfo
Dlamini have arranged an emergency meeting this Friday - where the
conflicting parties will try and end it.
The STEA has accused SMAWU of actually holding out for a 35 percent increase.
"it goes without saying that such a percentage would financially ruin
the industry in Swaziland. That led to the talks ending and the union
had consistently not assisted in the negotiations. It was difficult to
justify meeting again," said the STEA.
Zwane (Maduduza) said he was barred from commenting on the negotiations.
_____________________________
6. Swaziland government 'is a fig-leaf', 7th March 2008. George
Conger. ReligiousIntelligence, 7 March, 2008.
The bishop of Swaziland of Swaziland has denounced his nation?s new
constitutional government as a ?fig leaf? that cloaks the continued
rule of King Mswati III (pictured), Africa?s last absolute monarch.
The Swaziland Coalition of Concerned Civic Organisations (SCCCO) led
by Bishop Meshack Mabuza charged that ?very little? had changed with
the granting of constitutional liberties to the kingdom.
Swaziland had been ruled by royal decree since a state of emergency
was declared in 1973 by King Sobhuza II. King Mswati, who ascended the
throne in 1986, has been criticized for his lavish spending, including
a collection of exotic sports cars and an assortment of palaces that
house his 13 wives when over 70 per cent of the population live in
rural poverty.
Unemployment stands at 40 per cent of the workforce, while the rate of
life expectancy is one of the lowest in the world at 33 years of age.
Approximately 33.4 per cent of the population has HIV/AIDS, giving it
the highest national rate of infection in the world.
On Feb 6, 2006 a new constitution went into effect granting
parliamentary government. However, it forbad candidates from forming
political parties, effectively giving the King the sole authority to
appointment ministers and squelching organized dissent.
The new constitution was being used by royalists as a ?fig-leaf to
cover the international shame of 33 years of rule by decree? by the
King, Bishop Mabuza charged. It was a ?piece of paper that is not
being promoted or even defended by the government,? he said, and its
guarantees of the rule of law had been ignored.
?This year has seen defenceless suspects killed by the police, public
meetings broken up or prevented from happening, union members
harassed, property taken without due court processes, newspaper
editors intimidated, journalists threatened by government. The people
of Swaziland are in the dark about the constitution and their rights
and the government seems more than happy to keep them that way,?
Bishop Mabuza said.
The Swazi people were no longer subjects of the King, but citizens
of a constitutional democracy, the bishop said. The difference is
profound, he noted as citizens cede their power to politicians and
then call them to account for their stewardship. Subjects do as they
are told.
He denounced the royalist and traditionalist cliques governing the
kingdom and urged the democrats in government reach out, respect
diversity of opinion and pluralism, embrace civil society and work
with us in partnership. The present system has failed and can only
continue to do so. Talk to us, we are listening, he said.
The USPG?s Canon Edgar Ruddock, director of its International
Relations Team which has supported the work of the diocese, applauded
the bishop standing for democracy saying it was a fine example of the
holistic mission that defines the Anglican Communion at its best.
The Church in Swaziland was taking a firm stand for justice in
society, and rooting it in the prayer and worship of the church. The
gospel of God?s loving justice is shaping people?s lives, and is
beginning to make the difference, Canon Ruddock said.
_____________________________
7. Government pleads ignorance on jatropha (biodiesel fuel), The Swazi
Observer, March 11, 2008.
Government has pleaded ignorance on concerns raised by subsistence
farmers on the jatropha project by D1 Oils Swaziland.
Principal Secretary at the Ministry of Enterprise and Employment
Bertram Stewart said they had not been appraised of the complaints by
farmers who have been sensitised on the implications of growing
jatropha by Yonge Nawe Environmental Action Group as well as Africa
Co-operative Action Trust (ACAT) Lilima - Swaziland.
Pending
Asked whether they could suspend the operations of the company and
postpone its pending official opening this Friday following complaints
by the residents, Bertram's response was to the contrary.
"It all depends on the nature of the complaints i.e. what they really
entail. But since D1 Oils is a private company, one cannot rely on the
judgement by Yonge Nawe and ACAT concerning the jatropha issue,"
Stewart said.
Attempts to obtain comments from directors of the company at both its
headquarters in Mbabane and Hluti were unsuccessful as no one picked
the phone.
Also unavailable was Enterprise Minister Lutfo Dlamini whose cellphone
rang without being answered when contacted.
Contracts
It has been alleged that subsistence farmers were made to sign
contracts by D1 Oils directors yet the contents of these were never
explained to them.
To date they are said to be in the dark about the contracts since they
were in the English language and copies were taken by the company's
directors. The contracts run for 10 years according to Yonge Nawe and
ACAT.
The two organisations strongly believe that it would be to the
farmers' interest to postpone the official launching of the jatropha
project pending conducting of an Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA).
_____________________________
8. Tool for deciding on food versus fuel. (IRIN), 25 February 2008.
As more countries weigh the pros and cons of biofuel production, a new
decision-support tool has been developed to ensure they do not
compromise their food production and security.
The Bioenergy and Food Security Modelling Analytical Framework (AF) is
designed to identify whether the potential to develop a bioenergy
industry exists in a particular country, and provide policy support,
said Alexander Müller, Assistant Director-General for natural
resources and the environment at the United Nations Food and
Agriculture Organisation (FAO).
"The testing phase will help better understand the real potential.
What this tool will provide is the possibility to make an informed
decision; the countries then will have to make their own policy
choices."
The analytical framework tool, designed by a team of economists from
the FAO, Utrecht University's Copernicus Institute, in the
Netherlands, and the Oeko-Institut, in Darmstadt, Germany, will be
field-tested in three countries: Thailand, Tanzania and Peru. The
"initial testing is needed to understand the potential impacts of
bioenergy developments on food security," said Müller.
Impact on food prices
In a scenario that takes into account a planned and predictable
biofuel expansion in some countries, the US-based International Food
Policy Research Institute (IFPRI) projected maize prices rising by
more than 20 percent by 2020, and more than 71 percent in a drastic
expansion scenario
The demand for biofuels is already having an impact on the prices of
the world's two leading agricultural biofuel feedstocks: maize and
sugar. According to the FAO, an increased demand for biofuel
production may keep prices above historic levels for the next 10 years
and could affect food aid.
In a scenario that takes into account a planned and predictable
biofuel expansion in some countries, the US-based International Food
Policy Research Institute (IFPRI) projected maize prices rising by
more than 20 percent by 2020, and more than 71 percent in a drastic
expansion scenario.
In both scenarios, the increase in crop prices resulting from expanded
biofuel production is also accompanied by a net decrease in
availability and access to food. "Food-calorie consumption decreases
the most in sub-Saharan Africa, where calorie availability is
projected to fall by more than eight percent if biofuels expand
drastically," said the IFPRI paper, The World Food Situation: New
Driving Forces and Required Actions, by Joachim von Braun.
A paper by the International Fund for Agricultural Development (IFAD)
for a round-table discussion at the 31st session of IFAD's Governing
Council on 14 February, commented, "Some nutrition studies show that
the number of food-insecure people in the world would rise by more
than 16 million for every percentage increase in the real prices of
staple foods, meaning that 1.2 billion people could be chronically
hungry by 2025; 600 million more than previously predicted."
Recent oil price increases have had devastating effects on many of the
world's poor countries: of the 50 poorest, 38 are net importers of
petroleum and 25 import all their petroleum requirements. Some now
spend up to six times as much on fuel as they do on health, while
others spend double the amount allocated to poverty reduction on
fuels, according to Sustainable Bioenergy: A Framework for Decision
Makers, released by the UN.
"Many of these poor countries lie in tropical zones where relatively
low-cost biofuel crops, such as sugar cane and oil palm, already
grow," said the UN framework. In 2006, 13 African countries formed the
Pan-African Non-Petroleum Producers Association, aimed in part at
developing a biofuels industry in the continent.
Global bio-ethanol production was around 40 billion litres in 2006,
with 90 percent produced in Brazil and the United States, while more
than 6 billion litres of bio-diesel was produced, 75 percent of it in
the European Union, mainly in France and Germany, according to the
IFAD paper, Biofuel Expansion: Challenges, Risks and Opportunities for
Rural Poor People.
Many developing countries have already launched biofuel programmes
based on agricultural feedstocks: bio-diesel from palm oil in
Indonesia and Malaysia, and from oil-rich, inedible plants such as
jatropha and pongamia in India; bio-ethanol from sugarcane in
Mozambique and several Latin American countries, such as Honduras,
Nicaragua and Panama.
The IFAD paper pointed out that, historically, agricultural prices
have been affected by the cost of inputs based on fossil fuels, such
as diesel, fertilisers and pesticides, especially in countries
applying intensive farming practices, which eventually lower output.
"Now, with rising energy prices and improved bio-energy conversion
technologies, energy prices and feedstock prices are increasingly
being linked. These linkages are more readily visible in the more
integrated markets of sugar and bio-ethanol in Brazil, but most
probably will soon emerge in other feedstock prices as well."
The FAO projected that over the next 15 to 20 years biofuels could be
the source of 25 percent of the world's energy needs. The UN agency is
also concerned that the demand for biofuels could increase the
quantity of land being diverted for feedstock production, and
estimated that the roughly one percent of the world's arable land used
for biofuel development at present could rise to 3 percent by 2030,
and as much as 20 percent by 2050.
How the tool works
The FAO's analytical framework links existing analytical tools, such
as models or assessments for making specific analyses required to
investigate the effects of bioenergy production on food security.
A bioenergy development scenario is set up, in which the FAO helps
governments define their bioenergy policy options and the various
possible strategies for achieving those options.
In five steps, the framework then makes it possible to assess the
technical biomass potential, biomass production costs, the economic
bioenergy potential, macro-economic consequences, and national and
household-level impact and the consequences for food security.
Analysis of the results makes it possible to determine the actual
bioenergy potential, and which households are most vulnerable and thus
at risk of food insecurity.
Existing mathematical modelling tools such as Quickscan, which
calculates global bioenergy potential to 2050, and the FAO's COSIMO,
which models the agricultural sector in a large number of developing
countries, will be used to generate the results.
Green fuel benefits
The IFAD paper pointed out that biofuels could help mitigate climate
change and reduce dependence on oil in the transportation sector.
"They can also have a positive impact on the limited foreign exchange
reserves of many developing countries. When well managed, they also
offer large new markets for higher priced products for agricultural
producers that could stimulate rural growth and farm incomes."
Biofuel production could be especially beneficial to poor producers,
particularly in remote areas that are far from the consumption
centres, where inputs are more expensive and prices lower, making food
production, by and large, noncompetitive, according to the IFAD paper.
Farmers in these areas could plant crops that do not compete with
production of food crops - such as jatropha and pongamia, or
multiple-use, low water-usage crops such as sweet sorghum and cassava
- that could meet the varied needs of small producers for food, cash
income and animal feed.
IFAD's paper also noted that "Other biofuel crops, such as tropical
sugar beet, are as efficient as sugar cane in producing bio-ethanol
but require far less water and, most importantly, can grow in alkaline
or sodic soils (containing sufficient exchangeable sodium to interfere
with the growth of plants, including crops) that are basically
unsuitable for food crop production."
______________________________
9. COSATU Demands Democratic Polls in Zimbabwe. The Zimbabwean,
Saturday, 8 March, 2008.
The South African powerful COSATU trade union movement on Friday led
marches in Pretoria to demand free and fair elections in Zimbabwe and
Swaziland, the two trouble spots of southern Africa.
Swaziland - African last absolute monarchy holds parliamentary
polls in October, while Zimbabwe, where President Robert Mugabe is
accused of stealing elections, votes for a new president, parliament
and local councils on March 29. In a petition to the government of
Zimbabwe, the marchers who included Zimbabweans and Swazis based in
South Africa accused Mugabe?s government of rigging elections and of
disregarding efforts by regional leaders to mediate a democratic
solution to Zimbabwe?s crisis.
- We strongly condemn your predetermination of harmonised elections of
Zimbabwe planned for March 29, the petition said. "Your government
has demonstrated blatant disregard of agreements reached through
dialogue and made a mockery of the SADC (Southern African Development
Community) mediation process", it said. Officials at the Zimbabwe
embassy in Pretoria refused to accept the petition and police had to
disperse the about 500 marchers who had gathered outside the embassy
premises.
The Zimbabwe Ambassador Simon Khaya Moyo, who has frequently insisted
the country polls will be free and fair, was unavailable for comment
on the matter while officials at the embassy would not say whether he
was in the building. Among other key issues the marchers demanded were
the issue of a new and democratic constitution for Zimbabwe and an
independent electoral commission that would ensure free and fair
polls. They said the Mugabe government should also allow international
observers to witness the month-end polls. Harare has invited 23
African countries and several Asian nations to observe elections but
barred Western countries saying they are biased against Mugabe and his
ruling ZANU PF party.
The Friday marches were held under the banner of the International
Solidarity Forum that includes COSATU and several non-governmental
organizations from South Africa, Zimbabwe and other African countries.
In addition to demanding free polls in Zimbabwe and Swaziland, the
marchers also presented petitions to the Kenyan High Commission and
embassy of Burma demanding an end to post-election violence in the
east African country and tyranny in the Asian nation.
___________________________
10. Elections committee appointed. Timothy Simelane, The Swazi
Newsletter, March 7, 2008.
His Majesty King Mswati III has appointed five people to form the
Election and Boundaries Commission.
The commission will be chaired by Nkamanzi Chief Gija Dlamini who
previously worked for the Swaziland Water Services Commission as an
Electrical Engineer. He will be deputised by Mzwandile Fakudze the
Deputy Attorney General.
Others were identified as Nkosingumenzi Dlamini (daughter to Royal
Praise Singer Prince Mahlaba), Gloria Mamba, a UNISWA lecture on
African Languages and Ncumbi Maziya who works for the Swaziland
National Treasurer.
Announcing the committee, Minister of Justice and Constitutional
Affairs said the they would be in office for 12 years as per the
constitution.
Asked on whether the chairman meets the qualifications for the
position as stated in the Section 90 (6) of the constitution that he
or she should qualify to be a judge, Prince David pointed to the
second part of the criteria, which states the chairman could
alternatively be one of high moral character, proven integrity,
relevant experience and demonstrable competence in the conduct of
public office.
It is on the second part of Section 90, part 6 that Chief Gija
qualifies to be chairman of the commission.
Asked about the fate of the Electoral Commission that has been in
place over the past years, Prince David said 'Our duties were to
announce this committee.' Upon further questioning, the minister said
other people knew nothing about the appointment except the new
committee by the time of the announcement - 9.30 pm.
He further said an announcement would be made next week, whether the
new team will have to leave their areas of employ to work full time in
the Commission. The minister stole from words of the king when he
announced a former prime minister: Inkhosi yatsi kute ligeza laswela
siyela salo - meaning there is no one without blemish.
He said the commission would not be expected to deal with boundaries
between now and the election time because they will have to dedicate
most of their time on the elections.
This duty is usually done by the Independent Electoral Commission in
other countries.
The commission will work independently just as all others such as the
judiciary, anticorruption commission, DPP and others work
independently, he said. The constitution further says the members can
be removed from office in the manner that judges of the superior courts.
Chief Gija has been employed by the Swaziland Water Services
Corporation for the past 20 years after completing his diploma in
electrical engineering at the Swaziland College of Theology (SCOT). He
also went to England where he did his higher diploma.
Ncumbi Maziya hails from KaLanga in Siteki and has works for the
Swaziland National Treasury. He studied in the United States of
America and holds a Masters in Agriculture.
Nkosingumenzi Dlamini works for the ministry of agriculture and
cooperatives as a rural sociologist. She studied at the University of
Swaziland and further went to the University of Queen's Land in
Australia for a Master's degree.
___________________________________________
11. Development in Swaziland: To Relocate or Not To Relocate? James
Hall, IPS 3 March, 2007.
Climate change appears to have permanently altered certain areas of
east and southern Swaziland, where good harvests have not been
achieved for over a decade. Agriculture officials and non-governmental
organisations (NGOs) now question whether these areas can still
support communities.
"Before donor fatigue sets in, we have no choice but to confront the
obvious. Otherwise we can be accused of turning a blind eye," said
Charles Ndwandwe, an agriculture extension officer in the eastern
Lubombo region, which has never fully recovered from a drought that
devastated the country in 1992.
Climate conditions have also been difficult over recent months. IPS
has ascertained that summer rains failed to materialise in Lavumisa,
in the eastern Lubombo.
This has taken a severe toll on harvests of maize, the staple food of
Swaziland. Maize that was planted in the spring months of November and
December is now largely desiccated due to lack of rainfall (the last
measurable rains in the region are said to have fallen on Dec. 27).
To make matters worse, a heat wave struck Lubombo last month,
prompting the National Emergency Relief Council to express concern
about the situation there.
Such difficulties, coupled with the country's small population and the
availability of other land, have prompted suggestions that Swazis
might be relocated in response to persistent drought.
"There are unused government farms in agriculturally viable parts of
the country. Why not relocate families who cannot scratch out an
existence in Lavumisa and depend on food aid year after year? Food aid
should not be a lifestyle. People become dependent," said Walker
Nkambule, a businessman from Manzini, the commercial hub of the country.
Currently there are state farms lying idle that government economic
planners intend incorporating into large-scale agriculture projects
when funding becomes available. They reject proposals to convert the
land into small subsistence farms, claiming this would not be
economically viable.
"Subsistence farming is very traditional but it only supplements
family income from other sources. Nobody can live on it anymore," said
Ndwandwe.
At present, 80 percent of the population resides on small farms
located on communal land that is overseen by chiefs. Government would
like to see farmers combine their fields into larger co-operative
ventures.
Christopher Fakudze, an economist who works with the Ministry of
Natural Resources to develop water needs projections and water
resource management, disagrees with the proposal to abandon drought
prone areas. "Swaziland is geographically a small place, and there is
no reason why we cannot pipe water to where it is needed."
The large scale projects required to pipe in water would be very
expensive, however.
Amidst widespread poverty, few people can afford to move away from
inhospitable land of their own accord. According to the 2007/2008
United Nations Human Development Report, 47.7 percent of people in
Swaziland live on less than a dollar a day -- and 77.8 percent on less
than two dollars a day.
These figures reflect the widespread joblessness in this Southern
African nation; 2007 statistics from the United Nations Food and
Agriculture Organisation put unemployment in Swaziland at up to 40
percent, a figure that includes people who are too discouraged to seek
work.
Mphilo Dube, a 20-year-old resident of Lavumisa, spent three months
trying to find work at the Matsapha Industrial Estate, where the
country's few factories are concentrated, in central Swaziland. "I
gave up when I got tired of going hungry. At least here I am with my
family," Dube said.
Poverty and climatic hardship elicit a stoic response from many Swazis.
"There is a reason that Swaziland is a stable country despite its
humanitarian crisis. The people are conservative. They prefer hardship
to the unknown that change brings," said a political scientist at the
University of Swaziland.
"This is why people stay in those dusty lifeless areas, and why
government policy has been for poverty alleviation where people live,
rather than relocation."
____________________________________________
12. Understanding terrorism in Africa: building bridges and overcoming
the gaps. African Security Analysis Programme, Institute for Security
Studies, 2008
The vision of the Institute for Security Studies (ISS) is one of a
stable and peaceful Africa characterised by sustainable development,
human rights, and the rule of law, democracy and collaborative
security. As an applied policy research institute with a mission to
conceptualise, inform and enhance the debate on human security in
Africa the organization supports policy formulation and decision
making at every level towards the enhancement of human security for
all in Africa. The Institute supports this vision and mission by
undertaking applied research, training and capacity building; working
collaboratively with others; facilitating and supporting policy
formulation; monitoring trends and policy implementation; and
collecting, interpreting and disseminating information.
Introduction:
This report contains papers that were presented at the second of a
series of four seminars on the theme ?understanding terrorism in
Africa?. The seminar, organized jointly by the Institute for Security
Studies (ISS), the Terrorism Studies and Research Programme (TSRP) of
Cairo University, and the African Centerior Strategic Research and
Studies (ACSRS) at the Nigerian National War College, took place at
the University of Cairo from19 and 20 May 2007.
The sub-theme of the seminar, building bridges and overcoming gaps in
the understanding of terrorism in Africa, was one of the
recommendations reached at the first seminar held in Benoni, South
Africa, in November 2006. It posits that, in order to prevent and
combat terrorism in Africa, we must come up with ways of building
bridges across the continent.
Hence, the Cairo seminar had the primary aim of building bridges
between North and sub-Saharan Africa, between Africa and the West, and
between practitioners, scholars or researchers, civil society,
communities and the general public. It was hoped that the process of
building these bridges would also provide opportunities for forging
and strengthening partnerships that are necessary in combating and
preventing terrorism in Africa. Most critical, according to the
participants in the Cairo seminar, is the need to build bridges that
would lead to a common understanding of terrorist threats and the
harmonization of counter-terrorism measures and strategies in Africa.
This report is divided into four parts
The first part contains papers that seek to bridge the gaps in the
definitions and understanding of terrorism in Africa. Mhand Brook?s
paper briefly y outlines some of the common challenges and
contradictions inherent in the definition of terrorism. He emphasizes
that there is currently no widely accepted definition of terrorism and
that most attempts to define it have often been complicated by the
similarity that exists between terrorism (which is a legally
illegitimate expression of beliefs) and resistance (which is legally
legitimate). Anneli Botha examines the African experience of both
domestic and international terrorism and outlines African attempts to
define terrorism through various AU agreements and legislation. She
emphasizes the problematic distinction between resistance and
terrorism and analyses the factors, which both contribute to and
counter terrorism.
The second part of the report explores the impacts of the war on
terrorism on various aspects of society, in particular its ideals,
norms, practices, institutions and processes. Clinton Watts examines
how US counter-terrorism has affected American democracy by examining
four key areas: personal freedoms; political pluralism; the US
judicial system; and political accountability. He argues that, while
terrorism has, in some ways, succeeded in eliciting the exact
repression of democratic rights that it aims to, it has more often
caused US citizens to question their democracy, which is, in itself,
indicative of a healthy democratic process.
Mohamed Kamal argues that terrorism is influenced by a combination of
domestic and international factors, which include the economic, social
and cultural impact of globalization (particularly Western
globalization) and Western foreign policies towards Arab and Islamic
countries. Dr. Kamal examines Egypt?s multi-dimensional
counter-terrorism response to reveal that tackling terrorism requires
many domestic reforms.
Samuel Makinda argues that terrorism, governance and human rights have
a symbiotic relationship. Factors such as human rights abuses and
undemocratic or corrupt governance can cause or facilitate terrorism.
However, these exact same things are often features of
counter-terrorist responses. By examining regional and sub-regional
counter-terrorism responses, Professor Makinda outlines the difficulty
of formulating an effective African counter-terrorism that doesn?t
exacerbate the very terrorism it aims to prevent.
Abdallah Shehata Khattab examines the economic impact of terrorism
around seven key sectors: tourism; direct foreign investment, savings
and consumption; physical capital accumulation and/or investment; the
stock markets; foreign trade; and general economic growth. He finds
that the economic impact of terrorism is greater in the long term in,
for example, the sustained use of state budget money to finance
counter-terrorism state security measures than in the short term in,
for example, the tourism sector or stock market.
Martin Mbugua examines the impact which terrorist attacks in Kenya in
the period between 1998 and 2002, had on the Kenyan economy. He finds
that, although there were significant short-term economic consequences
in the tourism sector after the 1998 US embassy bombing and 2002
Mombassa hotel bombing, tourism bounced back fairly quickly. Mbugua
also finds that, in general, Kenyans perceive the impact of terrorism,
in a country that has many other social, economic and political
problems, as negligible.
Shikaki Ahmed examines the case of three North African countries;
Algeria, Morocco, and Tunisia. He argues that governments often react
to terrorism by imposing harsh counter-terrorism civil society.
Ironically it is only through a vibrant civil society and an active
and open media that these countries can engage in the social discourse
necessary to prevent the dissemination of the extremist ideology that
bolsters terrorism. Ahmed makes several recommendations emphasising
the importance of maintaining an open and free media and a healthy
civil society to counter terrorism.
The third part of the report contains papers that contextualise the
challenges and gaps in combating and preventing in Egypt and African
sub-regions of East, West and Southern Africa. Ismael Adb el Rahman
examines Egyptian legislative counter-terrorism actions by looking at
both the objective criminal legislation used to deal with terrorist
suspects and the procedural rules under which such legislation is
carried out. He concludes that there are some gaps in the legislative
framework and that the current legislation, while often only adhering
to minimum rights standards, is necessary given Egyptian high
vulnerability to terrorism.
Wafula Okumu examines the gaps and challenges in preventing and
combating terrorism in East Africa by focusing on possible factors
contributing to terrorism in region and then outlining the measures
undertaken to counter terrorism. He argues that there are still major
gaps in counter-terrorism policies in East Africa which include: the
lack of a definition of terrorism; a lack of implementation and
commitment; and, most importantly, a focus on state security and
actual terrorist acts, rather than human security and a preventive
approach to the socio-economic conditions which engender terrorism.
Anneli Botha outlines incidences and risks of terrorism in Southern
Africa, as well as the legislative measures including international
legislation and agreements and national legislation counter terrorism
and advocates countering the radical Islamic ideology that engenders
it. He particularly praises the effectiveness of reeducation and
rehabilitation programs, like those of Singapore, and stresses the
necessity of inclusion of and cooperation with Islamic communities.
Karin Kneissl examines terrorism in the European context by drawing
examples from domestic conflicts (Northern Ireland, the Basque region,
and Corsica), political groups on both the right and the left (the Red
Army in Germany), and comparing them to transnational cultural and
political conflicts (Palestine, Libya, Iran and the terrorism in the
Islamic Diaspora). She also examines the EU?s increasingly concerted
response to terrorism.
Donovan Chau analyses the US counter-terrorism strategy by examining
counter-terrorist measures undertaken by agencies at both the state
and federal levels. He describes the procedures of information
gathering, arrest, prevention, and, finally, examines US
counter-terrorism strategy in Africa by focusing on the CJTFHOA mission.
Professor Kent Roach compares Canada?s previously moderate
counter-terrorism measures (particularly in relation to the October
Crisis, Quebec separatism, and 1985 Air India flight bombing) with its
more aggressive post-9/11 legislation and practices. He particularly
focuses on the human rights implications of applying immigration law
(which can seriously infringe on individual human rights and freedoms)
in the place of antiterrorism law in situations involving terrorist
suspects.
Wafula Okumu
Head: African Security Analysis Programme, Institute for Security
Studies, 2008, PO Box 1787, Brooklyn Square, Tshwane (Pretoria), 0075
SOUTH AFRICA, email: pubs@..., web: www.issafrica.org.
____________________________________________________
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Swaziland @ Newsletter 58
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_______________________________________
1. Nhlagono police station petrol bombed. Starsky Mkhonta, Swazi
Observer March 3, 2008
2. 16 000 textile workers vote to strike. Fanyana Mabuza, Weekend
Obeserver (Mbabane), March 1, 2008.
3. Parliament marquee petrol bombed before opening session. Sihle
Mavuso (Lobamba), Swazi News Feb 16, 2008.
4. SADC to meet Mandelson on 'divisive' EPAs. Mmegi/The Reporter
(Gaborone), Distributed by AllAfrica Global Media (allAfrica.com), 3
March 2008.
5. To Relocate Or Not to Relocate? Inter Press Service (Johannesburg),
James Hall (Mbabane), 3 March 2008
6. Political will needed to check hunger. Rome, 21 February 2008 (IRIN).
7. Aggrieved soldiers form secret union. Arthur Mordaunt, Times of
Swaziland (Mbabane), February 20, 2008.
8. Giving orphans "some time of real childhood". Mbabane, 20 February (IRIN).
9. One year since Swaziland's "Afrol affair", Rainer Chr. Hennig,
afrol News, 25 February 2008.
10. IMF Executive Board Concludes 2007 Article IV Consultation with
the Kingdom of Swaziland
Public Information Notice (PIN) No. 08/21, February 19, 2008.
11. Court stays execution of defamation judgement on magazine. Media
Institute of Southern Africa (Windhoek), 28 February 2008.
12. Third International Policy Conference on the African Child Poverty
in Africa. African Child Policy Forum (ACPF). United Nations
Conference Centre, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. 12 - 13 May 2008
13. Open invitation to all internationalists: April 12 border blockade
at South African border gates with Swaziland. Join the Swaziland
Solidarity Network action in solidarity with the people of Swaziland.
Contact Swaziland Solidarity Network Head Office: Lucky Lukhele: 072
502 4141, Nkululeko Dlamini: 082 792 3165. Tel: 011 339 3621. Fax: 011
339 4244. Email: ssnnetwork@...
________________________________________
1. Nhlagono police station petrol bombed. Starsky Mkhonta, Swazi
Observer March 3, 2008
Terrorists have been blamed for yesterday morning's attempt to bomb
the Shiselweni Regional Police headquarters and the Nhlangano Police
Station.The government building was doused with petrol and set alight
- but police officers managed to arrest the fire before such flames
could reach the petrol tanks. Plastic drums still filled with petrol
were also found at the scene.
The culprits gained entrance through a fence. It is said petrol bombs
were thrown all over as well. Police spokesman, Vusi Masuku described
yesterday morning's incident as a despicable act of terror, vowing all
leads would be followed until the culprits are brought to book. He
mentioned that forensic evidence has been collected.
"We condemn this act of terror. Terror is a global enemy and these
culprits would be found and would face the full wrath of the law." He
said those information should assist the police in tracking the petrol
bombers.
_________________________________________
2. 16 000 textile workers vote to strike. Fanyana Mabuza, Weekend
Obeserver (Mbabane), March 1, 2008.
Almost 16 000 workers in the country's textile sector will embark on a
massive strike, come Monday. This comes after the completion of a
ballot exercise, conducted by the Commission for Mediation and
Arbitration Commission CMAC in almost all the textile companies in the
countries. The workers, who are affiliates of the Swaziland
Manufacturing and Allied Workers (SMAWU), 17 000 in total, voted an
overwhelming 93 percent for the strike, while six percent were against
it and one percent abstained.
There are at least 17 000 workers employed in textile firms in
Matsapha and Nhlangano. This then means that 93 percent translates to
15 810 workers who are for the strike.
The results of the balloting exercise were released by CMAC yesterday
and communicated to the stakeholders.
The balloting exercise came about after negotiations over a salary
increase between SMAWU and the Swaziland Textile Employers Association
STEA, stalled last month.
According to the SMAWU leadership, the balloting exercise was the last
step towards solving the impasse after a certificate of an unresolved
dispute was issued by CMAC late last month.
The balloting exercise began last Monday and was completed on
Wednesday, with the results being released yesterday, after the vote
counting exercise. SMAWU Secretary General Alex Fakudze, when called
for comment yesterday expressed his excitement over the results,
saying it was a victory for the workers, who have suffered for a long
time under slave labour and getting slave wages.
Last Wednesday, the Textile Exporters, through a spokesperson slammed
the Union, for what it termed 'irresponsible demands'. They also
appealed for rationality, saying they were also going through a
difficult and lean period in the industry with markets fluctuating.
But Fakudze was adamant that the ballot result was not the workers
will, but a reflection of the horrid conditions and salaries the
workers were labouring under.
"It is all systems go for the strike. We have to tie a few loose ends
like informing the police and asking for their cooperation over this
matter. The 48 hours we have given to STEA, the Labour Commissioner,
and CMAC will have passed by Monday and we will begin our industrial
action which will no doubt bring the industry into a standstill.But if
they can call us back to the table, we will agree, but only before
Monday."
Fakudze stated that the textile workers had gone for a long time
without wage increases, despite their meagre salaries. "The last time
the workers got a pay adjustment was in 2005, which was 4.7percent and
way below the inflation rate. We are demanding 12 percent this time
around, and we are not budging. In reality, even if we can demand 70
percent, it would not make much difference, when looking at the paltry
salaries the workers are currently getting."
Fakudze closed by stating that the workers were long informed of the
pending strike, and they will be informed through the media, that
Monday, that the strike begins.
"Logistics were long taken care of. The workers have only been waiting
for the ballot result. In fact, as we speak, they know what to do come
Monday?.
Yesterday, the Minister of Enterprise and Employment was expected to
make an announcement over the strike action. First a press conference
he had called at his offices floundered for unknown reasons, and later
he instructed journalists to accompany him to the national radio where
he would issue the statement.
But new developments over the issue arose and he had to attend to
them, thus scrapping off even the radio announcement. He is expected
to make a full statement today.
________________________________________
3. Parliament marquee petrol bombed before opening session. Sihle
Mavuso (Lobamba), Swazi News Feb 16, 2008.
The marquee which was set up in Parliament for its official opening
last week Friday was petrol-bombed on the eve of the ceremony.
Ironically, the place was supposed to be under 24 hours surveillance,
more especially because His Majesty King Mswati III and other
dignitaries were going to be there the next morning for the official
opening of Parliament.
This newspaper has it in authority that unknown people threw a petrol
bomb over the fence in Parliament and hit the marquee, which was
slightly damaged. Fortunately the petrol bomb did not explode but
instead fell to the ground and burnt a smaller portion of the tent,
grass and the fire was put out before it did much damage.
The criminals eluded a joint security team by the Umbutfo Swaziland
Defence Force and the Royal Swaziland Police.
This matter has remained a top secret and it was agreed that it be
kept under wraps as it was felt that it may jeopardise the opening of
Parliament. It has been gathered that police are spending sleepless
nights in a bid to book the offender(s).
The Swazi News can reveal that the arsonist hit at around 1am and from
the position where the bomb dropped, it is suspected that they were
standing by the traffic circle next to the Parliament building.
The country has just recovered from a spate of similar bombings where
15 members of the banned political party, the People United Democratic
Movement, (PUDEMO) were arrested. They are currently out on E5 000
bail each. The matter has been pending before court for over a year now.
__________________________________________
4. SADC to meet Mandelson on 'divisive' EPAs. Mmegi/The Reporter
(Gaborone), Distributed by AllAfrica Global Media (allAfrica.com), 3
March 2008.
The Economic Partnership Agreement (EPA) group of SADC will meet with
the European Commissioner for Trade Peter Mandelson at the Phakalane
Golf Estate Hotel Resort tomorrow.
In a joint statement issued in Gaborone, the SADC secretariat and
European Commission say the meeting will focus on negotiations for a
full EU-SADC EPA, including liberalisation of trade in services and
rules on investments as well as the implementation of the current
Interim EU-SADC EPA on trade in goods.
The South African media last week warned that SACU faced collapse
after Botswana, Lesotho, Namibia and Swaziland broke ranks with SA and
signed the interim agreement.
But South Africa's chief trade negotiator, Xavier Carim, said: "None
of us are looking at the break-up of the customs union. We will try to
go forward in a way that will not undermine the benefits achieved by
the other countries, but also not undermine Namibia and SA's
positions. The EU has indicated it is prepared to address some of the
problematic issues."
But a Johannesburg newspaper Business Day was insisting that
implementation of the interim agreement was being hampered by SA's
decision to opt out. It said because of conflicting tariff regimes
resulting from SA's opting out, the region would have difficulty
enforcing common external tariffs. For instance, the EU agreed to
reinstate a five percent tariff on beer to shield Namibian brewers
against European imports.
But with SA not party to the agreement, beer imports into SA attract
no tariff, creating a loophole to circumvent the tariff.
Observers fear the meeting, the first since the signing of the Interim
EPA on November 23 last year, is likely to drive a wedge between SADC
countries belonging to the South African Customs Union (SACU) -
Botswana, Lesotho, Swaziland, South Africa, Namibia and Mozambique.
South Africa and Namibia declined signing, while Botswana, alongside
Lesotho, Swaziland and Mozambique, assented.
The interim agreement was limited to goods, while negotiations for
services and rules on investment were to start this year.
While the EU has agreed to import goods on a duty-free and quota-free
basis except for a transition period for rice and sugar, SADC member
states have up to 2018 to dismantle tariffs on products they have
agreed to liberalise.
SADC countries have safeguarded some sensitive products, such as
Botswana's beef, on which the economic bloc will not tolerate any
tariff reductions.
Current parties to the agreement, except Namibia, have agreed to
continue negotiations for a full EPA, including liberalisation of
trade in services and rules on investments, with a view to concluding
negotiations by end of 2008.
___________________________________________
5. To relocate or not to relocate? Inter Press Service (Johannesburg),
James Hall (Mbabane), 3 March 2008.
Climate change appears to have permanently altered certain areas of
east and southern Swaziland, where good harvests have not been
achieved for over a decade. Agriculture officials and non-governmental
organisations (NGOs) now question whether these areas can still
support communities.
"Before donor fatigue sets in, we have no choice but to confront the
obvious. Otherwise we can be accused of turning a blind eye," said
Charles Ndwandwe, an agriculture extension officer in the eastern
Lubombo region, which has never fully recovered from a drought that
devastated the country in 1992.
Climate conditions have also been difficult over recent months. IPS
has ascertained that summer rains failed to materialise in Lavumisa,
in the eastern Lubombo.
This has taken a severe toll on harvests of maize, the staple food of
Swaziland. Maize that was planted in the spring months of November and
December is now largely desiccated due to lack of rainfall (the last
measurable rains in the region are said to have fallen on Dec. 27).
To make matters worse, a heat wave struck Lubombo last month,
prompting the National Emergency Relief Council to express concern
about the situation there.
Such difficulties, coupled with the country's small population and the
availability of other land, have prompted suggestions that Swazis
might be relocated in response to persistent drought.
"There are unused government farms in agriculturally viable parts of
the country. Why not relocate families who cannot scratch out an
existence in Lavumisa and depend on food aid year after year? Food aid
should not be a lifestyle. People become dependent," said Walker
Nkambule, a businessman from Manzini, the commercial hub of the country.
Currently there are state farms lying idle that government economic
planners intend incorporating into large-scale agriculture projects
when funding becomes available. They reject proposals to convert the
land into small subsistence farms, claiming this would not be
economically viable.
"Subsistence farming is very traditional but it only supplements
family income from other sources. Nobody can live on it anymore," said
Ndwandwe.
At present, 80 percent of the population resides on small farms
located on communal land that is overseen by chiefs. Government would
like to see farmers combine their fields into larger co-operative
ventures.
Christopher Fakudze, an economist who works with the Ministry of
Natural Resources to develop water needs projections and water
resource management, disagrees with the proposal to abandon drought
prone areas. "Swaziland is geographically a small place, and there is
no reason why we cannot pipe water to where it is needed."
The large scale projects required to pipe in water would be very
expensive, however.
Amidst widespread poverty, few people can afford to move away from
inhospitable land of their own accord. According to the 2007/2008
United Nations Human Development Report, 47.7 percent of people in
Swaziland live on less than a dollar a day -- and 77.8 percent on less
than two dollars a day.
These figures reflect the widespread joblessness in this Southern
African nation; 2007 statistics from the United Nations Food and
Agriculture Organisation put unemployment in Swaziland at up to 40
percent, a figure that includes people who are too discouraged to seek
work.
Mphilo Dube, a 20-year-old resident of Lavumisa, spent three months
trying to find work at the Matsapha Industrial Estate, where the
country's few factories are concentrated, in central Swaziland. "I
gave up when I got tired of going hungry. At least here I am with my
family," Dube said.
Poverty and climatic hardship elicit a stoic response from many Swazis.
"There is a reason that Swaziland is a stable country despite its
humanitarian crisis. The people are conservative. They prefer hardship
to the unknown that change brings," said a political scientist at the
University of Swaziland.
"This is why people stay in those dusty lifeless areas, and why
government policy has been for poverty alleviation where people live,
rather than relocation."
_______________________________
6. Political will needed to check hunger. Rome, 21 February 2008 (IRIN).
The lack of political will to invest in agriculture has affected the
chances of halving poverty and hunger in Africa by 2015, according to
a senior United Nations official.
"Investment in agriculture, more than other sectors, provides four
times the returns," said Kanayo Nwanze, vice-president of the
International Fund for Agricultural Development, a UN agency working
to end rural poverty.
"There are some countries, like Ghana, which have made tremendous
progress in the last seven years, and Uganda; we could have listed
Kenya [prior to the current political crisis] which are likely to
reach the Millennium Development Goal to halve poverty and hunger by
2015."
Three out of four poor people in developing countries - 883 million -
lived in rural areas in 2002, according to the World Development
Report: Agriculture for Development, the World Bank's flagship
2007report on agriculture.
"Most depend on agriculture for their livelihoods, directly or
indirectly, so a more dynamic and inclusive agriculture could
dramatically reduce rural poverty, helping to meet the Millennium
Development Goal on poverty and hunger," said the Bank's first
analysis of agriculture since 1982, which cited several success
stories to illustrate its point that investing in food production can
reduce poverty.
Africa has had some success, particularly in Ghana, where agriculture
drove the poverty rate down from 51.7 percent in 1991/92 to 39.5
percent in 1998/99, and then to 28.5 percent. Between 2001 and 2005,
agriculture grew at 5.7 percent a year, faster than the overall gross
domestic product of 5.2 percent.
Since 2001, smallholder-based cocoa production has contributed about
30 percent of agricultural expansion, and "Ghana has also enjoyed
strong growth in horticulture (almost 9 percent of total exports in
2006) driven mostly by pineapples," the World Bank report noted.
Uganda adopted economic policies that have resulted in a boom in
coffee production.
Asia provides many more examples of effective policy decisions by
governments boosting agricultural growth: in Vietnam, land reform, and
trade and price liberalisation were implemented; in Bangladesh new
technologies have brought rising rural farm and non-farm earnings,
with lower prices for rice, the staple food.
"Agriculture was also the key to China's massive and unprecedented
reduction in rural poverty, and to India's slower but still
substantial long-term decline [in the number of rural poor]," the
World Bank report pointed out.
Asia is reaping the fruits of the green revolution in the 1970s, while
African leaders failed to tap into that momentum, Nwanze said. "Look
at India - in the 1960s it was listed as a hopeless case, while in the
same period not a single African country was listed as food insecure.
Thirty years later India became a food exporter and look at Africa."
Asian governments provided farmers with credit, price support, and
input subsidies. "In sub-Saharan Africa, governments also intervened
heavily in markets, but agriculture was taxed more than in other
regions - and it still is," the World Bank report commented.
Although Kenya, Malawi, Zambia and Zimbabwe initiated maize-based
revolutions using hybrid seed and fertiliser, the programmes have been
difficult to sustain due to high marketing costs, fiscal drain and
frequent weather shocks.
Much needs to be done
Besides reducing poverty, Africa needs to invest in agriculture, as
demand for food is expected to reach $100 billion by 2015, double the
level in 2000.
The report suggested improved price incentives, increasing the quality
and quantity of public investment; greater efficiency in product
markets; effective access to financial services, with reduced exposure
to uninsured risks; enhancing the performance of producer
organisations; and promoting innovation through science and
technology. Agriculture should be made more sustainable and a provider
of environmental services.
A recent joint report by the US-based Michigan State University and
the US Agency for International Development (USAID) attempted to take
a closer look at the challenges faced by smallholder farmers in Africa
and why an "African green revolution" has not happened yet.
"While many farms in Asia were similarly very small at the time of
their green revolutions, many of them enjoyed irrigation, higher
returns to fertiliser that could be achieved with water control, and
more than one cropping season," said authors Thom Jayne, professor of
international development at Michigan State University; David Mather,
formerly at Michigan State University; and the World Bank's Elliot
Mghenyi.
"These factors substantially improved Asian land productivity, and
partially relieved the severity of the land constraint among small
farms. By contrast, the vast majority of African farms are dependent
on rain and one crop season per year. "
Nwanze noted that "In Africa, unlike Asia, you have a very patchy
farming system - it is not homogenous, like Asia." The colonial legacy
had left much of Africa with severe land inequalities between
smallholders, large-scale or state-owned farms, highlighting the need
for land reform.
The World Bank report also listed the need for infrastructure
development, the lack of which has increased transaction costs and
market risks, and investment in fertilisers and irrigation.
About 75 percent of the farmland in Africa is affected by severe
mining of soil nutrients, and in Sub-Saharan Africa only four percent
of crop area is irrigated, a fraction of that in Asia.
A lack of investment in research and development is another obstacle.
The main green revolution cereals in Asia were wheat and rice, largely
irrigated; sub-Saharan Africa uses a wide range of farming systems and
a broad number of staples. Improved varieties for many different crops
would be needed to increase productivity.
Technologies developed in other parts of the world were often not
directly transferable, and Africa-specific technologies would be
required to improve the region's agricultural productivity.
__________________
7. Aggrieved soldiers form secret union. Arthur Mordaunt, Times of
Swaziland (Mbabane), February 20, 2008.
Following failed attempts to set up a legitimate union, aggrieved
soldiers are now alleged to be in a move to operate through an
underground organisation.
Although officially the army is not aware of the organisation, the
Times and several other organisations have received documents claiming
its underground existence.
The group goes by the name of Swaziland Revolution and Liberation
Force (SRLF), alias Sagila Sesive and it comprises "oppressed
officers, discharged members of the force, unfairly discharged troops
and young men rejected at recruitment."
The army chiefs have since been informed of the secret moves and have
launched investigations into the reports.
It is not clear whether this new formation is a political organisation
or a labour movement, but it has declared that it is an underground
movement. So secretive is this organisation that even its
documentation, particularly that which is meant as correspondence
between Sagila Sesive and its sympathisers is handwritten.
This, states the organisation, is meant to avoid being traced, taking
into consideration the supposedly advanced technology used by
intelligence agencies in the country.
The Times is in the possession of copies of some of this
correspondence, which had been written to some local political and
labour organisations, notifying them of Sagila's existence. The army,
King's Office and two government ministries (Foreign Affairs and
Public Service) have also been informed.
Notified
Externally, the American government (through its embassy), the African
National Congress (ANC) as well as the United Nations (UN) have been
notified.
Sagila Sesive (The country's knobkerrie) is also aimed at fighting
alleged corruption within the ranks of the Umbutfo Swaziland Defence
Force (USDF).
The organisation stated that it was not happy about certain leaders in
the army. It also stated that it sympathised and shared a similar
vision with those who are against the Tinkhundla system of governance.
Part of its mission cannot be repeated due to national security
interests. National Public Service and Allied Workers Union (NAPSAWU)
Secretary General Vincent Dlamini said they had not formally received
the correspondence, but said it was an interesting idea, which would
be dealt with once they had seen the correspondence. His counterpart
at Swaziland Federation of Trade Unions (SFTU), Jan Sithole, also
stated that they had not seen the notification.
Army Public Relations Officer Captain Khanya Dlamini also said his
office had not received the correspondence, but later said they were
going to launch serious investigations into the matter. He said he had
already briefed some of the army superiors about the issue.
Principal Secretary in the Foreign Affairs Ministry Clifford Mamba
said he was currently out of the country and, therefore, was not aware
of the letter. His ministry is in charge of the army.
_______________________________
8. Giving orphans "some time of real childhood". Mbabane, 20 February (IRIN).
The hubbub generated by the 70-odd children tearing around a sunny
three-room building belies their vulnerability: most of them have been
orphaned as a result of Swaziland's AIDS pandemic, but here they have
found safety and support.
Ngwane Park Care Point, set in a large yard, was the first urban
neighbourhood pre-school in Manzini, Swaziland's commercial centre,
but six others have been established in the past two years. Besides
the 70 children that attend classes, 350 drop in for the day's main
meal, served at 2.00 p.m.
With 30 percent of Swazi children having lost one or both parents due
to AIDS, the neighbourhood care points have become a real refuge.
"This is particularly true in towns, where children can get lost. This
is a community care point, and that means it is sponsored by the
community," said Banele Mnisi, 26, a volunteer teacher.
"I teach them basics like the alphabet, days of the week, simple math
and writing ... But mostly it is about socialising, bringing these
kids out of their isolation," said her colleague, Cindi Mdluli. "Each
community has an 'action group' of adult volunteers who look after a
centre. They go out and locate all the orphans and vulnerable children
and bring them here."
Both teachers earn a volunteer's monthly allowance of just US$66, but
say their lives have been uplifted by the work. For the children, a
guaranteed hot meal five days a week is a powerful motivation for
attending.
"We would like to provide meals seven days a week. Obtaining food is
not a problem, the World Food Programme [WFP] is a provider, and so is
AMICAALL [the Alliance of Mayors' Initiative on Community Action on
AIDS at the Local Level]; many Manzini businesses contribute food,
people bring vegetables from their home gardens, and fruits," said
Khanyisile Mamba, a programme officer for AMICAALL.
"The challenge is getting allowances for the cooks," explained Zelda
Nhlabatsi, who coordinates AMICAALL's AIDS programmes in Manzini.
"They work hard and are volunteers, and they see the weekends as
rest-time. If we could fund a modest pay for them, the children could
come even on Saturday and Sunday, and use the grounds for play and
recreation."
Samuel Dlamini, 6, is the son of a single mother; his attendance at
the care point lessens the danger and isolation of staying alone at
home. Healthy and boisterous, like other children his age, he had just
intervened in an altercation where an older girl was bullying a
younger child.
"I told them to break it up, and settle their fight in the wrestling
ring if they want. They laughed and called me muscle head," he said,
proudly pointing to his T-shirt showing a muscle-bound Latino
wrestler. "That's part of the socialisation process. It's what the
care point is all about," said teacher Mdluli.
Health as well
Healthcare is equally important. Children's Cup, an organisation
supported by a US-based religious group, is a principal sponsor of the
growing network of Manzini neighbourhood centres. It operates a clinic
in the peri-urban area of Manzini and has a van that visits all the
care points daily, transporting children with minor ailments to the
clinic.
"Children with more serious problems, and children with HIV or AIDS,
are taken to the [specialist] Baylor Clinic in [the capital] Mbabane,"
said AMICAALL's Mamba. Children's Cup also provides food and other
support to the care points themselves.
"We are focusing on the peri-urban areas because these are growing.
Urban migration is bringing people to town in search of jobs, and they
stay at informal settlements, which is hard on children," said
Nhlabatsi. She is working to sign up the two newest care points with
WFP and other donor agencies so the children can be entitled to
assistance.
Despite all the goodwill, the centres face serious challenges,
reflecting the poverty in the neighbourhoods. "None of the care points
have electricity. We can't install electricity until we have a
guarantee that the community will pay for it, the way they have agreed
to pay the water bills. But the action committees are having a hard
time collecting money for the water. It's a struggle," said Mamba.
"Without water we are not able to cook," said Gogo Zwane, the head
cook at Ngwane Park. She and her assistants keep two huge three-legged
iron pots simmering with porridge, beans and cabbage, the children's
staple meal. "These care points are so important because they keep
kids from falling through the cracks - they give to these children
some time of real childhood. It's lovely to be here."
______________________________
9. One year since Swaziland's "Afrol affair", Rainer Chr. Hennig,
afrol News, 25 February 2008.
This week marks the one-year anniversary of the "Afrol affair" in
Swaziland, as Swazi media were obliged to apologise to King Mswati III
over a reprinted news story originating from afrol News. According to
media analysts, the apology and retraction of the "insulting" news
story caused a big blow to press freedom in the authoritarian kingdom.
On 18 March 2007, the 'Times of Swaziland Sunday' carried a story from
afrol News about the findings of a recent study by the International
Monetary Fund (IMF) that included the afrol News editors' analysis of
the IMF evaluation. The analysis criticised the Swazi government and
King for excessive spending on any issue not related to tackle the
poverty, AIDS and droughts plaguing the Swazi population. After
pressure, the 'Times' issued an apology on 22 March, and the 'Times
Sunday' issued the same apology on 25 March.
The original IMF study summarised the 2006-07 economic situation of
Swaziland. It concluded that Swaziland has very low GDP growth due to
"a substantial real appreciation of the lilangeni during 2002-04,
erosion of trade preferences, recurrent drought, and stagnant
investment." While the IMF report did not mention the King or the
royal family, it did refer to "rising government expenditures" as one
source of the problem. The afrol News analysis went into this issue,
which was understood as a rather sharp criticism by the typically very
diplomatic IMF reports.
The analysis thus intimated that the problems facing Swaziland, which
the IMF were referring to, stemmed from "poor governance, corruption
and the private spending of authoritarian King Mswati III and his
large royal family." It also stated that there was a "lessening
interest of donors to support King Mswati's regime." This analysis
leaned on afrol News' previous reporting on Swaziland and referred to
well-known incidents and trends.
This analysis was reprinted by the 'Times of Swaziland Sunday'. The
'Times' is known as the most independent media in Swaziland, a country
where most of the press is controlled by government and where
"independent" media only survive when practicing self-censorship. The
'Times' since 2001, thus part of a Southern Africa media network, has
had the right to freely republish afrol News articles and analyses.
The 'Times', also the most sold Swazi newspaper, has been in constant
trouble with royal authorities, leading it to censor its reporting.
Also the controversial afrol News article was significantly censored
by the 'Times'. The original article goes on to say this: "There is
little confidence in Swaziland's future as long as long-awaited
democratic reforms are not carried out. Investors and donors expect
that a revolution may be around the corner and prefer to do their
deals with the next, democratic rulers of Swaziland." This was not
reprinted by the 'Times'.
Still, the article caused government fury. King Mswati III himself
demanded a retraction and an excuse from the 'Times' publisher.
Otherwise, he threatened, the independent media house "African Echo",
the group that owns the 'Times', would be shut down.
'Time' publisher Paul Loffler and the managing editor were faced with
an ultimatum. They thus did not wait long to publish an apology,
stating that the article was "disparaging to the person of His Majesty
in its content, greatly embarrassed him and should not have" been
published.
Media analysts deplored the quick and total apology by the Swazi
editor. The influential Media Institute of Southern Africa (MISA) held
that the "Times of Swaziland fail[ed] the Swazi people," claiming the
last independent newspaper in the Kingdom had "given up the fight for
media freedom. This is a great disservice to the Swazi people," it
added.
In its monitoring of the media freedom and freedom of expression
environment in Swaziland, MISA Swaziland during the last years
increasingly has reported on attempts by the palace to curtail
independent reporting by media through sheer intimidation. The press
freedom group held that the "interactions between a Head of State and
the publisher of the country?s main newspaper" in the affair one year
ago was "evidence of major editorial interference."
MISA said the issues raised in the controversial article should be "a
matter of debate for the public and economists in Swaziland," adding
that the newspaper was "obliged" to inform the public about the
analysis made.
The warnings issued by MISA in March 2007 only partly have proven to
fulfil. The 'Times' still remains the most independent media of
Swaziland, still "crossing the line" of freedom tolerated by the royal
government when deemed necessary to inform the people. Equally,
government attacks and interference have not decreased.
On 27 January this year, the 'Times' again revealed excessive personal
spending by the government as Prime Minister Themba Dlamini took his
pastor with him when he went on a government-paid trip to the Bahamas.
Two days after, the 'Times' had "a grovelling front page apology to
the Prime Minister, the Swazi Cabinet and just about everybody else,"
according to the 'Swaziland Media Commentary'.
__________________________
10. IMF Executive Board Concludes 2007 Article IV Consultation with
the Kingdom of Swaziland. Public Information Notice (PIN) No. 08/21,
February 19, 2008.
Public Information Notices (PINs) form part of IMF efforts to promote
transparency of IMF views and analysis of economic developments and
policies. With the consent of the country (or countries) concerned,
PINs are issued after Executive Board discussions of Article IV
consultations with member countries, of its surveillance of
developments at the regional level, of post-program
monitoring, and of ex post assessments of member countries with
longer-term program engagements. PINs are also issued after Executive
Board discussions of general policy matters, unless otherwise decided
by the Executive Board in a particular case.
On February 6, 2008, the Executive Board of the International Monetary
Fund (IMF) concluded the Article IV consultation with the Kingdom of
Swaziland.
Background
The Swazi economy remains stagnant. Real GDP growth has averaged just
over 2 percent in the past six years. Per capita GDP growth is lagging
behind other members of the Southern African Customs Union (SACU), and
low and lower-middle income countries. The slow pace of economic
reforms has worsened the investment climate, and the erosion of
preferential treatment for Swaziland?s exports of textile and sugar,
combined with declining competitiveness and weak institutional
capacity have further contributed to the weakened output performance.
Years of persistently low growth have led to stubbornly high poverty,
inequality and unemployment, and Swaziland has a high prevalence of
HIV/AIDS.
High SACU revenue contributed to a record fiscal surplus and
accumulation of international reserves to 3.4 months of imports.
Despite stronger import growth, the external current account deficit
narrowed in 2007, owing to stronger demand for Swaziland?s major
export, soft drink concentrate, the extension of the African Growth
and Opportunity Act (AGOA), which benefited exports of textiles, and
higher SACU transfers. Inflation has risen sharply since 2006
reflecting rising food and oil prices.
Broad money has expanded sharply during the past two years, mainly
reflecting the rise in net foreign assets of the banking system. While
credit to the government has declined, due to the surpluses arising
from SACU receipts, growth in lending to the private sector slowed
only moderately from 22 percent in 2006 to 19 percent in 2007.
The outlook is subject to several risks arising out of the uncertainty
surrounding SACU revenues, the external environment and emerging
financial sector vulnerabilities.
Executive Board Assessment
Executive Directors expressed concern that Swaziland?s economic growth
continues to lag behind that of most other lower middle income
countries. Directors recognized that the HIV/AIDS epidemic, the
erosion of trade preferences, and recurrent droughts, have adversely
affected economic performance. Against this challenging background,
Directors encouraged the authorities to use the window of opportunity
provided by the current high levels of revenues from the SACU to
accelerate reforms aimed at securing macroeconomic stability and
addressing impediments to higher growth and poverty reduction.
Directors emphasized the need to ensure fiscal sustainability and
safeguard priority spending given the expected decline in SACU
revenues after 2010. They recommended that in setting fiscal policy,
the authorities focus on a measure of the fiscal deficit that excludes
SACU revenues, as this would help to highlight the scale of the needed
adjustment and smooth expenditure over the longer term.
Directors considered that the burden of the fiscal adjustment would
have to fall primarily on spending, and in this context, expressed
concern about the sharp increase in expenditures in 2007/08. Directors
stressed the importance of civil service reform and reorienting
spending to priority areas. They also noted that privatization of
enterprises that are currently a burden on the budget could provide
additional fiscal space for much-needed social programs, while
improving the environment for private sector development. Directors
welcomed the ongoing effort to improve expenditure monitoring and
strengthen the Medium-Term Expenditure Framework, which would enhance
budget planning and transparency, and protect pro-growth and pro-poor
spending. They encouraged the authorities to implement the
recommendations of the World Bank?s public expenditure review.
Directors recommended that expenditure savings be complemented, over
time, by improvements in revenue administration and the implementation
of a package of revenue measures, including the introduction of a
Value Added Tax (VAT).
Directors agreed that Swaziland?s monetary and exchange rate regime
has served the country well. The fixed rate of the lilangeni to the
South African rand under the Common Monetary Area is underpinned by
close economic integration with South Africa. To safeguard Swaziland?s
net external position and the currency peg, Directors stressed the
need to supplement the medium-term policy for fiscal sustainability
with structural reforms to improve the business environment and
strengthen competitiveness.
Directors commended the authorities? effort in rebuilding
international reserves to support confidence in the peg. Noting the
recent buildup of government deposits in banks outside Swaziland, they
advised the transfer of all government foreign currency deposits to
the Central Bank of Swaziland.
Directors welcomed the progress made in strengthening commercial bank
supervision, while encouraging continued efforts to ensure timely
compliance by all banks with prudential regulations. Directors noted
the importance of strengthening supervision of the savings and credit
cooperative sector, which has been growing rapidly. Timely passage of
pending legislation aimed at improving supervision of the financial
system would be important in this connection.
Directors commended the authorities for the steps taken to develop a
framework for insurance and pension funds. At the same time, they
advised the authorities to exercise caution in enforcing the domestic
investment requirement, as it could expose investors to the risk of
low or negative returns due to the limited number of domestic
investment opportunities.
Directors welcomed the authorities? poverty reduction strategy and
action program (PRSAP), and their accelerated efforts to address the
HIV/AIDS epidemic and food security situation. They stressed that
effective implementation would require greater efforts to ensure that
the PRSAP is consistent with a medium-term expenditure framework that
supports macroeconomic stability, and perseverance with
growth-enhancing and employment-creating reforms. Directors noted
that, to address the challenges ahead, Swaziland would need
international support, which should be grounded on decisive action on
policy reform by the authorities.
__________________________________
11. Court stays execution of defamation judgement on magazine. Media
Institute of Southern Africa (Windhoek), 28 February 2008.
"The Nation" magazine of Swaziland has recorded a rare media victory
in the country through a High Court decision to grant the publication
a reprieve in a case in which they had been ordered to pay over
US$15,000 for defamation.
On 22 February 2008, the High Court of Swaziland granted the privately
owned "Nation" magazine an order for a stay of execution on a recent
default judgement that awarded a government official E120,000 (approx.
US$15,000) for an allegedly defamatory article published by the
magazine.
The magazine's editor, Bheki Makhubu, filed the application to set
aside the default judgement granted by the High Court on 1 February in
favour of the Under Secretary of the Ministry of Health and Social
Welfare, Sikelela Dlamini.
He said the article constituted fair comment in the public interest as
it pertained to public funds and figures. He contended that the facts
commented on were truly stated facts concerning Dlamini in his
capacity as a public figure in an issue involving the procurement of
drugs for the public by the Ministry of Health and Social Welfare in
which Dlamini serves as Under Secretary.
In his application, Makhubu said he had no knowledge of the judgement
against his publication until a reporter from a daily newspaper
contacted him about it. He said confirmation of the existence of the
judgement was then published in the "Times of Swaziland" newspaper on
8 February.
He contended that, in any event, the amount claimed and even the
amount awarded as damages to Dlamini was highly excessive, uneconomic
and shocking, and not in keeping with comparable awards to public
officials of Dlamini's stature.
High Court Justice Stanley Maphalala granted a stay of execution of
the judgement and the matter will now follow the normal court procedure.
______________________________________________
12. Third International Policy Conference on the African Child Poverty
in Africa. African Child Policy Forum (ACPF). United Nations
Conference Centre, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. 12 - 13 May 2008
Background
Extreme poverty remains a serious and, in some cases, growing problem
in the developing world, especially in Africa. It is particularly
serious and alarming amongst children. Yet the problem of child
poverty, especially in developing countries, is neither fully
documented nor directly addressed in the formulation of economic and
even anti-poverty strategies and policies.
Child poverty is intricately linked with child rights. Fulfilment of
children's rights is largely dependent on access to an adequate
standard of living. That is why Article 27 of the UN Convention on the
Rights of the Child (UNCRC) spells out the duty of State parties to
recognise the right of every child "to a standard of living adequate
for the child's physical, mental, spiritual, moral and social
development."
Child poverty is a major, possibly the biggest obstacle for the
fulfilment of rights in Africa. Our knowledge of it, however, is
limited. What little we know is based on scattered empirical data and
anecdotal evidence. We don't know enough about the nature, dimension
and magnitude of the problem. Nor do we know enough about what is
being done to address it or how to deal with it.
Hence, the rationale for The African Child Policy Forum (ACPF) to
organise the Third International Policy Conference on the African
Child, on the theme of Child Poverty. The conference will engage
policy makers, child rights activists, children's organisations and
researchers from within Africa and around the world and address key
issues that ought to be at the forefront of the development agenda.
Objectives:
The objectives of this conference are to:
- draw attention to the issue of child poverty in Africa
- exchange information on the nature, measurement and dimensions of
child poverty and policy experiences
- initiate dialogue on areas for future research and policy work with
special attention to entry points having the greatest impact on children
Partners and participants:
The conference will be organised in partnership with international
child rights and development agencies. International Child Support
(ICS), ILO, IOM, Plan International, UNDP, UNFPA and UNICEF have
expressed interest to join hands in the organisation of the
Conference. Participants will include government policy makers, child
experts and researchers, child rights activists and children's
organisations from within Africa and around the world.
Conference Programme:
The conference programme includes sessions on: Child rights, child
wellbeing and child poverty. International and African perspectives of
child poverty.Poverty through the eyes of the African child.
International and African experiences in dealing with child poverty
Be a part of this important conference and look for more updates.
Contact: Sarah Pallesen, e-mail: pallesen@...
______________________________________________
13. OPEN INVITATION TO ALL INTERNATIONALISTS: APRIL 12 BORDER BLOCKADE
IN SOUTH AFRICAN BORDER GATES WITH SWAZILAND.
JOIN THE SWAZILAND SOLIDARITY NETWORK ACTION IN SOLIDARITY WITH THE
PEOPLE OF SWAZILAND.
The 12th April, 1973 marked a major set back for the working class and
the poor people of Swaziland. On this day 35 years ago a new era in
the political life of Swaziland was pronounced when king Sobhuza
proclaimed a perpetual state of emergency, whose provisions, amongst
other things, included; the banning of political parties, enforcing a
60 days detention order without trial, banning marches and
demonstrations and the removal of the independence constitution and
its replacement with a draconian order called the 1973 king's decree.
Under these circumstances the Swaziland Solidarity Network (SSN),
declared April, 2008 as the Month of Focus on Swaziland, in full
recognition of the 35 years of royal slavery and Tinkhundla oppression
in Swaziland. 35 years later nothing much has changed and the state of
repression has continued unabated.
The People's demands:
1. We call for a democratically elected National Constitutional Forum
2. We demand the immediate un-banning of all progressive
political parties as the first precondition TO ensure the full
involvement of civil society in Swaziland in the process of
democratising this country.
3. We also demand the unconditional release of all political
prisoners as a precondition to this process.
4. We demand the removal of all laws that inhibit political
activity to ensure that the participation of the people of Swaziland
is uninhibited by authoritarian actions by the current Royal regime.
5. We call for the isolation of the tinkundla regime from all
interference with the political dispensation of the country.
6. The abuse of basic worker rights in Swaziland is of deep
concern to SSN and all democratic forces in South Africa. We demand
that business respects worker rights.
7. We call on the South African Department of Foreign Affairs,
SADC, AU and the Commonwealth to publicly join the ever-growing number
of voices expressing serious concern posed by the undemocratic Swazi
regime, particularly the urgent need for Swaziland to comply to the
AU's Charter on Human and People's Rights, and the SADC's Principles
and guidelines on democratic, free and fair elections.
For more information in all areas:
Lukwatini for Oshoek border gate: Charles Mabuza: 073 605 9915
Pitretief for Mahamba border gate: Nathin Dlamini: 082 416 1995
Nkomazi for Mananga border gate: Eric Nkosi 083 109 9907
Nkomazi for Jepeesreef (Matsamo) border gate: 079 873 4543
Mpumalanga Coodinator Fidel Mlombo: 079 025 0251, Kwazulu Natal (KZN)
Co-odinators are as follows: Phakama Ndunakazi SSN :082 455 1823, Fato
Bhengu SSN/SACP:073 928 1586, Khaye Nkwanyana YCL/ SSN 083 726 4857
Swaziland Solidarity Network Head Office and for solidarity messages
please contact: Lucky Lukhele : 072 502 4141, Nkululeko Dlamini: 082
792 3165. Tel: 011 339 3621. Fax: 011 339 4244
Email: ssnnetwork@...
_______________________________________________
Swaziland Newsletter is published by Africa Contact (Denmark) and
distributed to more than 1200 national and international
organisations, research institutes, universities, trade unions and
labour movements, political parties, church organisations, print and
electronic media, governments, diplomatic missions, members of
parliament, parliamentary committees and private individuals in
Southern Africa, Europe and the United States of America.
Support the democratic movement in Swaziland: MANDELA FUND: BG Bank,
Norre Voldgade 68, 1358 Copenhagen K, Denmark. SWIFT-BIC: DABADKKK.
Registration Number: 0274. Account Number: 3327000. The MANDELA FUND
is a registered national collection in Denmark.
Swaziland@Newsletter 57
Published by Africa Contact (Denmark)
Earlier issues can be read at
http://uk.groups.yahoo.com/group/SAK-Swazinewsletter together with
documents and other materials not included in the regular newsletter.
If you wish to subscribe to the newsletter, please send mail to:
SAK-Swazinewsletter subscribe@... All correspondence to
swaziland@... Free subscription to the newsletter will also
give access to the photo section which illustrates the history, the
land, life and struggle of the Swazi people.
________________________
1. Preparing for Disaster. UN Integrated Regional Information
Networks. AllAfrica Global Media (allAfrica.com), 15 February 2008.
2. New round in the genetically modified (GM) crop debate. (Johannesburg),
13 February 2008 (IRIN).
3. Africa?s melodramatic elections and the way forward. AfricaFiles.
Berouk Mesfin, Institute for Security Studies, 6 February, 2008.
4. The Swazi quagmire. Richard Cornwell. Institute for Security
Studies, Mail & Guardian Online (Johannesburg), 12 February 2008.
5. Southern Africa: Thirty percent less maize by 2030. (IRIN)
Johannesburg, 8 February 2008.
6. World Bank report highlights Swaziland?s investment climate. World
Bank Group - Washington, DC, USA: Mbabane, February 12, 2008.
7. Poor being priced out of food market: UN official. The Canadian
Press, February 12, 2008.
8. Bheki Ntshalintshali, COSATU Deputy General Secretary, 13 February 2008:
March for free elections & democracy in Kenya, Zimbabwe & Swaziland ? 7 March.
________________________
1. Preparing for Disaster. UN Integrated Regional Information
Networks. AllAfrica Global Media (allAfrica.com), 15 February 2008.
Swaziland's increasing vulnerability to a seemingly endless string of
manmade and natural disasters has prompted a new approach to improving
the speed and effectiveness of the response.
"We are really suffering. We are trying everything we can but we need
help - it [disaster] seems permanent," Dr Ben Nsibandze, Chairman of
the National Disaster Management Authority, told IRIN.
After a devastating drought hit all four of the country's regions last
year, withering up to 80 percent of crops in some areas, 2008 started
with extremely heavy rains, hailstorms and wildfires.
"Disaster risk levels are spiralling up due to extreme vulnerability
to increasing hazards such as droughts, environmental degradation,
windstorms, floods and hailstorms," said Tendai Makanza, Disaster Risk
Reduction (DRR) focal point at the UN Development Programme in
Swaziland.
The mountain kingdom has been working on DRR for some years now. "We
have made some progress," Nsibandze said, but pointed out that
resource constraints, caused partially by the need for continuous
response to calamity, had held back the implementation of a 2006 plan.
"Almost half the population was affected by drought in that year," he
said.
Makanza said DRR has now become a national priority, "Especially after
His Majesty the King's Parliamentary opening speech, where he spoke
about how the people of Swaziland are dependent on aid for DRR and how
the government needed to respond better."
Efforts to address HIV/AIDS - another "continuous disaster" - meant
that any resources available were spread very thin, Nsibandze said.
With HIV prevalence of 33.4 percent among people aged between 15 and
49, the country has the world's highest infection rate; life
expectancy has dropped from nearly 60 years in the 1990s to just over
30 years at present.
No time to catch your breath
According to the UN Environment Programme and the UN International
Strategy for Disaster Reduction, Swaziland was hit by drought in 1981,
'82, '91 to '96 and 2001 to 2007. The areas at high risk, or severely
affected by drought, are in the Lowveld and lower Middleveld regions,
where rainfall is often very low even in 'normal' rainy seasons.
We are really suffering. We are trying everything we can but we need
help - it [disaster] seems permanent
Other notable disasters in recent years include incessant lightning,
hailstorms and strong winds during rainy seasons, a cholera outbreak
in 1982, cyclone Dominia in 1984, periodic earth tremors in 1999 and
2000, and torrential rains and floods in 2000.
Dominia affected up to two-thirds of Swaziland's declining population
of less than a million. After that, "the worst storm in 20 years hit
the country in January 2005, affecting about 100,000 people, causing
widespread damage and killing about 30 people," Makanza said.
Changing weather patterns
The effects of the 2007 drought persist, and aid agencies estimate
that up to 40 percent of the population is dependant on some form of
food assistance.
In Swaziland's eastern Lubombo region, near the Mozambique border,
Phile Gama said, "We should patch those," referring to the gaping
holes in the grass roof that covers her stick house. "But if the rain
would come we'd be so happy we'd just lie in bed and get wet."
Makanza commented that "Lubombo region is our driest region, perhaps
the one that has suffered most from global warming. The UNDP, together
with the GEF (Global Environment Facility) and national partners,
drafted a climate change project specifically targeted at supporting
the Lubombo region."
The plan is meant to ensure sustainable water provision in the region,
and improve food security through agricultural services and training.
"We are hoping to receive funding by the end of the first quarter.
With increasing manifestation of global warming, it is clear that
hydro-meteorological hazards will continue to wreak havoc in poverty
stricken countries such as Swaziland."
Changing the response
Nsibandze said government agencies, UN organisations and NGOs were
currently discussing Swaziland's DRR approach and looking for the
necessary funding to implement projects, and Makanza noted that "The
Government of Swaziland embraced the need for a paradigm shift from a
mere focus on emergency response/relief to identification of root
causes of risks - hence the DRR approach also within the context of
climate risk management."
According to her, "We are redefining disaster. We believe that
disasters should not be limited to drought, they are much more
comprehensive than that. We have included floods, fires, HIV/AIDS,
rising poverty levels, declining national capacities and institutions
to provide social services and safety nets, and of course climate
change related issues."
She noted that "We feel that in order for communities to better manage
disaster, they should be able to look at all their vulnerabilities
against their abilities to be able to mitigate, eliminate and respond
better to all their potential risks."
Continuous flows of assistance meant that Swaziland's history of
disaster had not made communities as resilient as many had hoped.
"Most of the national partners who work daily with the local
communities, especially under the food aid programmes, seem to feel
that communities have increasingly become dependent on aid," Makanza
explained.
"Communities should not wait for handouts or for policy frameworks to
change and deliver, especially when a disaster occurs. Experience has
shown that these wheels tend to move slowly. We are trying to ensure
that communities protect themselves independently and reliably."
A long road ahead
The DRR road ahead was not without substantial challenges: poor
legislative frameworks, poor comprehension and appreciation of DRR
issues by policy makers, poor technical capacities, limited financial
resources, a lack of a unified approach by stakeholders and a
non-comprehensive approach to DRR could undermine the full potential
of effective DRR.
Getting communities to change their ways presented a major obstacle.
"They need to need to be informed about it [climate change]. However,
it should be acknowledged that Swaziland has very traditional
communities, and changing their perception, though possible, will take
a lot of investment, strategic lobbying and advocacy, Makanza said.
Until that perception changes or alternatives present themselves,
Swazis will continue to brave the weather. "If we had money, where
would we go? To town to get jobs? There are no jobs in town," Gama
said, referring to the Swazi reality of 40 percent unemployment.
Her husband has been struggling to find work in the country's second
city, Manzini, for over two years. "He decided to leave home after our
maize plants died again under the sun. I suppose if he finds work that
is stable we will join him. But now we stay here, because this is home."
____________________________________
2. New round in the genetically modified (GM) crop debate. (Johannesburg),
13 February 2008 (IRIN).
Once heralded as an environmentally friendly "silver bullet" in the
fight against poverty and hunger, genetically-modified (GM) crops
today generate huge controversy over their safety and impact.
The debate widened on Thursday with the release of two conflicting
reports, one by the pro-GM International Service for the Acquisition
of Agri-Biotech Applications (ISAAA), the other from the environmental
group Friends of the Earth International (FEI).
ISAAA Global Status of Commercialised Biotech Applications reported a
growth in the use of GM crops worldwide, mainly soya, maize and
cotton, and said this had raised farmer incomes. "At a time when you
have soaring commodity prices and sky-rocketing energy prices, you
want a technology that will increase the supply side and bring down
the cost of production, and that is what you have with this
technology," Clive James, chairman and founder of ISAAA, was quoted as
saying in the Financial Times newspaper.
The ISAAA presents itself as a not-for-profit organisation but is
widely regarded as lobbyists for the GM industry.
GM crops are produced from genetically modified organisms (GMO),
altered through genetic engineering. The GM debate commonly focuses on
human and environmental safety issues, intellectual property rights
and food security. The FEI study, Who Benefits from GM Crops - the
Rise in Pesticide Use, released to coincide with the annual ISAAA
report, concluded that GM crops "have caused an increase rather than a
decrease in toxic pesticide use, and have failed to tackle hunger and
poverty".
GM crops have been researched for 25 to 30 years but they are not
bringing the promised results, they are not a silver bullet solution
[to global hunger], Helen Holder, European coordinator of FEI GMOs,
food and farming campaign, told IRIN.
No chance on small farms?
The problem is general in Africa: what the industry has been
trumpeting has not happened, especially for small-scale farmers,
Nnimmo Bassey, of Environmental Rights Action and FEI Nigeria, said.
GM crops would not solve poverty in Africa but would rather entrench
poverty, he added. The main reason was that the scale of farming in
Africa was too small to reap the benefits.
According to Margaret Karembu, Director of the ISAAA Africentre in
Nairobi, the criticism was unfounded because GM crops had not yet been
given a fair chance on the continent. "We do not have many countries
in Africa using GM crops so we are not yet able to demonstrate the
impact", she said.
African farmers do not have hands on experience, but based on
experience in countries like China and India, farmers in Africa will
start demanding GM seeds, Karembu told IRIN.
According to an FEI statement: Large scale commercial farmers in the
US and Argentina, who represent a small minority of world farmers,
have benefited from GM crops due mainly to the convenience effect.
This includes reduction in farm labour and increased flexibility in
the timing of herbicide applications. The ability to farm more acres
with less labour has facilitated the worldwide trend to fewer and
bigger industrial-style farms.
These benefits would not translate in the African context, Bassey
argued. As an example he noted: the longest and best documented
example of GM crops in Africa is the case of GM cotton in the
Makhatini Flats area of South Africa. The ISAAA had portrayed this as
a success story that proves the benefits of GM crops for small farmers
in the continent. But, after more than eight years of growing GM
insect resistant (Bt) cotton, the number of small cotton farmers in
the area had plummeted from 3,229 in 2001/02 to just 853 in 2006/2007.
Yes, no, maybe?
Clearly GM crops could not have benefited these farmers, commented Bassey.
However, the Makhatini Flats experience remains a contested issue, as
drought also played a part in the decline in cotton production in the
area.
Karembu acknowledged that GM crops were no panacea for African food
insecurity. GM crops were "part of a bigger package" where other farm
inputs such as irrigation, fertilizer and knowledge also played an
important role. "It is a technology that needs to be complemented",
she explained.
The main obstacle to expanding GM crop use in Africa was now the wait
for governments to develop and pass "regulation to guide the safe and
responsible use of GM crops", she added.
Biowatch South Africa, an NGO concerned with food security and
promoting organic farming methods, has long been opposed to the use of
GM crops in the region. In an earlier interview with IRIN, Biowatch
Director Leslie Liddell said: By and large, those farmers don't
understand the contracts they sign with multinationals supplying the
seeds. They are not allowed to replant the seeds because of copyright
laws. These companies are beginning to own our agricultural systems,
and farmers are no longer storing their seeds."
According to an FEI statement, hunger and poverty are complex
political and social challenges. "They are exacerbated more by lack of
access to land, illiteracy and poor healthcare than by deficient
agricultural production techniques".
And while increasing crop yields was a good idea, food insecurity in
Africa was more an issue of access, according to Bessey: "Food
shortages tend to be localised. When there is a shortage in one part
of the continent there is a surplus elsewhere, but a lack of
infrastructure means there is a problem of access".
Report at: http://www.irnnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportId=76728
___________________________________________________
3. African melodramatic elections and the way forward. AfricaFiles.
Berouk Mesfin, Institute for Security Studies, 6 February, 2008.
African Charter Article 20: All peoples shall have the right to
existence and self determination and the right to free themselves from
the bonds of domination.
The elections conducted in Africa since 1991 had demonstrated that the
political transformation achieved in Africa was not without substance.
One significant improvement was that African opposition parties had
combined their resources and enlisted more popular support, leading
generally to a large voter turnout which undoubtedly indicates both
the appetite for government change and the strengthening of democratic
standards. Nonetheless, the scenarios of most recently-held African
elections seem to have been written by the same melodramatic
scriptwriter.
Opposition parties make allegations that the polls were dogged by
every conceivable irregularity and fraud in the book, some of which
will be too readily confirmed by international observers. These
irregularities most prominently include the collusion of the national
electoral institution which, typically with great haste and obviously
under great pressure, declares the ruling party as the eventual winner
of the polls. Such hurried declarations eventually trigger spontaneous
anti-government protests, and the ruling party responds
disproportionately by deploying policemen and soldiers by the
hundreds. Then, independent local newspapers and international media
report that demonstrators have suffered numerous deaths as a result of
violent police actions.
The public media limits itself to portraying the protesters either as
crowds-for-hire or as being stirred up by the opposition parties,
reflecting the ruling parties? manifest indifference to the loss of
life and thereby arousing fear and resentment among the African
peoples, who become greatly embittered by the experience of elections
gone astray.
From such melodramatic African elections, a number of observations
can be advanced.
1. In the first place, the African electorate is more likely to accept
the results of elections if it believes that the institution managing
the electoral process is impartial and ensures that rules and
practices are followed. African electoral institutions too often lack
political influence and appear biased in favour of the ruling parties
to which they undeniably owe their existence, thereby provoking
dangerous wrangles over the legitimacy of electoral results. African
electoral institutions ought to be reorganized into sober,
task-oriented and professionally responsible institutions.
2. Secondly, ruling parties disregard the fact that the primary
purpose of elections is to enable citizens to choose among competing
political parties, raising the real possibility of the incumbents
being voted out. On the one hand, they are not able to overcome their
deeply ingrained unwillingness to accept a plurality of opinions about
the course of their countries? future development. On the other hand,
the ruling parties seek to adopt some semblance of democratic
procedure because they need legitimation from their peoples and
especially from the international community.
As recent events (Lesotho in 1998, Cote d?Ivoire in 2000, Madagascar
in 2001, Zimbabwe in 2002, Togo and Ethiopia in 2005, Uganda and the
Democratic Republic of Congo in 2006, Nigeria, Egypt, Senegal and
Kenya in 2007) clearly demonstrated, the passive tolerance and
disturbing disillusionment of an enormous stratum of the African
peoples with the ruling party style, leadership and policies have
produced a considerable legitimacy deficit. Thus, it would be naïve
for the ruling parties of Africa to think that it will be
business-as-usual for an indefinite period of time.
They should recognize that they have unleashed high expectations
which, if denied, can spur the very upheavals that they wish to avoid.
They must also realize that, sooner or later, they will have to make a
choice between genuinely embracing democracy and backsliding towards
authoritarianism. The longer this decision is deferred, the greater
the danger of derailing the transition to democracy and accelerating
the downfall of the ruling parties.
3. Thirdly, African opposition parties fail to notice their relative
unpreparedness for power, and the fact that they need time to gather
strength and experience. They should not squander the opportunity to
overcome their sometimes disingenuous hostility towards the existing
ruling party, in order to learn about state institutions and to better
position themselves for upcoming elections.
African opposition parties should learn how to function as an
organized, united and especially responsible force operating within
the boundaries of the democratic process, even if they perceive that
ruling parties do not always start out with the best democratic
intentions. They should acknowledge that elections are becoming
relatively more open when compared to past elections. They should
temper their political discourse and stop alleging, wherever and
whenever possible, that the ruling party has tried to impede or
influence elections. Whether the allegations have any substance or
not, they will recklessly heighten the already dangerous mistrust
among all stakeholders, further eroding the legitimacy of the entire
electoral system.
4. Finally, all African political parties ought to play the democratic
game of give-and-take. They must act with a sense of responsibility by
moderating political rhetoric and working towards a genuine
distribution of political power. The ruling parties should agree to
share political power, if not in hopes of stemming the tide, at least
in expectation of averting the violent upheavals that CNN, Al Jazeera
or BBC publicize so enthusiastically. The entrance into power-sharing,
whatever its form, undoubtedly marks the moment when the apparent
decline of ruling parties is balanced by the emergence of opposition
parties that have conquered the minds of many of their peoples.
All African countries face many critical issues that require a
credible, strong and decisive government which can command the respect
of the entire people. A government without internal legitimacy is the
last thing African countries need. All Africa countries face a
precarious economic state, extreme dependence on conditional external
assistance, a substantial part of the population living well below the
poverty line and thousands of deaths from starvation and diseases
every year. In such dire conditions, a volatile constituency of the
marginalized and discontented can be mobilized for any cause, at any
time and by anyone.
Berouk Mesfin is a Senior Researcher in the Direct Conflict Prevention
Programme of the Institute for Security Studies.
__________________
4. The Swazi quagmire. Richard Cornwell. Institute for Security
Studies, Mail & Guardian Online (Johannesburg), 12 February 2008.
Elections have been prominent in African news of late. Last year saw a
deeply flawed Nigerian poll return a new president. This year has
begun with a flood of stories about the bloody mayhem in Kenya. It
takes little courage to predict that the electoral focus will soon
shift to Zimbabwe.
It is hardly surprising, then, that the parliamentary elections due
later this year in Swaziland have drawn little attention, nor is it
likely that this will change as polling day approaches. Nevertheless,
there are structural tensions within the social and economic fabric of
the kingdom which, sooner or later, will test the political framework
at the national and local levels.
In 1973, King Sobhuza II suspended the constitution after a minor
parliamentary challenge to the absolute authority of the monarchy.
Almost 30 years passed before his son, King Mswati III, allowed the
formation of a committee to examine the possibility of opening the
political space to greater public participation. In the meantime, a
neotraditional system of government dominated a parliament chosen
largely through a system of individual and localised elections
supervised by traditional authorities.
The principal beneficiaries of this modified absolutism, politically
and materially, were the extensive royal family, their courtiers and
the rural chiefs, a situation which prompted increasing opposition
from civil society and student and trade union activists, supported by
foreign allies.
The new Swaziland constitution was promulgated in 2006, following
several years of national consultations and a farcical series of
events in which nobody, including the King, appeared to know when it
would come into effect. More to the point, there was no clarity as to
whether the new dispensation, in which the royal courts remained
dominant, would allow for political parties to contest the 60 elected
seats in the 76-member House of Assembly.
The new constitution included a bill of rights which allows for
freedom of association, but whether this included the right to form
political parties, proscribed under a 1973 royal decree, remained
moot. Attempts by civil society organisations to have this right
affirmed by the judiciary were rebuffed, and the matter is now on
appeal in the Supreme Court.
Pseudo-political parties have begun to prepare themselves for the
possibility of being allowed to compete at the polls, though most of
these parties might be qualified as moderate royalist modernisers
rather than convinced democrats.
Last weekend, a group of civil society and political organisations
held a meeting in Manzini at which they pledged to boycott the
electoral process until multiparty elections are introduced. They have
decided to form a united front by April, when they will adopt a name
and organisational rules. This will be the first time a common
position has been attempted since the collapse of the Swaziland
Democratic Alliance in 2003.
It would be premature to expect too much from the democratic push,
however. The Swaziland trade union movement, which led the earlier
drive for constitutional rule, is badly fractured.
In any event, although the conspicuous consumption of the Swazi royal
house has created a broader popular unease in the kingdom of late,
there is little evidence to suggest that the democracy followers are
as yet as numerous as they claim. It seems more probable that such
progress as can be made in curbing the royal prerogative and moving
towards more accountable and efficient government will depend for now
on developments within the ranks of the "loyal reformists".
Even they will have their work cut out, however, for there are
powerful entrenched forces determined to thwart any dilution of
neotraditional authority.
Yet unless Swaziland?s government can break free of the inertia born
of its scelerotic political condition, the problems of economic
reform, particularly in a rural sector unable to feed its own people,
and in a macro-economic environment both financially and fiscally
hostile, there can be no serious attempt to address the dangerous
problems of increasing impoverishment among the majority.
Sooner rather than later, this could indeed lead to an unprecedented
destabilising response from a peasantry whose loyalty to the present
system is so blithely assumed.
Richard Cornwell is a senior research associate at the Institute for
Security Studies
____________________________________
5. Southern Africa: Thirty percent less maize by 2030. (IRIN)
Johannesburg, 8 February 2008.
As global warming pushes temperatures up and droughts become more
intense, the production of maize, southern Africa's staple food, could
drop by as much as 30 percent in another two decades, according to a
new study.
The study by a group of Stanford University researchers calls on
countries to opt for long-term measures like the development of new
crop varieties and investment in irrigation, which could help lessen
the impact on food production more substantially than shifting
planting dates.
"Adaptation is a key factor that will shape the future severity of
climate change impacts on food production," said David Lobell, the
lead author of the report on the study. "These adaptations will
require substantial investments by farmers, governments, scientists
and development organisations, all of whom face many other demands on
their resources."
Adaptation is a key factor that will shape the future severity of
climate change impacts on food production.
The impact on food security by 2030 was estimated by looking at
changes in both temperature and rainfall, as large agricultural
investments "typically take 15 to 30 years to realise full returns."
Lobell said there was little money and time available to invest in the
affected communities.
The Stanford researchers based their analysis on a synthesis of
information on what poor people eat, observed relationships between
historical harvests and climate variability in poor regions, and
various projections of climate change by 2030 to inform investment
decisions. A total of 94 crop-region combinations, including rice in
South Asia and groundnuts in East Africa, were evaluated for the study.
There are drought-resistant crop varieties available in world's 1,500
genebanks, according to Luigi Guarino, Senior Science Coordinator with
the Global Crop Diversity Trust. "Unfortunately, we don't know which
ones they are until they are evaluated. This study [by Lobell et al]
highlights how urgent it is that the contents of genebanks are
evaluated and the resulting information be readily accessible to
breeders in affected countries".
The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change has predicted that food
production in Africa could halve by 2020, while a 2006 climate change
study coordinated by the Centre for Environmental Economics and Policy
in Africa (CEEPA), based in Pretoria, South Africa, warned that
African governments and farmers should anticipate the need to change
crops rather than holding on to traditional crops that often failed.
CEEPA's study report, Crop Selection: Adapting to Climate Change in
Africa, strongly suggests that agricultural analyses of climate change
impacts take crop selection into account. The research was part of a
project implemented in 11 countries: Burkina Faso, Cameroon, Ghana,
Niger and Senegal in West Africa; Egypt in North Africa; Ethiopia and
Kenya in East Africa and South Africa, Zambia, and Zimbabwe in
southern Africa.
Researchers discovered that African farmers adapted crop choice to
climate. "There is every reason to believe that they will continue to
adapt in the future," said authors Pradeep Kurukulasuriya and Robert
Mendelsohn.
The study found that farmers sometimes chose to grow only a single
crop, such as sorghum, cowpea or maize, but often selected a crop
combination that would survive the harsh conditions in Africa, like
maize-beans, cowpea-sorghum, and millet-groundnut. These combinations
gave farmers more flexibility across climates than growing a single
crop.
"Future research into new crops that are more suitable for higher
temperatures could dramatically improve farmers' welfare, especially
in hot locations such as Africa," the study noted. "Although a great
deal of progress has been achieved in making existing crops more
productive, future research efforts need to move towards making them
more resilient to higher temperatures."
According to another study in the CEEPA project, Africa is expected to
lose 4.1 percent of its cropland by 2039 and 18.4 percent is likely to
have disappeared by the end of the century. Cropland loss is likely to
occur at a much faster rate some parts of Africa, with northern and
eastern Africa losing up to 15 percent of their current cropland area
within the next 30 years or so.
A recent survey by Action Aid, a global anti-poverty agency based in
South Africa, found that changes in rainfall patterns have affected
the growing seasons and the type of crops planted in Malawi:
long-season local maize varieties, which take longer to grow, are no
longer a preferred option, and maize normally planted in November is
now being planted in December.
Report online at: http://www.irnnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportId=76652
_______________________
6. World Bank report highlights Swaziland?s investment climate. World
Bank Group - Washington, DC, USA: Mbabane, February 12, 2008.
The World Bank has released the findings of its Investment Climate
Assessment for Swaziland, a report that shows a relatively favourable
situation, though the country faces some challenges, especially when
compared to other countries in Sub-Saharan Africa.
In particular, as in other middle income countries in Southern Africa,
business firms have few complaints about infrastructure and most
aspects of regulation. Objective indicators of the investment climate
are also relatively favourable in these areas?although often less
favourable than in Namibia, South Africa or Botswana.
Both small, medium and large enterprises (SMLEs) and micro enterprises
expressed concern about competition with informal firms, crime
(theft), and access to finance. In addition, Swaziland has the highest
rate of HIV/AIDS (26 percent) in the world which has compounded the
country development challenges. Business appears to respond relatively
vigorously to the problem.
Swaziland is a lower middle-income country with an economy that is
closely linked to that of neighbouring South Africa. Middle-income
economies are those with a gross national income per capita of more
than $875 but less than $10,726. Swaziland GNI per capita was $2430.00
in 2006.
Swaziland currency, the lilangeni, is pegged to the South African Rand
(sixty percent of exports are destined for South Africa, and 80
percent of imports originate there). Swaziland enjoyed high levels of
growth and investment during the apartheid era, with per capita growth
averaging about two percent per year between 1975 and 1994 and foreign
direct investment levels averaging about seven percent of GDP between
1985 and 1994.
Since South Africa?s transition to democracy in 1994, both have fallen
in the absence of compensating reforms by the Swazi authorities.
Between 1994 and 2006, per capita growth averaged about 0.7 percent
per year. Between 1994 and 2000, FDI averaged about five percent of
GDP per year, falling further to about two percent of GDP per year
between 2001 and 2005.
About 66 percent of government expenditures are financed with South
African Customs Union (SACU) receipts. Fiscal deficits have been
financed by draw-downs on government financial assets, which is an
unsustainable source of funding and which risks undermining investor
confidence in the exchange rate parity with South Africa. Improving
the investment climate will attract FDI, improve growth, and increase
government tax revenues.
Investment Climate Assessments are comprehensive country reports that
draw upon the results of Investment Climate Surveys and other
available information. They are used to identify and prioritize
investment climate constraints, benchmark reform progress, provide
cross-country comparisons of investment climate indicators, and help
countries forge broad consensus on priority areas for reform that can
help spur growth and development. These assessments ultimately feed
into World Bank operations and technical assistance.
________________________________________
7. Poor being priced out of food market: UN official. The Canadian
Press, February 12, 2008.
Many of the world's poorest people are unable to buy food because of
soaring prices resulting from severe weather, shorter harvests, higher
oil prices and the increasing use of food crops to produce biofuel,
the head of the UN food agency said.
"We're seeing more people hungry and at greater numbers than before,"
Josette Sheeran, executive director of the Rome-based World Food
Program, said in an interview Monday.
Severe weather is hitting many countries "worse than before" which is
contributing "to soaring food prices, where we're seeing many people
being priced out of the food markets for the first time," she said.
"We're seeing less crop production in many places, shorter harvest
times."
In addition, high oil prices are driving up food prices because oil is
used throughout the food chain - for planting, fertilizer and
delivering food, Sheeran said. "We're also seeing the fact that food
prices are being set at fuel prices," she said. "So, for example, palm
oil in Africa, which is used for biofuel, now it's being priced at the
fuel price which people cannot afford."
"For the world's most vulnerable it's extremely urgent," said Sheeran,
who was at UN headquarters to attend a two-day General Assembly debate
aimed at mobilizing the world to take action to fight global warming
this year.
She held up a cup which WFP used to fill with food for hungry school
children. But WFP today can only afford to fill 60 per cent of the cup
with the same contribution it received in 2002, "so this is shrinking
while people's needs are growing," she said.
"The challenge we're facing among the world's most vulnerable is
they're simply being priced out of the food markets," Sheeran said.
One of the things that needs to be done is to supply food to the most
vulnerable while markets adjust, she said.
"More food will be produced. Farmers will respond and maybe there'll
be investment in the African farmer for the first time, for example,
in many decades," Sheeran said."When that happens, we'll get increased
food in the food supply system but there's a lag so we have people
very vulnerable right now who can't afford the food."
The aim should be to avoid disrupting food supplies, she said.
Sheeran said there are crops that can be used in biofuel production
"that you can't eat and that helps because many of them can be grown
on soil that couldn't be used for food," she said. "This can be a boon
for poor farmers around the world. This can help poor countries."
It would also put more food supplies into the market, she said.
Sheeran said in places being hit by erratic and severe weather, the
world has to make sure basic food needs aren't being disrupted - "and
it is being disrupted now throughout the world."
WFP is currently doing an assessment of 30 countries it deems most
vulnerable, she said. "We know, for example, in Afghanistan there's
been an emergency appeal for US$77 million worth of food because they
simply cannot import the food to fill the shelves," Sheeran said.
"Prices are too high."
WFP is also seeing predictions of shorter harvests in West Africa due
to recent severe flooding, which will mean less money for farmers and
less food in the lean season in May and June, she said. The Sahel
region in West Africa has always been "very hard-hit but more so with
season after season of flooding and drought," Sheeran said.
In southern Africa, Swaziland is in the sixth year of a severe drought
and in Haiti people are eating mudcakes because they cannot afford
food. One of the biggest causes of hunger is instability, Sheeran said.
She said WFP will be closely watching what happens in East Timor where
rebels shot the president and targeted the prime minister. The WFP is
already helping Kenya which has seen widespread post-election fighting
and Mozambique which has been hard-hit by flooding.
_____________________________________
8. Bheki Ntshalintshali, COSATU Deputy General Secretary, 13 February 2008:
March for free elections & democracy in Kenya, Zimbabwe & Swaziland ? 7 March.
COSATU has been requested by the International Solidarity Workshop in
October 2007 to assist the process of co-ordinating international
solidarity activities until the formal launch of the South Africa
International Solidarity Front (SA-ISF). The first Annual Planning
meeting for 2008 Solidarity activities, on 7 February 2008, adopted
the campaign for free elections and democracy in Kenya, Zimbabwe and
Swaziland as one of its major campaigns for the year, in the context
of elections having either been held or about to be held in these
countries, but where there are pointers indicating an environment that
is not conducive to free elections and the practice of democracy.
The first Preparatory meeting of this initiative, held on 13 February
2008, discussed the political situation in these countries, with more
focus on Zimbabwe and Swaziland, as well as the programme of the
progressive forces in these countries, so that we could identify areas
for solidarity focus in 2008.
The meeting agreed that a march will be held in Tshwane (Pretoria) on
7 March, 2008, starting at 10h00. Marchers will gather at Union
Buildings and then proceed to the embassies/High Commissions of the
three countries to deliver a petition.
For more details contact: Bongani Masuku, our International Secretary
at bongani@... or Lucien Segame, SACP International
Secretary at Lucien@...
____________________________________
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Bongani Masuku, Why Swaziland has escaped the international human
rights radar for so long!
BACKGROUND
Swaziland was, like Zimbabwe, a British colony. The persisting
problems in both countries have probably something to do with that. It
got its independence in 1968 under King Sobhuza. However, this
independence was merely a transfer of power from the British colonial
masters to a neo-colonial regime under the monarchy which has, to
date, maintained and perpetuated neo-colonial relations.
The independence of Swaziland came as a result of two critical factors;
- Struggles of the Swazi working class, particularly in the eastern
part of the country, popularly known as the sugar belt, the mainstay
of Swazi economy, with some petty-bourgeois political movements.
- British imperialism was going through a crisis period as a result of
anti-colonial struggles waged by liberation movements throughout the
world, particularly in Africa and the Second World War which had
exhausted the energy of the empire to maintain its colonies and
sustain resistance to their independence.
In this context, the British sought to re-establish or re-organize the
relations of domination and exploitation under new conditions or
through some form of legitimate rule, hence its alliance with the
royal family to reorganize the system of capital accumulation in the
interest of British capitalism. The changes of some names indicated
this wave, for instance the former Colonial Development Corporation,
changed its name to Commonwealth Development Corporation, which it
uses to date. It is still a British state company, in South Africa
running as the company ATM Solutions.
THE POST-INDEPENDENCE CHARCTER OF SWAZI SOCIETY
The independence of Swaziland was to be short-lived by the 1973 royal
proclamation to the nation, in which King Sobhuza emphatically stated
that: Now, therefore I, Sobhuza 11, king of Swaziland, hereby declare
that, in collaboration with my cabinet ministers and supported by the
whole nation, I have assumed supreme power in the kingdom of Swaziland
and that all legislative, executive and judicial power is now vested
in myself and shall, for the meantime, be exercised in collaboration
with my cabinet ministers. I further declare that to ensure the
continued maintenance of peace, order and good government, my armed
forces have been posted to all strategic places and have taken charge
of all government places and all public services- (section 3) - all
political parties and similar bodies that cultivate and bring about
disturbances and ill-feelings within the nation are hereby dissolved
and prohibited (section 11) - Royal proclamation to the Nation, 12
April, 1973.
This decree was to shape the post-independence politics of Swaziland
for a long time. This laid the basis for the current political
architecture in Swaziland, where politics are the exclusive preserve
of the ruling royal elite. With deepening crisis in Swaziland, the
ruling royal regime keeps trying to change the form of oppression and
renew the conditions of exploitation. This has culminated in new
constitutional circus of the regime, which does not change anything
except reinforce the power of the royal family.
In 1978 the monarchy introduced a system of political rule called
tinkhundla, which sought to entrench the hegemony of royal supremacy
and deepen the character of Swazi society as a semi-feudal and
neo-colonial establishment. This system fragmented Swazis into
competing localities called tinkhundla in the name of so-called unique
and home-grown democracy. This royal version of democracy is directly
in conflict with universal democratic principles.
The interesting thing is that the role of apartheid South Africa was
conspicuous in this political development. The Afrikaaner broederbond
society played a critical role in the proclamation of the state of
emergency in 1973 to consolidate power in the hands of the monarchy.
The monarchy was also threatened by the emergence of progressive
forces, particularly organized workers and political movements, that
saw common cause with the South African liberation movement.
The afrikaaner broederbond society deployed the advocate Van Wyk De
Vries from Pretoria to advise King Sobhuza on the exact content of the
law that could proscribe political activity. Particularly, because
royal interests were also threatened by the emergence of progressive
forces and the growing activism of workers in the country. This sealed
the unholy alliance between the two forces. Economic activity and
support for the Swazi regime grew as the apartheid government
increased its incentive scheme to draw more forces into its crusade
against the liberation movement.
This saw the gradual, but steady substitution of British capital by
South African capital, as Lonrho, Tate & Lyle, CDC, Barclays Bank and
other British companies became replaced by Illovo, SAPPI, Nedbank, FNB
and others. This is why South African capital is critical in the
struggle to resolve the political crisis of Swaziland. We need to
consciously target South African capital for action in order to
increase the tempo and momentum of struggle in solidarity with the
workers and people of Swaziland.
Therefore, the Swazi state inherited many trends from the apartheid
state, including the integration of the security forces into the
apartheid security strategy, hence the open collaboration between the
two states that led to the huge number of deaths of members of the ANC
liberation alliance on Swazi soil.
The abduction, kidnapping, murder and systematic persecution of
political activists belonging to both the Swazi and South African
liberation movement intensified after the secret pact of 1982 between
the apartheid regime and the Swazi monarchy regime. This was closely
followed by the extradition treaty of 1984. This is the context of the
birth of People's United Democratic Movement (PUDEMO) in 1983 as a
force for the liberation in Swaziland, born of workers and students
struggles against both the oppressive Swazi regime 1973 decree and to
support the South African liberation movement. Many members of both
movements suffered much together, the deaths of Zweli Nyanda at
Zakhele in 1984, leading to the narrow escape of his close comrades
from PUDEMO, amongst them Gavin McFadden who is now based in London as
a representative of the Swazi movement.
THE CHANGING POLITICAL LANDSCAPE - WHO HOLDS THE BALANCE OF POWER?
The birth of the United Democratic Front (UDF) in South Africa in 1983
was closely associated with the birth of a political movement that
resembled it in Swaziland during the same year. The UDF was born a
month after People's United Democratic Movement (PUDEMO) had been
born, underlining the deep connection that existed at the time between
the South African and Swazi progressive forces and the extent to which
both sides mutually reinforced and influenced each other.
Since that time in 1983, the Swazi political and social landscape has
never been the same. The underground political movement started a
conscious programme of building progressive forces and structures of
mass mobilization. Primarily of a trade union movement with the
slogan: Build trade unions where none exist and strengthen them where
they exist. This saw the emergence of Swaziland National Association
of Civil Servants (SNACS), the strengthening of Swaziland Agriculture
and Plantation Workers Union (SAPWU), the Swaziland Federation of
Trade Unions (SFTU) and several other unions. In his book, When the
Sleeping Grass Awakens: Land and Power in Swaziland, Richard Levin
clearly outlines the process and the actual state of forces at the time.
On the other hand, the birth of other institutions of civil society,
such as the Human Rights Association of Swaziland (HUMARAS) created a
massive forum for public debates on major issues confronting society.
This general atmosphere created a sense of a movement in action which
led to the regime feeling very insecure and intensifying its clampdown
on political activists.
That led to the now famous 1990 Treason trial of PUDEMO leadership,
where Comrade Mario Masuku, PUDEMO President, was the first accused.
This trial was historic in the sense that it, for the first time,
brought to the open the face of resistance and the massive wave
engulfing the country. While in prison, PUDEMO formed its youth wing,
SWAYOCO (Swaziland Youth Congress) which spearheaded an open campaign
and filled the streets with activism and defiance all over the country.
This general state of defiance, massive public debates and rising
militancy boosted confidence in all sectors of civil society. This
prompted other social forces to take up action around issues facing
workers and the poor. This is the context within which the Swaziland
Federation of Trade Unions (SFTU) launched its offensive with 27
demands, rallying huge and popular forces around a common platform of
action, resulting in the massive 1996 ?stay away?. As Congress of
South African Trade Unions (COSATU), we supported this through various
activities, including the first border blockade of 1996.
The organic link between PUDEMO and the Swaziland Federation of Trade
Unions (SFTU) led them to the formation of the Swaziland Democratic
Alliance (SDA) in 1996. The Kwaluseni declaration was the founding
document and common platform around which the structure was to
mobilize in years to come.
All these activities created a regime under siege as the royal family
began to intensify its belligerent and brutal attitude towards
political and worker activists. This resulted in forced exile of some
of them, particularly after increased activism also generated some
bombings against government installations. The regime was ultimately
forced to make some concessions, resorting to insignificant reforms
that resulted in the current constitution which the regime parades as
a step towards real democracy. Despite the fact that it was created
under conditions of extreme hostility, intensified arrests and general
persecution of activists. It was created under conditions where
political parties and political activities remained banned and exile
still a reality.
The regime had always argued that political parties and trade unions
were part of the constitutional process because some of their leaders
were included in the Constitutional Review Commission. Indeed, the
President of PUDEMO, Mario Masuku and the then Deputy President of
SFTU, Themba Msibi were invited by the king to be part of the
Commission. But after their organizations, united under Swaziland
Democratic Alliance (SDA), tried to engage the king on certain basic
conditions for their participation they withdrew. The king failed
completely to meet those conditions despite Themba Msibi remaining and
acting as Minister to date. Mario Masuku withdrew and experienced
subsequent frequent arrests. Even three other non-political
associates, academics and professionals, also withdrew in protest at a
process that was undemocratic, besieged by intensified arrests and a
state controlled media and judiciary.
THE SITUATION IN SWAZILAND TODAY AND WHAT SOULD BE DONE
We have always argued that the world has conveniently remained silent
and allowed the ruling royal regime to get away with murder. Even when
intensified brutality against activists has been so naked. As we talk
today, several activists of PUDEMO are appearing at the magistrate
court in Manzini for holding a peaceful rally last year. Several
others remain out on bail for a treason trial that has not being
concluded.
Amnesty International raised, on several occasions, the issue of
extreme police brutality in Swaziland, after several deaths in jail
due to police torture. Examples here include Mathousand Ngubeni who
died in police custody. Amnesty International then sent a fact-finding
mission to Swaziland whose report was terribly damning on Swazi
security forces. Further, after the PUDEMO treason trial the judge
ordered that the allegations of heavy torture be investigated. This
was also adding weight to European Union (EU) concern over increasing
torture of activists. Its commission is now pursuing its work, though
we are unsure of its independence and access to critical state
information.
Therefore, Swaziland has indeed been able to escape the international
human rights and democracy radar for far too long. There is an urgent
need to ensure that it is put back in the international spotlight.
There is no explanation of the world being silent for this long. The
regime has been allowed to enforce a state of emergency for more than
35 years and the world still remains silent. In the context of the
African Union (AU) peer review mechanism and provisions of NEPAD (New
Partnership for African Development), surely, the role of multiparty
democracy or diverse civil society formations has been acknowledged
and clarified to the extent that it has been agreed that political
parties must be part of the broad forces strengthening democracy and
actively participating in the country?s political life.
The most daunting question is why Commonwealth and Britain would apply
double standards when it comes to Swaziland. They have been forthright
in other countries about the need to apply sanctions against stubborn
regimes. Why would the Commonwealth find it fit to support and heap
praises on a constitution that entrenches the power of the ruling
aristocracy and affirms a state of emergency decreed in 1973 by the
late king Sobhuza. What is the role of the British M16 in Swaziland,
particularly as regards stabilizing the current regime and protecting
the interests of the monarchy against allegations that the king has
personal hidden accounts overseas, to a large extent in Great Britain?
Could this be the reason for the confusing role of Commonwealth and
the British government? Including the allegations that they objected
to the application of smart sanctions against the Swaz royal family?
These are questions we should grapple with as we engage in the Swazi
question.
However, even more than that, the issue of unity of the forces of
struggle in Swaziland is very central. We must do everything we can to
raise the issue of Swaziland in all international forums, as well as
assist with all at our disposal to the building of a strong and
sustainable wave towards democracy in the country.
We have a regime that has become a liability to the development of
Africa and a burden to the people of Swaziland.
The poor are on the receiving end of its viciousness, more and more
Swazis are being forced to cross the borders into South Africa in
search for greener pastures. Yet the country is so well endowed with
abundant natural resources that have become a preserve of a tiny
ruling minority. We cannot sit back and fold our arms.
We must call on the government of South Africa, the United Nations,
the Commonwealth, the Southern African Development Community (SADC)
and the Africa Union (AU) to take decisive action and stop this
tragedy. If we are serious about development, peace and democracy in
Africa this must be done.
- This paper will be presented at a workshop on Zimbabwe and Swaziland
to be held before the March 7, 2008 Campaign for free elections and
democracy in Kenya, Zimbabwe and Swaziland.
__________________________________________
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______________________________________________
1. March for free elections and democracy in Kenya, Zimbabwe and
Swaziland. COSATU (Congress of South African Trade Unions)
International Secretariat. February 8, 2008.
2. School gates close on orphans. Integrated Regional Information
Networks (IRIN), Mbabane, 6 February, 2008.
3. Bilateral relations with Swaziland to be strengthened. The New
Nation (Bangladesh), BSS, Dhaka, February 6, 2008.
4. Member of Parliament accuses EU of ?recolonising? continent.
Business Day (South Africa), Wyndham Hartley, February 7, 2008.
5. World Health Organisation (WHO) narrows down second-line ARV
options. Integrated Regional Information Networks, Johannesburg,7
February 2008.
6. Question as to circumcision advice. Clare Lare Nullis, Associated
Press, Cape Town (SA), February 7, 2008.
7. Country to establish a single local government system. Commonwealth
News and Information Service (London), AllAfrica Global Media
(allAfrica.com), 5 February 2008.
8. Southern Africa: Thirty percent less maize by 2030. Integrated
Regional Information Networks (IRIN), Johannesburg, 8 February, 2008.
9. Africa at large: Bad farming practices blamed for infertile
soils. Francis Ayieko, East African (Kenya), February 6, 2008.
_____________________________________________
1. March for free elections and democracy in Kenya, Zimbabwe and
Swaziland. COSATU (Congress of South African Trade Unions)
International Secretariat. February 8, 2008.
The Annual Planning meeting for the 2008 International Solidarity
Programme convened by COSATU went very well yesterday (07 February,
2008). The meeting attended by progressive organisations of civil
society from all over South Africa and outside the country, with some
from as far as Europe and Kenya, deliberated on a very determined
programme of action for 2008. The programme covered:
- Kenya, Zimbabwe, Swaziland, Cuba, Palestine, Burma, Kashmir, Sudan.
- Trade and poverty
- Xenophobia and racism
- Gender, child labour and exploitation
- Transformation of multilateral institutions
- Climate change and global warming
A consolidated programme of action arising out of all these areas
shall be submitted to higher structures of COSATU for discussion and
adoption, primarily, the CEC which is gathering in two weeks time. In
this regard, one resolution stood out as very immediate and requiring
implementation without delay. It was the resolution on the spreading
virus of undemocratic elections on our continent, with Kenya, Zimbabwe
and Swaziland standing out as examples. It was felt that as a matter
of urgency, we must take action against this problem in order to
expose and fight it.
We are faced with a massive crisis in Kenya as well illustrated by our
invited comrades; Professor Gilbert Khadiagala, a Kenyan lecturer of
International Relations at Wits University and George Wachira, a civil
society activist who was directly coming from Kenya. The comrades
indicated that the issue whether elections are democratic or not is
not just about the queues on the day of elections, but fundamentally
about the process, space for participation, fairness of the rules,
availability of choices and checks and balances within the electoral
and political system in general. They also included the fact that a
fair process must include fair outcomes at the end in order to be
legitimate in the eyes of the people.
However, the discussions indicated clearly that elections do not, on
their own, address the basic needs of the people, but a comprehensive
programme to respond to the issues of poverty, abuse, hunger,
illiteracy and desperation is required to attend to those problems. In
this instance, fertile conditions for sustained conflict become
possible and nurtured.
From the reports by various organisations, particularly COSATU
affiliates and NGOs and their work in various countries, it became
clear that particular attention must be paid to the issue of elections
in Zimbabwe and Swaziland which are scheduled for 2008, whilst not
ignoring the on-going situation in Kenya, which offers important
lessons and add value to the general discussions about the meaning and
practice of free and fair elections. It was also agreed that observer
missions should be considered for both countries, but also warning
signals about potential explosions must be developed to assess the
situation on an on-going basis.
In this regard, it was agreed that, because the Zimbabwean elections
are scheduled for 29th March, 2008 and those of Swaziland are sometime
towards the end of the year, we need to have a day of action targeting
these three countries soon, including Kenya, because it is also part
of the movement of controversial election holders and must be targeted
as such. It was further noted that Angola and Sudan are also hosting
their own elections this year and close monitoring should also be
developed in that regard.
The day of action was agreed to be the 7th March, 2008 in Johannesburg
where the theme of the day will be: March for free elections and
democracy in Kenya, Zimbabwe and Swaziland. This is an
inter-organisation effort and a Preparatory meeting shall be held on
the 13th February, 2008, starting at 9h00 at COSATU House to work out
all related logistics and matters.
Issued by COSATU International Secretary, Bongani Masuku.
For more details contact: Lesego Sekano, Deputy International
Secretary at 011 339 4911 or lesego@...
_________________________________________________
2. School gates close on orphans. Integrated Regional Information
Networks (IRIN), Mbabane, 6 February, 2008.
Thamie Simelane, 12, is among hundreds of thousands of orphans and
vulnerable children (OVC) in Swaziland who might not be going to
school, despite government assurances that the tuition fees of these
children would be covered.
Headmasters rely on school fees to run their institutions, but limited
government funds have materialised sporadically, often forcing schools
to start sending children home.
This year the education ministry again assured headmasters that
adequate funds would be forthcoming and urged them to admit legitimate
OVC into their schools. The government's master plan is to provide
free universal education to all children through Grade 5.
In a country with a declining economy and no property tax base to draw
from to fund local schools, the challenge is daunting. The education
budget for 2008 is US$8.5 million, augmented by donations from the
United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF), whose material and other
assistance to schools is intended for all children, including OVC.
"Government needs more revenues, and in the absence of that she must
adjust spending priorities," commented Sipho Matsebula, an economist
at a bank in the capital, Mbabane. "Right now there is pressure to
raise government spending on health to 15 percent of the budget, and
even with a national health crisis going on that seems unobtainable."
UNAIDS estimates the HIV prevalence rate in Swaziland at 33.4 percent.
Five years ago, when UNICEF predicted that by 2010 there would be
120,000 AIDS orphans in need of scholarships and other educational
assistance, the government set up financial aid schemes. UNICEF now
says that within two years an even greater number - 150,000 orphans
and vulnerable children under the age of 15 - in a declining national
population of less than one million people, will need help.
Part of the problem is that there are no standardised school fees,
which means some children pay twice the amount. Standardising school
fees, advocated by some educationalists, would bring down the higher
costs and allow more children to benefit from the limited funds
available.
Some schools make students pay a "stationery fee", even though
government provides all children with free textbooks, while other
schools require OVC to buy school uniforms, which include expensive
jerseys (sweater) embossed with a school logo. UNICEF, among other
children's agencies, has called for a standardised school uniform.
Neighbourhood Care Points
Often the only opportunity for schooling available to OVCs has been at
the neighbourhood Care Points, a UNICEF innovation where the children
also receive at least one hot meal a day, supplied by the World Food
Programme (WFP).
"We provide some rudimentary schooling to kids, such as basic math and
reading, but this is really part of a socialisation process to get the
kids together and out of their isolation at home - some come from
child-headed households," said Abigail Dlamini, a volunteer teacher at
the Ngwane Park Neighbourhood Care Point in the central commercial
town of Manzini.
"We are not a school, even though we have a fully equipped classroom.
Our most valuable service is to identify OVC in the community to get
them into proper schools."
Relatives and social welfare groups manage to help some children
attend school, but others, like Simelane, who have never been to
school, keep falling through the cracks in the government's promises.
"At school, I think they have forgotten about me," lamented Simelane.
_______________________________________
3. Bilateral relations with Swaziland to be strengthened. The New
Nation (Bangladesh), BSS, Dhaka, February 6, 2008.
The newly appointed High Commissioner of Swaziland to Bangladesh
Mpumelelo Joshep Ndumiso Htophe on Tuesday presented his credentials
to President Professor Dr Iajuddin Ahmed at Bangabhaban here.
During the call on, the President welcomed the new High Commissioner
and said that the appointment would usher in a new era in the domain
of bilateral relation between Bangladesh and Swaziland.
The President also reiterated Bangladesh's commitment and
determination to further consolidate the relation with Swaziland and
hoped that the existing bilateral tie between the two countries would
be further developed and strengthened in the days to come.
He also said, Swaziland people could be benefited by using Bangladeshi
products including pharmaceutical, melamine and jute goods, which
achieved international standard.
Professor Iajuddin apprised the Swaziland High Commissioner of the
present government's initiatives to hold a free, fair and transparent
election by creating a level-playing ground field for all prospective
participants within the envisaged time frame.
He said, the present government is determined to ensure good
governance and accountability at all spheres and fight against
organized crime and corruption.
The President also apprised the High Commissioner of the Bangladesh's
role in UN peacekeeping mission and said Bangladesh earned laurels for
her international peacekeeping roles.
The Swaziland High Commissioner commended Bangladesh's achievement is
different sectors and the present government's steps to strengthen
democracy in the country.
Mpumelelo Joshep Ndumiso Htophe, who resides in Kuala Lumpur in
Malaysia, also hoped that Bangladesh and Swaziland would work together
to ensue international peace, security and stability.
Military Secretary to the President Major General Mohd Aminul Karim,
Secretary Md Sirajul Islam, Foreign Secretary Touhid Hosain and Press
Secretary Abdul Awal Howlader were present during the meeting.
Earlier on his arrival at Bangabhaban, the new Swaziland High
Commissioner was given guard of honour. He visited the guard and took
salute.
______________________________________
4. Member of Parliament accuses EU of recolonising continent.
Business Day (South Africa), Wyndham Hartley, February 7, 2008.
The biannual meeting of European and South African parliamentarians to
discuss South African-European Union (EU) relations got off to a rocky
start yesterday when a top African National Congress (ANC) MP accused
the Europeans of recolonising Africa through economic means.
The delegation from the European Parliament was also criticised
sharply for accusing SA of encouraging smaller countries to refuse to
sign an economic partnership agreement (EPA) with southern African
countries.
A member of the South African delegation also suggested that smaller
countries from the Southern African Customs Union were coerced into
signing the agreement for fear of losing their access to European
markets.
The meeting comes as SA and the EU are in disagreement on the terms of
the EPA negotiated with the Southern African Development Community
(SADC). The disagreement on the terms of the EPA has seen SA excluded
in a move that experts believe splits the collective SADC economy, and
according to international policy expert John Maré, places the
Southern African Customs Union at risk.
ANC MP Job Sithole, who chairs Parliament?s foreign affairs committee,
said the very countries that Africans had fought for their liberation
were now recolonising Africa economically through their collective
organisation, the EU . He accused the EU of dividing the region and of
harming the unity of the customs union. Sithole said after African
economies were damaged they were offered crumbs from the table of
the EU. Sithole said the EU was taking advantage of weaknesses in
African economies, and that the EU did not talk to Africans as equals.
EU ambassador to SA Lodewijk Briët denied this, saying he believed the
EU made every endeavour to treat Africans as equals. He said the
economic partnership agreements were not recolonising Africa or
creating further divisions in Africa. Heading the delegation, ANC MP
Obed Bapela said the signing of the EPA by countries such as Namibia
and Botswana came about because of their fear of losing quotas for
meat exports to the European market.
He was sharply critical of what he called accusations that South
Africa was intimidating other SADC countries not to sign the
partnership agreement. Bapela said this was a thorny issue, and it
would be raised in closed session. The draft agenda for the two-day
meeting included a review of the recent Africa-EU summit, EU
immigration policy, climate change and the environment, nuclear energy
policy for SA, bio fuels policy and the contested SADC economic
partnership agreement.
____________________________________
5. World Health Organisation (WHO) narrows down second-line ARV
options. Integrated Regional Information Networks, Johannesburg, 7
February 2008.
As developing countries scale up their antiretroviral (ARV) treatment
programmes, more and more people living with HIV are expected to
develop resistance to their drug regimens and will need second-line
medicines.
Many second-line drugs are either unavailable or prohibitively
expensive in developing countries, and doctors often lack experience
or knowledge of what combination of second-line ARVs to prescribe.
In a move aimed at helping governments formulate second-line treatment
regimens, fast-track drug approvals and drive down prices, the World
Health Organisation (WHO) has narrowed down the number of second-line
ARVs it recommends.
The new guidelines, drawn from an expert meeting held in May 2007,
have been released partly in response to requests from countries for
more guidance on which second-line ARVs to include in their national
treatment programmes.
Clearer guidance
"These new guidelines are good news," said Dr Tido von Schoen-Anderer,
director of Campaign for Access to Essential Medicines run by Medecins
Sans Frontiers. "Before there were so many different drug options and
now there is much clearer guidance, and that has major advantages at
the programme level and also the choice of drugs means it's going to
be cheaper."
Of the two million HIV-positive people in low- and middle-income
countries receiving treatment by December 2006, the WHO estimates that
only about two percent were on second-line ARVs, but that number is
rising because about three percent of ARV patients switch from first-
to second-line treatment every year.
Second-line drugs can cost between two and nine times as much as
fist-line drugs and few generic versions are available. The WHO has
estimated that without price reductions, by 2012 as much as 90 percent
of the funds for providing ARV treatment will be spent on second-line
drugs.
According to the Clinton Foundation HIV/AIDS Initiative (CHAI), the
prices of a number of generic second-line drugs in the pipeline or
awaiting regulatory approval will depend on limiting the number of
different drugs used for second-line treatment.
"Second-line access is still a challenge," said Andy Gray a consultant
pharmacist for the Centre for the AIDS Programme of Research in South
Africa (CAPRISA). He pointed out that South Africa, a middle-income
country with much greater regulatory capacity than other countries in
the region, still lacked a generic version of a second-line protease
inhibitor, a class of ARV drugs that is a component of most adult
regimens.
Gray welcomed the WHO's additional guidelines on second-line
treatment, but worried that the choices might be too restrictive.
"Limiting the number of second-line options may look attractive to a
country programme, but in a middle-income country such as South Africa
there's going to be a lot of pressure from clinicians that they need
more options," he told IRIN/PlusNews.
"If countries like South Africa have enough well-trained clinicians,
then of course they can offer more options," Von Schoen-Anderer
responded, "but in terms of making second-line treatment more
available, the only way forward was to make it simpler and easier to
implement."
Second-line ARVs still too expensive
Gray and Von Schoen-Anderer agreed that many obstacles remained to
making second-line drugs more cheaply available. "I don't think
governments are doing enough to prepare for the numbers of people who
are going to need second-line treatment," Gray said.
Few governments, for example, have so far taken advantage of
safeguards provided in the World Trade Organisation's Trade Related
Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS), which allow
intellectual property rights to be balanced against public health
priorities.
Under TRIPS, countries can override drug patents during a public
health emergency by issuing a 'compulsory license' to manufacture or
import cheaper generic versions, a move Von Schoen-Anderer predicted
might be necessary, especially if pharmaceutical companies were
successful in challenging an Indian law that allows the country to
block patents for medicines that are modified versions of existing
drugs.
"There's enormous dependence on generics from India so we look with a
lot of concern now to what is going to happen there with the patents,"
said Von Schoen-Anderer.
The new WHO guidelines draw attention to an additional barrier to
effective second-line treatment: the lack of capacity in many
developing countries to carry out tests that diagnose first-line ARV
treatment failure.
"In order to maximise the efficacy and durability of first- and
second-line antiretroviral regimens," read the guidelines, "WHO
continues to support the universal availability and use of appropriate
and affordable CD4 [an indication of immune strength] and HIV
viral-load testing."
In the absence of equipment to measure viral load [the amount of HI
virus in the system], health workers have to rely on physical signs
that the disease is progressing in spite of treatment. As a result,
drug resistance is often quite advanced before its detecte
____________________________________
6. Question as to circumcision advice. Clare Lare Nullis, Associated
Press, Cape Town (SA), February 7, 2008.
South Africa's health minister took another controversial foray into
the AIDS debate Thursday by questioning international medical studies
that say circumcision helps reduce HIV infections in men.
Manto Tshabalala-Msimang, who frequently clashes with foreign experts
on how to deal with this nation's world-worst AIDS epidemic, said
there wasn't "enough information" to justify the government running
roughshod over some local communities whose traditions frown on
circumcision.
Her comments were the latest in a string of positions that have earned
Tshabalala-Msimang sharp criticism from AIDS activists, leading one
expert to say the statement showed she is "addicted to folly."
Tshabalala-Msimang voiced doubts about the circumcision studies on the
sidelines of a meeting of South African traditional leaders. Many of
those leaders portrayed the advice on circumcision as a Western
attempt to force foreign values and solutions on Africans.
South Africa has an estimated 5.4 million people infected with the
AIDS virus, the most of any nation.
The United Nations says there is compelling evidence circumcision
reduces the risk of men contracting the AIDS virus by up to 60
percent. The World Health Organization and UNAIDS last March endorsed
male circumcision as an "additional important intervention."
The advice was issued following three extensive trials in South
Africa, Kenya and Uganda that showed circumcision dramatically reduced
men's susceptibility to HIV infection because the cells in the
foreskin of the penis are especially vulnerable to the virus.
One study projected that in the next decade, male circumcision could
prevent 2 million AIDS infections and 300,000 deaths.
Tshabalala-Msimang said she was not convinced, noting South Africa's
Xhosa ethnic communities suffer high AIDS infection rates even though
nearly all Xhosa men are circumcised. However, the infection rate is
even higher for Zulus, for whom circumcision is taboo.
The health minister also said male circumcision offers no protection
for women, who bear the brunt of the AIDS infections in sub-Saharan
Africa.
Stephen Lewis, the former U.N. AIDS envoy for Africa and a strong
critic of Tshabalala-Msimang, said the comments were typical of an
official who has espoused garlic and lemon as a remedy for AIDS and
openly mistrusts anti-retroviral medicines used to treat infections.
"She remains a minister who is addicted to folly," Lewis said in an
interview from Canada. "There is overwhelming scientific evidence that
male circumcision is one of the important ways of preventing
transmission of the virus. This is proven beyond a shadow of a doubt."
Rwanda, Uganda, Zambia and Swaziland are among the African countries
incorporating male circumcision as part of government AIDS prevention
strategies. The United States and big donors like the Bill and Melinda
Gates Foundation have said they are willing to fund such programs.
Swaziland, where an estimated one-third of the population is infected,
has set up a circumcision task force even though Swazi culture is
similar to that of Zulus, who fear circumcision will undermine their
warrior traditions.
Twelve Swazi doctors, a tenth of the country's total, are being
trained to perform the operation. The country's rate of circumcisions
has increased from a couple a week to more than 10 a day, said Inon
Schenker, head of an Israeli training mission in Swaziland.
"I meet almost everyone who comes into the operating room," Schenker
said in a telephone interview. "I ask them, `Why did you come?' and
90-plus percent say, `This is going to allow us to be healthy.'"
He said every Swazi man who undergoes circumcision is counselled that
the medical procedure alone does not offer complete protection against
the AIDS virus and continued condom use is essential. They are also
told they must wait until the wound heals before having sex.
_____________________________________
7. Country to establish a single local government system. Commonwealth
News and Information Service (London), AllAfrica Global Media
(allAfrica.com), 5 February 2008.
The Commonwealth Secretariat has organised a workshop aimed at
strengthening the ability of local governments in Swaziland to
effectively deliver services to citizens.
The workshop, taking place from 4 to 6 February 2008 at Piggs Peak in
Swaziland, is being attended by local government officials who are in
charge of local administration.
The Secretariat's Governance and Institutional Development Division
(GIDD) organised the workshop with funding from the Commonwealth Fund
for Technical Co-operation and UN-HABITAT, the United Nations agency
for human settlements. It is a response to a request made by
Swaziland's Deputy Prime Minister, Constance Simelane, during her
visit to the Commonwealth Secretariat's London headquarters in March
2007.
Although decentralisation in Swaziland can be traced as far back as
1955, it was not until 2005 that the government formulated a
decentralisation policy which has now been fully adopted as part of
its governance structure. Over the next five years, the Swazi
Government intends to implement measures that will establish a single
country-wide system of local government which is currently divided
between rural and urban authorities.
This policy is reflected in the country's 25-year strategy - the
National Development Strategy - as central to its development agenda
and the attainment of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs).
John Wilkins, Head of GIDD's Special Programme Section, said many
developing Commonwealth countries are facing a myriad of challenges
including poverty and delivering local services such as health care
and education. He added that "local governments can play a significant
role in addressing these and other allied issues like attaining the
MDGs."
Dr Munawwar Alam, the Secretariat's Adviser for Sub-national
Government and Administration, stated that the workshop will enable
top policy-makers in the country to understand the challenges of
implementing local government reforms and finding appropriate solutions.
"It will also consider various reform options suitable for the
country; how leadership can bring about change; recent trends towards
decentralisation in Sub-Saharan Africa; and experiences of other
countries," he noted.
_____________________________________
8. Southern Africa: Thirty percent less maize by 2030. Integrated
Regional Information Networks (IRIN), Johannesburg, 8 February, 2008.
As global warming pushes temperatures up and droughts become more
intense, the production of maize, southern Africa's staple food, could
drop by as much as 30 percent in another two decades, according to a
new study.
The study by a group of Stanford University researchers calls on
countries to opt for long-term measures like the development of new
crop varieties and investment in irrigation, which could help lessen
the impact on food production more substantially than shifting
planting dates.
"Adaptation is a key factor that will shape the future severity of
climate change impacts on food production," said David Lobell, the
lead author of the report on the study. "These adaptations will
require substantial investments by farmers, governments, scientists
and development organisations, all of whom face many other demands on
their resources."
The impact on food security by 2030 was estimated by looking at
changes in both temperature and rainfall, as large agricultural
investments "typically take 15 to 30 years to realise full returns."
Lobell said there was little money and time available to invest in the
affected communities.
The Stanford researchers based their analysis on a synthesis of
information on what poor people eat, observed relationships between
historical harvests and climate variability in poor regions, and
various projections of climate change by 2030 to inform investment
decisions. A total of 94 crop-region combinations, including rice in
South Asia and groundnuts in East Africa, were evaluated for the study.
There are drought-resistant crop varieties available in world's 1,500
genebanks, according to Luigi Guarino, Senior Science Coordinator with
the Global Crop Diversity Trust. "Unfortunately, we don't know which
ones they are until they are evaluated. This study [by Lobell et al]
highlights how urgent it is that the contents of genebanks are
evaluated and the resulting information be readily accessible to
breeders in affected countries".
The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change has predicted that food
production in Africa could halve by 2020, while a 2006 climate change
study coordinated by the Centre for Environmental Economics and Policy
in Africa (CEEPA), based in Pretoria, South Africa, warned that
African governments and farmers should anticipate the need to change
crops rather than holding on to traditional crops that often failed.
CEEPA's study report, Crop Selection: Adapting to Climate Change in
Africa, strongly suggests that agricultural analyses of climate change
impacts take crop selection into account. The research was part of a
project implemented in 11 countries: Burkina Faso, Cameroon, Ghana,
Niger and Senegal in West Africa; Egypt in North Africa; Ethiopia and
Kenya in East Africa and South Africa, Zambia, and Zimbabwe in
southern Africa.
Researchers discovered that African farmers adapted crop choice to
climate. "There is every reason to believe that they will continue to
adapt in the future," said authors Pradeep Kurukulasuriya and Robert
Mendelsohn.
The study found that farmers sometimes chose to grow only a single
crop, such as sorghum, cowpea or maize, but often selected a crop
combination that would survive the harsh conditions in Africa, like
maize-beans, cowpea-sorghum, and millet-groundnut. These combinations
gave farmers more flexibility across climates than growing a single
crop.
"Future research into new crops that are more suitable for higher
temperatures could dramatically improve farmers' welfare, especially
in hot locations such as Africa," the study noted. "Although a great
deal of progress has been achieved in making existing crops more
productive, future research efforts need to move towards making them
more resilient to higher temperatures."
According to another study in the CEEPA project, Africa is expected to
lose 4.1 percent of its cropland by 2039, and 18.4 percent is likely
to have disappeared by the end of the century. Cropland loss is likely
to occur at a much faster rate some parts of Africa, with northern and
eastern Africa losing up to 15 percent of their current cropland area
within the next 30 years or so.
A recent survey by Action Aid, a global anti-poverty agency based in
South Africa, found that changes in rainfall patterns have affected
the growing seasons and the type of crops planted in Malawi:
long-season local maize varieties, which take longer to grow, are no
longer a preferred option, and maize normally planted in November is
now being planted in December.
________________________________________
9. Africa at large: Bad farming practices blamed for infertile soils.
Francis Ayieko, East African (Kenya), February 6, 2008.
The urgency to restore soil fertility in Africa stems from the fact
that more than three-quarters of the farmland in sub-Saharan Africa
has been so depleted of the basic nutrients that crops need for
survive, leading to reduced crop yields.
The soils are also low in organic matter and have poor water holding
capacity. Experts warn that until these conditions are reversed, food
production in Africa will remain depressed. They also say that
unsustainable land practices are contributing to massive erosion and
deforestation.
According to experts, much of Africa?s soils are ancient, derived from
granite weathered over millennia. But soil conditions have worsened in
recent decades. Driven to meet the food demands of a growing
population, African farmers have steadily abandoned traditional
practices that restore soil nutrients, such as leaving fields fallow
for several years between plantings. It is estimated that continuous
cultivation without soil revitalisation causes the loss of eight
million tonnes of soil nutrients each year.
Today, there are 95 million hectares of degraded land in sub-Saharan
Africa, leading to greatly reduced farmland productivity. In the
past, traditional farming practices maintained soil fertility by
allowing fields to lie fallow for a few years. But population growth
and pressure on land have led to a sharp decline in fallowing. Today,
fallowing is practised on less than 25 per cent of land in 29 African
countries and is expected to disappear entirely from 20 of those
countries in the near future.
On the other hand, few small-scale farmers in sub-Saharan Africa are
able to use fertilisers to restore soil health because they either
cannot get or afford the appropriate inputs. Today, sub-Saharan Africa
uses one-tenth of the fertiliser commonly applied on farms around the
world. In addition, there is an art and science to the efficient and
environmentally responsible combination of fertilisers, organic inputs
and cropping techniques to get a maximum return on investment.
Finding the right combinations requires the best farmer knowledge and
technical knowledge. For example, many soils respond poorly to the
application of fertilisers or of organic matter alone. They often
require rehabilitation with the right combinations of both and
appropriate soil management practices. According to agricultural
experts, achieving the level of soil health critical to sustainable
and adequate food production in Africa requires a variety of
activities that will simultaneously improve soil management and land
use practices while increasing farmer access to fertilisers and to the
knowledge needed for their efficient and environmentally sound use.
Statistics show that during the 2002-2004 farming season, 85 per cent
of African farmland, most of it in sub-Saharan Africa, experienced
moderate annual losses of at least 30 kilogrammes of nitrogen,
phosphorous and potassium, and 40 per cent of farmlands experienced
high losses of more than 60 kilogrammes per hectare. It has also been
confirmed that nutrient losses are higher in particular regions. For
example, annual losses on farmlands bordering rivers and on the dry
savannahs of Mali, Burkina Faso, Nigeria, Ethiopia, Somalia and Kenya
can be as high as 100 kilogrammes per hectare.
And agriculture lands developed on coastal sediments in Senegal,
Gambia, Benin, Somalia, Kenya and Mozambique are losing up to 120
kilogrammes per hectare.
_______________________________________
Swaziland Newsletter is published by Africa Contact (Denmark) and
distributed to more than 1200 national and international
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labour movements, political parties, church organisations, print and
electronic media, governments, diplomatic missions, members of
parliament, parliamentary committees and private individuals in
Southern Africa, Europe and the United States of America.
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Swaziland@Newsletter Extra
Published by Southern Africa Contact (Denmark)
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__________________________________________
The following text is a press release by Lawyers for Human Rights
(Swaziland) on the speech by the Attorney General at the yearly
opening of the High Court. His full speech was published in Swaziland
Observer in siSwati (23 January 2008) and in English (24 January
2008). The Swaziland Coalition of Concerned Civic Organisations (SCCO)
perceived a clear contradiction between the image
of the Atorney Generaldemocracy and international interpretation of democratic
constitutions. In the following, this contradiction is described in detail.
Africa Contact
Editor
______________________________
Lawyers for Human Rights response to the statement of the Attorney General.
Lawyers for Human Rights welcomes the opening of the High Court and
wishes the judges, fellow lawyers, and court officials the help og God
in performing some of the most difficult and onerous of public duties.
May he grant us all the wisdom to listen carefully, to speak
fearlessly and to deliberate wisely in accordance with justice and the
law.
We applaud the Attorney General (AG) stance on openness,transparency,
the highest of ethical standards and freedom of crruption among
lawyers and court officials. We concur with his comments about the
scourge of HIV/AIDS and the importance of acceptance of the reality of
the situation personally, professionally and as a country.
Backlogs
We note and share the concerns of the Attorney General on the backlog
of cases and the especially long time that it has taken between
hearing and the handing down of judgements in sensitive or
controversial cases. These cases are of the utmost importance to the
nation and they are the beginning of a development of a body of
constitutional and administrative law that will start to put flesh on
the already corpulent bones of our supreme law. We would encourage
the Attorney General re-establish a proper system of reporting of case
law.
Concerns
What gives us great concern is the misinterpretation and
misrepresentation of the Constitution by the Attorney General on
several matters of fundamental importance.
These are:
- The fact that in his interpretation the executive (government) is
first among equals.
- His assertion that the separation of powers can be found in the
Constitution.
- His reliance on the Latimer House Principles to back up these assertions.
The Position of the Executive in the Swazi Constitution
Section 64 (1) of the Constitution states that - The executive
authority of Swaziland vests in the King as Head of State.
In no way under Swazi law, custom, tradition or the Constitution can
the King, and therefore the Executive, be said to be "first among
equals". The King and iNgweyama has a special and revered role in
Swazi traditional law and custom to such an extent that our custom
dictates that "the King cannot tell a lie". This is not a prohibition
of royal falsehoods but a statement on how truth and reality are
recognized in Swazi Traditional Law.
The King and iNgweyama also has an elevated role under the Swazi
Constitution where under section 11 he cannot be questioned in court
and therefore his decisions cannot come under judicial scrutiny
either. Therefore it follows that our Executive is not first among
equals but first among strongly weighted unequals. - "First among
equals" is a quaint term that was coined by the British constitutional
historian and chief apologist for the aristocracy and the then status
quo - Walter Bagheot to describe his interpretation of the nature of
the British Prime Minister position in cabinet. It was no more
appropriate to 19th Century Britain than it is to 21st century
Swaziland.
Separation of Powers
The Attorney General continues by saying that the separation of powers
can be found in the constitution. We strongly contest that assertion.
Separation of powers is a philosophy of providing checks and balances
between the three branches of government: the executive (government
ministers and their departments), the legislative (parliament) and the
judiciary (judges and the courts). In theory, it distributes the
power of the state between these three branches and maintains a
healthy tension of oversight and accountability between them. In a
democracy that practices separation of powers the ultimate power rests
in the will of the people, and so parliament and the legislature
become the final arbiter of how the country is governed - not the executive.
We have already seen that in Swaziland the King has supreme executive
authority. Let us look at parliamentary authority in Swaziland today.
Section 106(a) of the Constitution says "the supreme legislative
authority of Swaziland vests in the King-in-Parliament". It goes on to
state the King can appoint nearly one fifth of the House of Assembly
and two thirds of the Senate. The majority of both houses is required
for a bill to become law. In any case, under section 134(b), the King
has the absolute authority to dissolve parliament. It is impossible
to argue that emaSwati have any real political power in this
arrangement. We know that the real power lies with the traditional
authorities and Liqoqo in advising the King.
In other countries, parliamentary elections are typically closely
fought and so often the people in the centre hold the balance of
power. This promotes a culture of problem solving, compromise and
respect for minorities. The Swazi system ensures an inbuilt majority
for those who are sympathetic to traditional causes in all but the
most extreme situations. Democracy is not reflected in the simple
rule of the majority. It is equal access to power and influence by
all. The arrangement is Swaziland is simply and clearly not democratic.
Who Judges the Judges?
Turning to the how independent our judiciary is Section 141 guarantees
the independence of the judiciary. However, the senior judges of the
country are chosen by the Judicial Services Commission. The majority
of this commission is directly appointed by the King and his advisors.
Given this fact, how independent can new judges really be?
The Attorney General admonition to existing and potential judges to
get involved in traditional ceremonies such as iNcwala shows that he
does not want independence but obeisance. This should not be a matter
of concern for the chief legal officer of government. He needs to
respect the ideal of judiciary independence. The judges of the
country have the right and the freedom to attend or not attend
without, as he so readily quotes, fear or favour.
All Angles Covered
Thus we can see that the combined position of the Monarchy and its
advisors directly controls the make up of, and has the potential to
manipulate the decisions of, all three branches of government. We
therefore must disagree in the strongest of terms with the Attorney
General that the Swazi Constitution embodies the doctrine of the
separation of powers.
Commonwealth Rules
The Attorney General is happy to quote the Commonwealth Latimer House
Principals to back up portions of his argument when saying that our
Judges should remain subservient to the Constitution. He conveniently
neglects the preceding section that states that :Parliamentary
procedures should provide adequate mechanisms to enforce the
accountability of the executive to parliament.
There is no history of regular and rigorous accountability of our
government to parliament.
The Latimer House Principles go on to envisage a system of a
multi-party democracy that is thoroughly grounded in the doctrine of
parliament, not the executive, being first amongst equals and sets out
a system of proper oversight of the executive by bodies such as an
Opposition in Parliament, Ombudsmen, Public Accounts Committees, Human
Rights Commissions, Auditors General, Anti-Corruption Commissions,
Information Commissions, Judicial Review, an independent and vibrant
media protected by law and a constructive relationship with civil
society.
We are happy that, as the chief law officer of governmet, the Attorney
General is aware of the Latimer House Principles, we will be a lot
happier when he, and his cabinet colleagues, start to live by them.
The principles are a model for good governance across the Commonwealth
and, if the Attorney General wishes to talk to us about how to work
towards their full implementation in Swaziland, our doors, and the
doors of the rest of civil society, remain open.
________________________________________________
Swaziland Newsletter is published by Africa Contact (Denmark) and
distributed to more than 1200 national and international
organisations, research
institutes, universities, trade unions and labour movements, political
parties, church organisations, print and electronic media,
governments, diplomatic missions, members of parliament, parliamentary
committees and private individuals in Southern Africa, Europe and the
United States of America.
Support the democratic movement in Swaziland: MANDELA FUND: Den Danske
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DABADKKK. Registration Number: 0274. Account Number: 3327000. The
MANDELA FUND is a registered national collection in Denmark.
Swaziland@Newsletter 55
Published by Africa Contact (Denmark)
Earlier issues can be read at
http://uk.groups.yahoo.com/group/SAK-Swazinewsletter together with
documents and other materials not included in the regular newsletter.
If you wish to subscribe to the newsletter, please send mail to:
SAK-Swazinewsletter subscribe@... All correspondence to
swaziland@... Free subscription to the newsletter will also
give access to the photo section which illustrates the history, the
land, life and struggle of the Swazi people.
_____________________________________
1. Swaziland opposition groups to boycott poll. Lunga Masuku, Manzini.
SAPA : South Africa Press Association (AFP), February 3, 2008.
2. Women still marginalised. The Swazi Observer, February 5, 2006.
3. Greatest threat to reform is a short memory. James Hall, Inter
Press Service (IPS), January 30, 2008.
4. Police, warders' unions lose. Sabelo Mamba, The Swazi Observer,
February 5, 2008.
5. The dark ages. South Africa's power crisis is having wider
repercussions. The Economist print edition (Johannesburg) 31 January
2008 .
6. Global: Doomsday seed vault for food security. 31 January 2008
(IRIN). News and analysis: http://www.irinnews.org
7. China in Africa: lending, policy space and governance. Martine
Dahle Huse & Stephen L. Muyakwa, Norwegian Campaign for Debt
Cancellation (2008): http://www.slettgjelda.no Norwegian Council for
Africa, http://www.afrika.no
______________________________________
1. Swaziland opposition groups to boycott poll. Lunga Masuku, Manzini.
SAPA : South Africa Press Association (AFP), February 3, 2008.
Opposition groups in Swaziland, Africa's last absolute monarchy, have
agreed to boycott parliamentary polls later this year, undertaking
instead to push harder for multi-party elections.
A dozen political parties, civic organisations and student groupings
met in Manzini at the weekend, endorsing the formation of a united
front within two months to challenge the status quo in the tiny
land-locked kingdom.
Mphandlana Shongwe, founder member of the People's United Democratic
Movement (PUDEMO), said taking part in elections would give the state
a sheen of false legitimacy. PUDEMO is one of six political parties
taking part in the broad movement.
"For the past 24 years we have been able to deny the state legitimacy
so we are proud of ourselves and we must not rest until we attain the
goals we set for ourselves," Shongwe told a rally on Saturday.
Boycotting the polls in their current format would send a message to
the world that change was required, he added.
"Does it mean we have to start butchering people before the western
world can realize that there was something wrong with the way the
country was governed?"
Any member of the front who wanted to stand in elections, likely to be
held in October or November, would have to resign from his party,
delegates concluded.
Political parties were banned in 1973 when the late King Sobhuza II,
father of incumbent King Mswati, determined that Westminster-style
democracy promoted hatred.
The constitution, rewritten in 2006, allows for freedom of association
but people can only stand for elections as individuals.
The parliament comprises 85 members, more than a third of whom are
handpicked by the king who also makes all government appointments.
The weekend meeting was initially divided over whether to boycott a
system of government some argue is fundamentally flawed, or to propose
an unofficial slate of election candidates to try to change the system
from within.
Meeting organiser Jan Sithole told the gathering pressure groups stood
little chance of making a difference if they remained fragmented.
"Because of our disorganization we have not been able to make an
impact on the country's politics," he said. "We have to claim a place
in the country's political terrain."
The front will be officially launched at a conference in early April
where a name and constitution would be adopted. All but two Swazi
political parties have agreed to be part of the front.
The last attempt to forge a united opposition failed when the
Swaziland Democratic Alliance collapsed three years into its existence
when its chairman broke ranks and took part in elections in 2003.
Swaziland, with a population of one million, is one of Africa's
poorest countries and also has one of the world's highest rates of HIV
infection.
______________________________________________________
2. Women still marginalised. The Swazi Observer, February 5, 2006.
Women are still regarded a marginalised population in the country in
as far as business is concerned.
This was an observation made yesterday by a group of business people
from different organisations in the country during a meeting with a
team of their Limpopo colleagues.
SME Director Michael Zwane said this was a challenge for government to
position itself in supporting initiatives by women. He said there were
women in other countries, like those from the Limpopo province, who
were a testimony that it was possible for women to be successfully
involved in such sectors as mining and construction.
The team from Limpopo is here to share ideas with their local
colleagues and possibly identify strategic partners out of the
interactions. There are women who are very productive in these sectors
and this is the right step towards business development, in turn,
leading to economic development, he said.
Manager of SA Greater Giyani Jewellery identified as N.B. Baloyi said
women engaged in businesses like construction and mining were still
not receiving the much needed support in some countries and Swaziland
was no exception.
She, however, stated that their government had taken the initiative to
embrace such women and support them, adding that other governments
could learn from that experience.
Baloyi said women need such empowerment and to be put into perspective
on the challenges that come with these. She stressed that women in
leadership positions in society should serve to represent the
interests of women, especially those in business for the benefit of
the larger economy.
Women should be the ones to say what women can or can?t do in any
environment. In our country, and in many others, women form a majority
of the population, about 80 percent and this is reason enough to have
them represented in the legislature. After all, women are only women
by gender but are very normal human beings, she said.
Baloyi added that even in big countries like South Africa and others
in the region, funding for projects initiated by women was still a
problem, and that Swaziland was not the only country that does not
have money. This is where international organisations and companies
come in to fund certain projects of interest, she said.
Also present at the discussions were presidents of business
associations, FESBC and ASBC, business people as well as officials
from the Swaziland Investment Promotion Authority (SIPA).
The team made a courtesy call to SA High Commissioner Mxolisi Mabude
before proceeding to the ministry of enterprise and employment where
they met the Principal Secretary Bertram Stewart. They also met a team
from the FSE&CC as well as the Swaziland Trading House CEO, Swaziland
Investment Consortium (SICO), Foreign Affairs Principal Secretary and
other local businesses.
Today they will visit other Swazi owned businesses like S&B
Restaurant, Business Womens Organisation and Swaziland Dairy Board,
before they depart for Lesotho tomorrow morning.
_______________________________________________
3. Greatest threat to reform is a short memory. James Hall, Inter
Press Service (IPS), January 30, 2008.
Did Swaziland learn nothing from last year?s devastating drought? Some
relief agencies and agricultural officials are shaking their heads in
dismay that 2007?s devastating crop failures did not spark reform in
the way land is utilised in this small country of less than one
million people.
"There was hardship from last year?s drought, but also an opportunity.
I fear we have lost the will to seize that opportunity because now the
drought appears to be over," said Nathan Dlamini, an agriculture
ministry field officer in the central Manzini region.
Eighty percent of crops withered and died in the fields of some
regions, and all four provinces experienced drought-related crop
failures last year. Rains ceased in Dec. 2006, and only resumed
sporadically after the key stage of the maize plant?s development had
passed. Maize is the staple food of the nation -- grown by four out of five
Swazis.
"At the crucial time in the maize plants development, there was no
nourishing water, because few of the farmers have irrigation," Ben
Nsibandze, chairman of the National Disaster Management Council, told
IPS. "There had never been such a widespread lack of rainfall in our
modern history," said Nsibandze, whose office gauges the number of
people affected by emergencies and provides data to local and
international relief organisations.
This year, rains have returned, and are steadily moistening fields and
gradually replenishing depleted lakes and reservoirs.
"No one is talking about water rationing any more," said Dlamini.
"Because of the electricity crisis everybodys attention has turned to
power shortages. We are lurching from crisis to crisis without doing
anything to fix fundamental issues," he said.
The effects of the great drought of 2007 still linger. Forty percent
of the population is dependant on some form of food assistance to
survive -- from school children whose only complete meal each day is
eaten at school and provided by the U.N. Childrens Fund (UNICEF) to
food-short families who receive monthly packages of maize meal, soy
blend, and cooking oil from the World Food Programme (WFP).
At the beginning of the planting season -- September though November
-- subsistence farmers were reluctant to commit their seeds to soil,
fearful of a repeat of the last year drought. Lack of rainfall had
persisted in areas like the eastern Lubombo region for 15 years.
Another reason was welfare dependence -- traditional leaders and
others are decrying the apathy of some farmers to grow crops because they
knew they would be fed by the WFP.
Late January finds the fields green again with two-metre high maize
stalks -- their brilliant translucent green leaves shading budding
cobs that signal plentiful harvests come May.
"Everything is back to normal -- nothing is being done to protect us
against the next drought, even though there was a big Agriculture
Summit last year to seek such solutions," Amos Ngwenya, a farming
implement dealer in Manzini, told IPS.
"We must find ways to ensure food security for the nation," said
Minister of Agriculture Mtiti Fakudze in August when he opening the
government Agriculture Summit in Manzini. Other government
officials, relief organisations, commercial farmers, and traditional
authorities echoed his sentiment.
Critics in the Swazi media have expressed concern that the summit was
another costly "talk shop" that provided a photo-op for politicians,
but would result in no concrete action.
This month, Swaziland Livestock Technical Services, an agricultural
consultancy firm, expressed dismay that even a long-overdue
preliminary report with recommendations is locked up in government.
"One reason farmers continue to grow maize is they find no market for
other crops. Maize can be stored and eaten by the farmer family
later, but not vegetables, eggs or milk, which government has
encouraged farmers to diversify into," said Ngwenya. "There was a lot
of talk at the agriculture summit about establishing markets for local
production and cut down dependency on imports from South Africa, but
that is all it was, talk."
Abdoulaye Balde, country representative to Swaziland for the WFP, told
IPS, "There are places where they should not grow maize. Other crops
would do better. But it is hard to break the cycle of growing the same
crops."
Over the years, Swazi farmers have remained conservative, but not
resistant to opportunities. Cotton was grown as a drought-tolerant
crop in the late 1980s, but failed to take off for lack of a
distribution system for the raw cotton fibre. In the 1990s, farmers
rode a boom in sugar cane prices and sugar became Swaziland?s top
export -- earning the nickname "the real Swazi gold."
Many farmers followed government suggestion to form cooperatives and
pool their land resources for sugar cane cultivation. The relevant
ministry even changed its name to the Ministry of Agriculture and
Cooperatives. But a drop in sugar prices dampened profits, prompting
grumbling that "you cannot survive on sugar cane."
While government concentrated its poverty alleviation efforts on
foreign direct investment in urban projects like manufacturing, no
dent has been made in U.N. Development Programme (UNDP) data showing
two out of three Swazis live in absolute poverty.
On small farms agricultural production remained identical in the 21st
century as when the nomadic Swazis settled down to cultivate fields in
the mid-1800s.
The answer may be to acknowledge that the single-family farms may
never be economically viable, and should be viewed as mere residences
where some family food is grown, weather permitting.
"The fields are too small. Over the years the population has grown and
arable land has been divided and subdivided. Even a bumper crop is not
that profitable because of size -- maybe ten surplus bags of maize
per household," said Dlamini.
If Swazis cannot achieve food security and end poverty by reforming
subsistence family farms, a solution may be found in Agri-Industry,
which employs farmers to cultivate fields and pays them wages to
support their families.
Two large-scale Agri-Industry schemes were announced late last year,
located in the drought-stricken southern and eastern areas of the
country. Both involve the cultivation of biofuel crops, which would be
distilled into ethanol and other biofuel products within Swaziland.
Three thousand people would be employed to grow biofuel fodder and
work the distillation plant. The government will provide the land, and
no farmers are to be displaced from their ancestral homes. In fact,
farmers were invited to grow biofuel crops to sell to the distillery.
"This may be the way to go. Turn subsistence farmers into wage earners
so they can support their families, while they remain at their rural
farmers," said Dlamini.
The success of the approach will not be seen until next year, when
biofuel production is scheduled to begin.
Meanwhile, Swaziland requires agricultural reform now as much as when
crops were failing a year ago.
_______________________________
4. Police, warders' unions lose. Sabelo Mamba, The Swazi Observer,
February 5, 2008.
A High Court full bench yesterday dismissed an application brought by
the Swaziland Police Union and Correctional Services Union, who wanted
to be lawfully registered as unions to bargain collectively on behalf
of its members.
Judge Mbutfo Mamba, reading the judgement, said the constitutional
provisions acknowledge or take cognisance of the fact that public
officers at times have access to or were entrusted with sensitive and
confidential; state information in the performance of their public
duties.
In their capacity as public officers, they are not ordinary
employees, he added.
Justice Mamba said whilst they remained human beings and workers,
their office was such that it is different from or dissimilar to any
other ordinary office that it may be deserving of special treatment,
commensurate with the dictates or needs of each particular situation.
He said members of both unions were members of the Disciplined Forces.
This is common cause, he said. They are human beings. They are
workers. But they are special too. Their name or appellation says it
all. They are the Disciplined Forces and the rest of us, the Civilian
Population.
Their office and the work they do and how they do it, sets them
apart. They are law enforcement agents. They are entrusted with the
responsibility to maintain law and order, he continued.
The police have the onerous obligations or duty to protect all of us.
Their shorter Siswati motto captures this rather well; Silihawu LeSive
-We are the Shield of the Nation, he said.
Justice Mamba, who was sitting with Justices Jacobus Annandale and
Qinisile Mabuza, said theirs is a specialised, highly sensitive
national or public office.
He said for the aforegoing reasons, he held that there was no conflict
or discord between the provisions of Section 32 (2) and Section 39 (3).
The submission that Section 39 (3) takes away that which Section 32
(2) gives is in my view incorrect, he said.
Section 32 (2) reads as follows: A worker has a right to freely form,
join or not to join a trade union of the promotion and protection of
economic interests of that worker, and collective bargaining and
representation.
Meanwhile, Section 39 (3) reads: In relation to a person who is a
member of a disciplined force of Swaziland, nothing contained or done
under the authority of disciplinary law of that force shall be held to
be inconsistent with or in contravention of any of the provisions of
this Chapter other than sections 15, 17 or 18.
The government had argued that the applicants were prohibited by law
to form or join a trade union, adding that such was sanctioned by the
constitution.
Justice Mamba said Section 39 (3) of the constitution makes whatever
was contained or done under the authority of the disciplinary law of
Disciplined Force not be inconsistent with the provisions of Chapter 3
of the constitution, other than the sections referred above.
The net effect of all this is that the constitution says that what is
done under or contained in a disciplinary law of a Disciplined Force
shall be deemed to have been accordance with the constitution or at
least not inconsistent with the provisions of Chapter III thereof, he
remarked.
Justice Mamba continued: The applicants have not denied that Section
18 of the Prisons Act and Regulation 19 of the Police Act constitute a
Disciplinary law of a disciplined force.
They have, however, sought to have these laws set aside on the
grounds that they are draconian and colonial and archaic and not
consistent with an open, just, honest and democratic society, which
Swaziland is.
This may be true but the constitution does not share this view. It
has said whatever, is contained in or done under those laws is or
shall be held to be inconsistent with the provisions of Chapter III of
the constitution.
It follows, I think, that if the prohibition or restriction may not
be inconsistent with the constitution, whether the prohibitions is
demonstrably justified in a free and democratic society or reasonable,
does not come into reckoning.
For these reasons, the High Court dismissed the unions? contentions on
these two pieces of legislation. There was no order made in respect of
costs.
Appearing for government was Deputy Attorney General Mzwandile Fakudze
and lawyer Mndeni Vilakati while lawyers Thulani Maseko and Paul
Shilubane represented the unions.
_______________________________
5. The dark ages. South Africa's power crisis is having wider
repercussions. The Economist print edition (Johannesburg) 31 January
2008.
At the big Sandton mall in northern Johannesburg, idle shoppers stroll
in darkness. They have been caught in one of the many blackouts that
have plagued South Africa for three weeks. Shops are closed, unable to
open their tills or process credit cards. Ice-cream shops watch their
merchandise dissolve; food stalls are unable to offer coffee or
anything hot to eat.
In Cape Town a power cut trapped tourists in the cable car that goes
up Table Mountain, and in Pretoria angry commuters whose trains
stopped running set them on fire. In Johannesburg, which is congested
at the best of times, the roads become gridlocked when the traffic
lights go out.
Most shocking of all, the country's largest gold, platinum, coal and
diamond producers shut down their underground mines on January 25th,
after being told that their electricity supply could not be
guaranteed. Five days later, having been promised a stable supply,
they resumed production. But they will have to limit their power
consumption to 90% of the usual level. On January 29th the authorities
said power cuts and rationing would continue until July.
The strange thing is that, until a few years ago, South Africa was
producing more electricity than it needed. The apartheid regime,
obsessed with self-sufficiency, went on a power-station building binge
in the 1970s and 1980s. A few unneeded power stations were even
mothballed. South Africa has long taken abundant, low-cost
electricity?some of the cheapest in the world, thanks to the huge coal
reserves?for granted. This makes the current mess particularly
galling?and all the more so because it could easily have been avoided.
The government knew a decade ago that supply would run short in around
2007. Because of a successful electrification programme and healthy
economic growth, power demand was catching up fast with a capacity
that had not increased much since the 1980s. But the government got
caught up in a policy debate about the appropriate role for the
private sector in electricity generation, so it was only in 2004 that
Eskom, the state-owned utility that generates 95% of the country's
electricity, got permission to start building again. It is now busy
constructing new stations and dusting off those that were mothballed,
which should add another 17,000 megawatts by 2014. But frustrated
South Africans have been warned that periods of occasional blackouts,
euphemistically known as ?load shedding?, will be a fact of life for
at least another five years.
Thanks to growing demand and rising equipment prices, Eskom's
projected investment over the next five years has ballooned to about
300 billion rand ($41 billion). To foot the bill, it plans to borrow
and to slap double-digit price increases on consumers. But
credit-rating agencies are talking about downgrading the company,
which would make borrowing more expensive. So Eskom has asked the
government to help by providing fresh capital or credit guarantees.
The government, for its part, wants private firms to provide 30% of
South Africa's new electricity capacity. But only one private project
is under way so far. After much delay a consortium led by AES, an
American energy company, won a tender to build two plants that will
supply about 1,000 megawatts. If all goes well they should be running
late next year.
In the meantime, the reserve margin?the excess of generation capacity
over peak demand?has shrunk to about 8%, compared with the
international standard of at least 15%. This is too little to cope
with maintenance or breakdowns, which are on the rise since the power
plants are being run too hard. Questions are being asked about Eskom's
ability to maintain its power plants properly and repair them quickly.
At the moment 20% of its generation capacity is unavailable because of
maintenance or repair work, which is why Eskom has had to start
rationing power. Until new power plants become available, South
Africans will have to cut back their electricity consumption. The
newspapers are full of power-saving tips.
The government says with a straight face that the economy, which grew
by 5% last year, will not be affected. But that is hard to believe.
Mike Schussler of T-Sec, a stockbroker, reckons that about 600m rand a
day of export revenues were lost when the mines stopped work. Large,
power-hungry industrial projects, such as the expansion and
construction of aluminium smelters by BHP Billiton and Rio Tinto, need
guaranteed electricity supplies in order to go ahead. Small
businesses, already hit by rising interest rates, cannot afford
generators and are struggling to cope with power cuts. Farmers are
losing perishable products when their fridges stop working. According
to Azar Jammine of Econometrix, a consultancy, the economy is unlikely
to grow by any more than 3% this year, a far cry from the 6% the
government says is needed to halve unemployment by 2014.
The impact is also felt beyond South Africa's borders. Eskom is
rationing the electricity it exports to Mozambique, Zimbabwe, Namibia
and Swaziland. The interruption of mining has pushed up the prices of
gold and platinum. The crisis is likely to affect global platinum
markets, where supply has been tight for a few years, particularly:
South Africa produces over 75% of the world's supply. Carmakers, which
buy over half of global platinum production for use in catalytic
converters, must be praying South Africa will soon emerge from the
darkness.
____________________________
6. Global: Doomsday seed vault for food security. 31 January 2008
(IRIN). News and analysis: http://www.irinnews.org
Should a major catastrophe hit the planet; a doomsday seed vault deep
in the Arctic ice will ensure that survivors never go hungry.
The Svalbard Global Seed Vault, built by the Norwegian government for
the benefit of mankind, is named after the archipelago where it is
located. The Rome-based non-governmental organisation, Global Crop
Diversity Trust, will fund its operation.
The vault is hidden in a mountain deep in the Arctic permafrost at the
village of Longyearbyen, and will house more than 200,000 crop
varieties from Asia, Africa, Latin America and the Middle East. The
seeds will bolster food security should any natural or manmade
disaster affect agricultural systems or gene banks.
The first seed collection will go into the vault on 26 February 2008
and the managers expect regular contributions until the vault contains
seeds of most of the world's crops. Seeds can only be accessed once
the original seed collections have been lost.
Duplicate seeds of existing varieties are drawn from the collection
maintained by the Consultative Group on International Agricultural
Research (CGIAR), which holds 600,000 plant varieties in crop gene
banks in its centres across the world.
On 31 January, the Nigeria-based International Institute of Tropical
Agriculture (IITA), a CGIAR affiliate, shipped 7,000 seed samples from
more than 36 African countries to Oslo, en route to the Longyearbyen
village.
The samples include unique varieties of domesticated and wild cowpeas,
maize, soybeans and the Bambara groundnut, which the IITA has been
collecting since the 1970s.
Most of the IITA seeds are placed under the auspices of the United
Nations Food and Agriculture Organisation, which holds them in trust
for the benefit of the global community.
The seeds will be stored at -18 degrees Celsius in specially designed,
five-ply aluminium foil packages inside sealed boxes stored on high
shelves inside the vault. The low temperature and limited access to
oxygen will ensure low metabolic activity and delay aging.
Gene banks important
The CGIAR collections have helped plant breeders searching for traits
to combat destructive crop diseases and pests, such as the black
sigatoka fungus, which is devastating banana production in East
Africa, and grain borer beetle, which is destroying maize in Kenya.
They have also been used to help restore agricultural systems after
conflicts and natural disasters. Seed varieties from Afghanistan and
Iraq maintained at the CGIAR-supported International Centre for
Agricultural Research in the Dry Areas (ICARDA) in Aleppo, Syria, have
helped revitalise crop diversity in these war-torn regions.
"Svalbard will be able to help replenish gene banks if they're hit,"
said Cary Fowler, executive director of the Global Crop Diversity
Trust. Iraq's gene bank, in the town of Abu Ghraib, was ransacked by
looters in 2003, but fortunately there was a duplicate at the CGIAR
centre in Syria.
In 2006, typhoon Xangsane seriously damaged the national rice gene
bank of the Philippines. "Unfortunately, these kinds of national gene
bank horror stories are fairly commonplace," said Fowler. "The
Svalbard Global Seed Vault makes the CGIAR's gene bank collections
safer than ever."
After the Asian tsunami disaster in 2004, the CGIAR-supported
International Rice Research Institute (IRRI) used its collections to
provide farmers with rice varieties suitable for growing in fields
that had been inundated with salt water.
The gene bank at the CGIAR-supported International Centre for Tropical
Agriculture (CIAT) in Palmira, Colombia, was instrumental in providing
bean varieties to help farmers in Honduras and Nicaragua recover from
Hurricane Mitch in 1998.
Biodiversity vital
Biodiversity is critical in building crop resistance to pests and
diseases, and enabling cultivation in harsher conditions like drought,
salinity and flooding, which will likely increase with global climate
change, particularly in poor countries.
Cowpeas and dozens of other crops, like cassava, yams, and millets,
are known as "orphan" crops, because they receive less attention than
they deserve relative to their value and importance.
According to researchers at the World Vegetable Centre in Taiwan, up
to 27 "orphan" crops with a value of US$100 billion are grown on 250
million hectares (618 million acres) in developing countries.
"So called 'orphan' crops like cowpea and groundnut are not minor or
insignificant crops," said Fowler. "They are of great importance to
regional food security. In addition, they are often adapted to harsh
environments and are diverse in terms of their genetic, agroclimatic,
and economic niches."
_________________________________________________
7. China in Africa: lending, policy space and governance. Martine
Dahle Huse & Stephen L. Muyakwa, Norwegian Campaign for Debt
Cancellation (2008): http://www.slettgjelda.no Norwegian Council for
Africa, http://www.afrika.no
Executive summary
The report findings show that Chinese lending is generally welcome in
Africa. The loans that China provides often contribute to financing
infrastructure and other projects that African countries need.
However, it is of concern that China is lending to countries that
already have large debts outstanding. It is not the lending per se
that is problematic, since it seems that China?s lending occurs in
resource rich countries. What makes China a risk to debt
sustain¬ability in poor countries is the lack of transparency in loan
contraction processes. Loan contracts between China and African
countries are not open to public scrutiny. This leaves a lot of power
in the hands of a few African leaders.
As our case study from Zambia shows, loan contracts are often made at
the highest political level, and because of the lack of transparency,
the agreements are not available to parliament, civil society or media.
The lack of transparency makes it difficult to assess how much debt is
being contracted and on what terms. It also increases the risk that
funds will not be used for the intended purposes and might turn out to
be cases of illegitimate debt in the future. The report concludes that
in order to prevent irresponsible loan contraction, there is a need
for responsible lending prac¬tices to be put in place.
The report also aims to show that the presence of China as a lender in
Africa provides an alternative to the traditional donors within the
development paradigm. Chinese non-interference policy implies that
China does not have any conditions attached to loans apart from the
requirement to support the one-China principle and to reject the
legitimacy of Taiwan as a country.
Traditional donors on the other hand, have applied conditionality
aiming to change African economic policy. Following the
recent debt relief initiatives, traditional creditors such as the
World Bank and the IMF have less resources to draw on, and their
leverage in African countries is diminishing as countries have
benefited from debt relief and graduated from debt relief programs
monitored by these institutions.
The presence of new lenders, includ¬ing China as an alternative on the
creditor arena, is also increasing the leverage that African countries
have when dealing with traditional creditors. In many countries policy
space has increased as a result of China?s presence as an alternative
to creditors that apply policy condi¬tionality.
While the non-interference policy might be positively affecting
countries because it opens up policy space, it also has negative
consequences. China seems to be less concerned with hu¬man rights
standards and environmental safeguards than other creditors. The
presence of China in states that oppress the population is also very
controversial, and China has been criticised for playing the role of a
bystander in contexts where the international community have urged
Beijing to use its leverage to influence oppressive regimes to improve
their conduct.
Although it is too soon to conclude, so far it would seem that China
is likely to have a negative impact on debt sustainability and
perhaps contribute to debt crisis in countries where governance is
week. Lack of transparency and accountability to the inhabitants does
not seem to stand in the way of Chinese lending if a country is able
to use natural resources as collateral for loans. The development of
responsible financing and framework for implementation of such is
therefore paramount to ensure the rights of future generations to
freedom from vicious circles of indebtedness.
Recent Chinese lending underlines the urgent need to establish
internationally recognised legal standards for responsible lending.
The need for transparency, accountability and inclusiveness in loan
contraction processes should be recognised by international society.
Our case study concludes that the public should have a right to know
about and question borrowing, from new and old lenders, before loan
agreements are signed. It also recommends that oversight and watchdog
institutions such as the parliament, the auditor-general and the
attorney general must have clear mandatory authority over the loan
contraction process.
_____________________________
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Swaziland@Newsletter 54
Published by Africa Contact (Denmark)
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________________________________________________________
1. Elderly caregivers get little support. PlusNews (IRIN). 25 January 2008,
2, 100 workers locked in mine. Ackel Zwane, The Swazi Observer,
January 25, 2008
3. Today the Hawk Takes One Chick Year: 2007 Director: Jane Gillool.
The Center for Independent Documentary, 23 January 2008. The Center
for Independent Documentary - http://documentaries.wordpress.com
4, Swaziland: Too rich for aid. Swazi Media Commentary.
http://swazimedia.blogspot.com/ Richard Rooney, January 23, 2008.
5. South Africa could review energy deals with neighbours. SABC News,
January 23, 2008.
6. Swaziland wants to buy power from Mozambique. MacauHub (Maputo,
Mozambique), January 24, 2008.
7. Dysfunctional leadership at the University of Swaziland: a symptom
of a failing state. Dr. Jabulane Matsebula PUDEMO Representative
Australia, Asia and the South Pacific Region, January 27, 2008
___________________________
1. Elderly caregivers get little support. PlusNews (IRIN). 25 January 2008,
The widowed Gogo (SiSwati for "granny") Thwala, 72, lives a life that
relies heavily on her survival skills as she single-handedly raises
three grandchildren, but not a trace of resignation or despair clouds
her smile.
"Yes, when the Lord took my son and his wife, and I was left with two
little girls and a boy to look after, it was hard to go back to work
but I am not without my resources!" said Thwala.
Her small hillside farm on communal Swazi Nation Land in Elwandle is
only five kilometres south of the country's main commercial hub,
Manzini, but few visitors tread the stony goat paths to reach it and
she might as well be living in a remote rural village.
Stones are the bane of farming Thwala's small plot, where nothing grew
last year because of drought. "Look now, how the maize is high!" said
Thwala, the sweep of her hand showing a field of healthy, bright green
maize stalks standing tall under blue skies.
Those skies have yielded consistent rain without any ruinous
hailstorms so far this year. "With this crop I can feed these
children. I can sell some extra for their school needs," she said.
Inside one of two mud huts on the property she opened a sewing kit and
set to mending one of her granddaughter's school uniform skirts, which
must again see service when the new academic year starts next week.
Thwala's two granddaughters are classified as orphaned and vulnerable
children (OVC), and therefore eligible for government payment of their
school fees. Her grandson, 5, will also qualify when he is old enough
to attend primary school.
Although slow and backed by insufficient funding, the government's
welfare services are gradually shifting from an almost exclusive focus
on OVC to recognise the needs of their elderly and often desperately
poor caregivers.
"I never thought I would have to raise children again. I thought that
part of my life was over. But what can I do? What can these children
do without me? I love them, and being with them helps soothe the loss
I feel at the death of my son and his wife," said Thwala.
Mkuluza Zwane, director of the Umtfunti Old Age Association, finds
Thwala's attitude commendable, but rare. "So many of these elderly are
simply worn out by the burdens they face in their old age. By custom,
they are supposed to be supported at this time ... by their children.
Now, because of the AIDS crisis, government must step in and provide
such support. It's a matter of humanity and respect for our older
generation."
Zwane's association has lobbied government to increase its monthly
pension for the elderly and last year succeeded in obtaining about
US$30 per retired person, up from a paltry $15 a month.
"No one can live on that, but it is supplementary income, based on a
belief that there still is some sort of family support. Most elderly
are not homeless. In Swaziland, the extended family can still be found
to assist, and neighbours."
However, some elderly people are truly alone, a recent phenomenon
caused by the social upheaval wrought by AIDS. In his policy speech
earlier this month, Prime Minister Themba Dlamini mentioned
government's desire to improve the lot of the elderly, and
acknowledged the plight of pension recipients who had to travel long
distances to receive their monthly cheques.
For ailing people forced to endure daylong bus trips, collecting
government allowances is a mixed blessing. Although Swaziland's
cash-strapped government is unlikely to further increase stipends for
the elderly, Dlamini promised action to facilitate payments.
The Queen Mother, who by tradition rules in conjunction with her son,
King Mswati III, has set up a charity called Phila EmaSwati to provide
assistance to the elderly. Last winter they distributed donated
clothing and blankets, but the government has not provided funding for
more extensive programmes.
While there is universal agreement that the elderly are essential to
mitigate the effects of the AIDS epidemic, their needs are not high on
the agendas of non-governmental organisations, other than the Umtfunti
Old Age Association.
"In Swaziland there are only a few orphanages. It is the [extended]
families who look after their orphaned relations, and this means?it is
the grannies who are doing the work of the social welfare
institutions," said Wilma Bhembe, a welfare worker in Manzini.
"They must be supported. If not, what will the children do, and what
will we do with the children? It is not enough to give children
emergency food rations and pay their school fees."
Despite its poverty, the nation prides itself on its fidelity to
traditional African values, including respect for family and tribal
elders. But this week many Swazis were jolted into realising they were
in danger of losing this part of their heritage.
Real estate developers in the upscale suburb Ezulwini, on the eastern
edge of the capital, Mbabane, unveiled plans for Swaziland's first
retirement community. Although intended for unusually affluent retired
people, the gated housing estate struck many people as unSwazi and
somehow threatening to a national way of life.
"This place is apartheid for the aged. It is for foreign countries
where they want to shut off their old people. We love and honour our
elders, and we want them with us in our family circle every day," said
James Mhlongo, a handicraft vendor at one of Ezulwini's tourist
hotels. "But, maybe if this place makes us think about our old folks
we will do more to keep them with us."
http://www.plusnews.org/report.aspx?ReportId=76423
___________________________
2. 100 workers locked in mine. Ackel Zwane, The Swazi Observer,
January 25, 2008
About a 100 mineworkers are said to have been locked inside the shaft
of Maloma Colliery since Wednesday midnight.
Selby Mtshali, President of the Mining Quarrying and Allied Workers
Union of Swaziland (MQAWUS) has alleged that they have been locked in
there in the aftermath of the general lockout following a strike
action that was to start at midnight on Wednesday. Surprisingly the
Mine Manager J. Breytenbach says there are about 78 underground
workers who are refusing to come out to the surface as a form of
protest.
Mtshali said the workers were in the Wednesday 6pm shift and were to
knock off at 4am yesterday. However because of the strike action the
workers allege that management decided to lock those inside the shaft
there while others were locked out and as a result those in the
morning shift were not allowed in. Mtshali said the only food ration
they had was two packets of 100 grams of Movite energy food.
When we visited the mine the premises were locked and guarded by both
security and police. 78 underground workers are refusing to come out
to the surface as a form of protest, but talks are underway to
persuade them to abandon this action for safety reasons, says
Breytenbach in a media communiqué.
The workers interviewed on site yesterday said they feared for their
colleagues because of the explosives inside the shaft and any other
eventualities. It is disturbing, though, to hear that there are two
conflicting reports of what is happening at the mine.
Labour inspectors from Big Bend declined to talk to our reporters
because they said they were still consulting.
The bone of contention is parity on remuneration. They argue that
their counterparts working for the same establishment in South Africa
earned far higher wages than them yet the coal from Swaziland is of
higher quality and fetches more in the market.
It was gathered from the workers that after salary negotiation failed
the union invoked Clause 7.2.1 whereby it was agreed to refer the
dispute to voluntary conciliation. This, they say, was after two
months of discussions. They claim that both parties approached the
labour commissioner who advised that he could only intervene after the
law had been breached. He advised them to exhaust the Conciliation,
Mediation and Arbitration Commission (CMAC) route. ?It was then that
we declared a dispute and obtained a certificate of unresolved dispute
on December 12, said Mtshali.
The demand was that of the wages and conditions of employment. The
workers claim they wanted parity with other Xstrata alloys (mother
company) employees. They further say management receives SA salary
scales while the ordinary mineworker receives peanuts. They want
this (parity) to apply to all staff. They further allege that some
senior managers were offered 25 percent salary raise while junior
staff got only six percent. They say management has been hosting
lavish parties of late instead of paying them well.
Then the matter went through balloting by invoking Section 86 (2) of
the Industrial Relations Act of 2005 as amended. CMAC conducted the
balloting which favoured the workers by 99.12 votes, they say. Only
two were against the strike action out of 440 employees.
?After the results of the balloting, we returned to the employer to
reiterate our position that we did not want to resort to a strike but
wanted to negotiate salary increments, but he told us that he had no
alternative because he could not meet out demands, says Mtshali. He
says the workers then invoked Section 86 (7) of the Act on Monday,
January 21.
A notice was issued to the employer which he duly signed: In terms
of Section 86 (7) of the Industrial Relations Act No1. of 2000 as
amended in 2005 notice of our members to engage in a strike on the 24
January, 2008 under the employ of Maloma Colliery Pty (Ltd) is hereby
given?.
The strike action is a result of the dispute that was declared
unresolved by the Commission (Unresolved Dispute Certificate 695107)
issued on the 12 December, 2007. Kindly be advised of our all time
commitment in resolving this matter. Signed by Mtshali.
However, the union argues that management did not give them any notice
of lockout as required by law. When the workers were to leave the
shaft yesterday morning (midnight) it was locked. There were no buses
to ferry the workers from the shaft.
We asked the boss and he told us that he had made a legal lockout. We
still do not have the letter informing us of the lockout as required
by Section 86 (8) of the Act, says Mtshali.
By late yesterday they were going for more talks at Nisela Safaris,
further away from the mine premises. Earlier in the day the workers
had requested them not to attend talks so far away without the rest of
the workers being given a constant feedback.
________________________________
3. Swaziland: Too rich for aid. Swazi Media Commentary -
http://swazimedia.blogspot.com/ Richard Rooney, January 23, 2008.
Did you know that Swaziland is too rich to receive development aid
even though about 70 percent of the kingdom?s population lives on less
than one US dollar a day?
Did you know that the unemployment rate in Swaziland is 40 percent,
and more than four out of ten Swazis depend on some form of food
assistance to stay alive?
Did you also know that about 20 percent of the Swazi population
controls more than 80 percent of the kingdom?s wealth?
If you answered yes to the questions above you have been reading the
foreign press. If you have no clue as to what I am talking about, do not
worry, you are no different from all the people in Swaziland who have
to rely on Swazi journalists for their information.
I was prompted to ask the questions after reading both the Times of
Swaziland and the Swazi Observer last Thursday (17 January 2007).
They both carried reports about the European Union Commissioner to
Lesotho and Swaziland, Peter Beck Christiansen, who signed an
agreement to hand over to Swaziland up to E630 million (about 100
million US dollars). He also gave a wide-ranging speech about
development needs in Swaziland, which included some comments about how
the Swazi government was using money previously donated.
I do not think the Swazi journalists quite understood what was being
said, since the headlines they put on their reports contradict one
another.
The Times had this headline: EU warns government on spending
The Observer had this headline: EC boss pleased with government
The Times reported that during his speech Christiansen said, Social
inequalities are increasingly leaving Swaziland with one of the most
skewed income distributions.
I think it is a particular responsibility of the country to ensure
that every citizen receives a fair share of the national wealth.
Christiansen did not elaborate on this point of view and true to form
the Swazi journalists did´not think to ask him what he meant.
I have written before about the capacities of Swazi journalists and how
they lack asking questions.
There are a number of reasons for this. One is cultural: people in
Swaziland are not encouraged to ask questions, especially of people in
authority. The second is more practical: the journalists do not have
the capacity to understand and interpret what is being said to them
and therefore they only reproduce in their newspapers the words of
speeches and press handouts.
That is why it took an overseas news agency, the Inter Press Service
(IPS) from Johannesburg, South Africa, (17 January 2008) to fill in
the gaps for us.
IPS followed up on the Christiansen presentation and was able to
reveal to its readers the facts.
Its report went on.
The economy is performing poorly, especially in comparison with the
other nations of the region, said Richard Ndwandwe, an investment
advisor with an Mbabane bank, told IPS.
We have not achieved 3.0 percent economic growth in a decade, and the
central bank says an annual growth rate of 3.6 percent is required
just to keep up with population growth, Ndwandwe said, stressing that
the, net result has been a deterioration in the standard of living
for almost all Swazis.
It is the rich minority that is skewing the statistical picture, and
making the country appear better off than it is for most people,
explained Ndwandwe.
?Social inequalities are increasingly leaving Swaziland with one of
the world's most-skewered income distributions,? noted Peter Beck
Christiansen, the European Union?s (EU) ambassador to Swaziland.
Colonial-era landholders and business people who did not have their
properties compromised when Swaziland gained its independence 40 years
ago, government leaders, and a small - but well-off - clique of Swazi
entrepreneurs have amassed wealth that has raised the nation?s gross
domestic product (GDP).
Less than twenty percent of the population controls eighty percent of
the nation's wealth, according to the World Bank. But, the World Bank
- using GDP to classify the country's state of economic development -
has placed Swaziland in the low-middle income category of nations.
We are far from being a middle income country, but we are not
considered a low income country, and this makes a world of difference
when it comes to accessing development funding,said Ndwandwe.
It is not a fair rating, Abdoulaye Balde, the country director for
the WFP, told IPS from his Mbabane office that coordinates the world?s
response to Swaziland's food shortage crisis. It does not take into
consideration that way most people are living. We are always telling
this to our donors, he stressed.
The director of another humanitarian relief NGO - which receives World
Bank logistical assistance - said, There is so much need in the world
and so many peoples competing for limited resources that it is easy
for an NGO to go by World Bank guidelines to decline assistance to a
country like Swaziland. It?s not necessarily fair.
Several times this past year, Prime Minister Themba Dlamini and Majozi
Sithole, his finance minister, reminded the country that Swaziland
does not qualify for low-interest loans or interest-free grants
awarded to countries classified as low income although a large
majority of Swazis live in absolute poverty.
Denied developmental funds, the government's response has been to
encourage economic growth by boosting the private sector, with the
hope of increased tax revenue from businesses.
While foreign direct investment (FDI) is sought by globetrotting teams
of government officials, ordinary Swazis are encouraged to become
small entrepreneurs.
Christiansen signed a treaty with Swazi leadership for a 100 million
US dollar aid package, Wednesday.
I think that it is a particular responsibility of the country to
ensure that every citizen receives a fair share of the national
wealth, Christiansen said.
However, not even the small - and by law nonexistent -
opposition groups who speak about countering the ruling monarchy?s
grip on governance, have called for wealth redistribution.
The rich are not going away, and that's the only way to make
Swaziland statistically a low income country, Anthony Simelane, an
attorney based in the central commercial hub Manzini, told IPS.
There is not going to be wealth redistribution that would benefit the
poor. The country is denied development funds to help the poor, so all
government can hope to do is boost the economy and reap taxes,
Simelane said.
The impediment to this plan is government corruption. Sithole has
estimated that the amount of government money lost to various forms of
corruption annually equals the national debt.
Christiansen touched on corruption when he signed the EU's
developmental agreement. I have learned in my three years in
Swaziland that no amount of funding or donor assistance can lead to
development if the right conditions are not in place.
Deficiencies in the areas of governance have and will continue to
seriously limit your development progress, with or without the
HIV/AIDS threat, he told his Swazi hosts.
The EU's aid package is contingent upon the implementation of what
Christensen called ?an ambitious governance reform programme to enable
Swaziland to reach at least the level of other Southern African
countries.
_________________________________
4. South Africa could review energy deals with neighbours. SABC News,
January 23, 2008.
Several SADC countries including Botswana, Namibia, Zimbabwe, Lesotho,
Mozambique and Swaziland face a dark future, unless they find
alternative power sources soon. Eskom says due to the increasing
domestic demand for electricity here at home, it might have to review
its energy exports to these countries. Botswana imports 75% of its
electricity from Eskom.
Meanwhile, the energy crisis is receiving top government attention,
and some intervention is expected soon. Eskom briefed Cabinet
yesterday and called on government to invest more in energy
infrastructure.
The government says the black-outs are a crisis. The supply crisis is
now being discussed by the extended Cabinet Lekgotla which ends
tomorrow. A Cabinet response is expected later this week.
__________________________________
5. Swaziland wants to buy power from Mozambique. MacauHub (Maputo,
Mozambique), January 24, 2008.
An official from Swaziland electricity company said Wednesday in
Mbabane that the company was considering importing electricity from
Mozambique after South Africa Eskom suspended exports.
Sikhumbuzo Tsabedze, director of the customer services department of
the Swaziland Electricity Board (SEB), said that Swaziland had to find
alternative suppliers as South Africa has a lack of electricity.
Speaking to Radio Swaziland, Tsabedze said that after the news that
Eskom would reduce the amount of power it supplied to neighboring
countries the company planned to speak to Mozambique in order to buy
power.
At the end of last week, Eskom said it would stop exporting to
neighboring countries as blackouts were occurring in South Africa.
Thus far, Swaziland has received 80 percent of its electricity from
South Africa and the remaining 20 percent from Mozambique.
MacauHub (Maputo, Mozambique) www.macauhub.com.mo/en/news.php
________________________________
6. Today the Hawk Takes One Chick Year: 2007 Director: Jane Gillool.
The Center for Independent Documentary, 23 January 2008. The Center
for Independent Documentary - http://documentaries.wordpress.com
This is a poignant and beautifully perceptive portrait of three
extraordinarily dynamic grandmothers (gogos), resolutely holding their
families together in the wake of the Swaziland Aids crisis. Director
Jane Gillooly respect for her film subjects, her sensitive camera
and seamless editing create a delicate balance between the culturally
specific aspects of the gogos lives and the universality of their
tragedies.
In Swaziland, the circle of life has been turned on its head.
Grandmothers or Gogo, as they are called in SiSwati and many
southern African languages watch their adult children die of AIDS
and are forced to raise their many grandchildren on their own.
Great documentaries have the power to personalize seemingly
incomprehensible world issues, breaking barriers of distance and
language to present the human condition across cultures. Few achieve
that feat as well as Jane Gillooly Today the Hawk Takes One Chick,
which presents the stories of three African Gogos living in a society
at the threshold of simultaneous collapse and reinvention, organizing
into communities at an age when they expected that their adult
children would be taking care of them.
Gillooly direction shines light on the individual suffering and
perseverance of those afflicted by AIDS. For 73 minutes, Gillooly?s
work invites the audience to live in world where HIV affects everyone,
and forces us to ponder the fate of its people. The cinematography and
sound recording is sensitive, observant, and mesmerizing; we feel
drawn in as participants, overwhelmed and inspired by the challenges
the Gogos? face, with not enough support.
And so this documentary film was made to support the Gogo Project, a
consortium of international aid organizations working to provide seeds
and fertilizers for gardens, shoes and school uniforms for the
children, and profitable trade skills to the Gogo so that they can
support their expanding households.
Center for Independent Documentary 680 South Main Street Sharon, MA
02067 phone:781.784.3627 fax:781-784-8254. http://documentaries.wordpress.com
_____________________________________
7. Africa at large: Doha round stuck on issues of development (again).
Aileen Kwa, Inter Press Service (IPS) , January 21, 2008.
African negotiators are concerned that their development concerns have
been sidelined in the much vaunted Doha Development Round of
negotiations at the World Trade Organisation (WTO). Whether the round,
which has missed two previous deadlines, will be concluded this year
or not depends on several issues.
All of these are about the power tussle between rich and poor
countries over countries' prerogative to use national policies to
safeguard development. On the process of the negotiations, African
delegations are fearful that they might be completely marginalized
from what could possibly be the closing phase of negotiations this
year. Referring to the WTO General Council session on December 18, an
East African negotiator remarked, "in every other developing country
statement, the message to (WTO Director General) Pascal Lamy was that
he should not take the revised texts from the chairpersons (of the
negotiations) straight to the Green Room." The Green Room refers to
closed door negotiations held among a limited number of delegations.
There are also concerns regarding the issue of rural livelihoods.
Import surges, as a result of liberalization, have wrecked havoc and
destroyed thousands of farm jobs across the developing world. G33
countries have specifically asked for a mechanism, the special
safeguard mechanism (SSM), which would allow developing country
members to raise their tariffs in response to these surges. The G33 is
a group of developing countries organised around the issue of rural
livelihoods and food security. An African G33 negotiator told IPS, "We
are completely stuck on the SSM. There is no agreement on a whole
range of issues".
On product coverage, proponents want all agricultural products to be
covered by the mechanism, but exporting members want to limit the SSM
to a much smaller number of products. On how the SSM can be triggered,
proponents have been told that a much higher import volume is needed
before they can avail of the SSM. On the remedy, G33 members want to
be able to go beyond the Uruguay Round bound tariff rate, but are also
facing opposition there. This rate refers to the maximum tariff rate
that countries can charge on imports, rates which they legally bound
themselves to in the Uruguay Round of negotiations which were
concluded in 1994.
The G33 negotiator added, "The chairperson (of the agriculture
negotiations) also wants us to check whether or not consumers are
benefiting from lower prices. If they are, the SSM should not be
triggered. He also wants to limit the number of times the SSM can be
invoked." "There are layers and layers of restrictions being
introduced in the SSM negotiations. At the end of the day, the
mechanism will not be effective. These discussions are going the wrong
way," is his conclusion. Regarding the NAMA negotiations, South
Africa's representative Faizel Ismail made a statement on behalf of
the NAMA 11 at the last meeting of the General Council last year. The
statement was aimed at averting another draft text that disregards
their position. The NAMA 11 is a coalition of 10 developing countries.
He told the WTO membership on December 18 that "the NAMA chair's July
text excluded the views of NAMA 11 completely. The revised text must
redress this and expand the range of coefficients to include our
position. "Excluding our views again will prejudice the negotiating
position of NAMA 11 developing countries and skew the negotiations in
favour of developed countries once again. This will not result in a
fair process, nor facilitate balanced outcomes in the negotiations."
Coefficients refer to the numbers to be negotiated for insertion into
the tariff cutting formula. The higher the coefficient, the smaller
the tariff cut a country has to make. Yet another area of deep
contention is in services liberalization. Here the demanders are
mainly the U.S. and the EU, as well as India. Both the U.S. and the EU
want to speed up the liberalization of services trade through
"benchmarking" -- adoption of a formula that would obligate members to
liberalise a certain portion of their services trade.
The Africa Group and the ACP (African, Caribbean and Pacific)
countries are completely opposed to this. Even in the trade
facilitation negotiations, a West African negotiator remarked, "we are
not seeing the developed countries deliver on the commitments they
undertook to provide technical assistance and capacity building to
enable developing countries to implement obligations in trade
facilitation".
________________________________________
8. Dysfunctional leadership at the University of Swaziland: a symptom
of a failing state. Dr. Jabulane Matsebula PUDEMO Representative
Australia, Asia and the South Pacific Region, January 27, 2008
Over the past weeks there have been numerous reports about the
conflict between students and the administration at the University of
Swaziland (UNISWA). This conflict stems from the so-called
semisterisation or academic restructuring designed from the ivory
tower and imposed on students. When students expressed concerns about
these changes, the university authority responded, as it always has
done, with threats, intimidation and violence. Regrettably, these
hostile tactics have arrested development at the university.
In December 2006, the administration closed down the university after
a student protest against the contentious academic structure. When the
university reopened on January 2007, the administration failed to
provide leadership and resolve the impasse. Instead, it insisted on
implementing the restructuring program through threats, intimidation
and violent tactics. Reminiscent of the township siege during the
apartheid reign of terror in South Africa, the administration called
in armed paramilitary police units to occupy university grounds.
Members of the academic staff were threatened with dismissal from
their jobs when they protested against the presence of armed
paramilitary units.
Such behaviour by a university administration is abhorrent. Resorting
to the barrel of a gun and threats rather than appealing to
intellectual reasoning reflects a serious failure of leadership. It
clearly demonstrates the dysfunction in this bureaucracy and its
extreme irresponsibility. The way in which the administration has
handled this situation has done serious harm to the reputation of the
university as an institution responsible for producing the country's
intellectual resources. If the people at the helm of the institution
are incapable of providing role models, how does the university hope
to achieve its mission?
It is obvious that there is widespread dissatisfaction with the
restructuring process and that these changes have not been thought
through by the university administration. The current conflict
suggests that the administration does not have an effective plan to
manage the restructuring process, but instead relies heavily on
bullying tactics. There are strong indications that the administration
did not endeavour to effectively communicate and negotiate the reasons
for the structuring process and its implementation with students. For
example, did the administration consider other means of achieving its
goals?
A staged implementation programme allowing a smooth transition from
the current to the new structure would have avoided the conflict.
Under this approach, the restructuring process could have been
introduced to first year academic programmes allowing students in
current programmes to continue uninterrupted. A well-thought through
restructuring process would have an inbuilt sunset clause. In this
case it would mean that schools across the university will continue to
offer the old programme to current students and the new programme to a
fresh intake. The old programme would then be phased out after the
last cohort of current students had graduated.
We wonder if the administration has a plan to evaluate the impact of
the changes on teaching, learning and academic outcomes. If the
changes are implanted along the dual academic structuring process, it
would require the development of a compatible evaluation programme
with clearly established performance indicators. We would suggest a
two-staged evaluation process - internal evaluation and external
evaluation. The internal evaluation will assess the effectiveness of
the changes on different areas of scholarship and will require a high
level of leadership capable of responding to periodic evaluation
outcomes.
Evaluation should be conducted at the end of each semester, focusing
mainly on student and academic staff assessment of teaching and
learning under the new programme. One would assume that under the new
programme, the university and different schools will develop new
graduate attributes. The external evaluation should therefore, as a
principle, measure the benefits of the programme to society after its
first "birthday". It should cover graduate and industry evaluation.
For example, to what extent has the new academic programme improved
employment opportunities for graduates and how has it contributed to
better outcomes in various industries and public service? That is, are
graduates of this programme more or less equipped to offer the human
resources the country needs for future development?
As an organisation committed to good governance, democracy, service
delivery and effective leadership, we call upon the university
authority to reconsider its approach to the administration of this
very important institution. PUDEMO supports calls from student and
academic staff bodies for the withdrawal of armed paramilitary units
from university grounds. Whilst we welcome the suspension of the
implementation of the restructuring process pending the court outcome,
we remain concerned about the failure of the university administration
and the ministry of education to deal with the situation.
This is a shambled job characteristic of bad management. Bad managers
are incapable of managing conflicts without resorting to heavy-handed
tactics. A functioning leadership would think carefully about the
implications of restructuring processes and it would endeavour to
discuss and negotiate aspects of these processes with all
stakeholders. Conflicts are inevitable in processes of change and they
can be constructive or destructive depending on the way in which they
are managed.
While the university's behaviour is indubitably appalling, it is
unfortunately little more than the latest visible lesion in the
diseased body of Swaziland's administration. The university's
heavy-handed approach reveals the poverty of its leadership and it is
utterly consistent with the way business is usually conducted at the
highest levels of authority in Swaziland. Unfortunately, the royal
family has entrenched a culture of dictatorship in which peaceful
debate is responded to with state violence against citizens.
The national administration has a well-established record of
incompetence and aggression which has brought Swaziland into the
realms of failing statehood. Year by year, we see severe crises in the
core social institutions of the country. The administration of law and
order, of health care and of education is never far from collapse in
Swaziland and lurches from crisis to crisis. The ongoing marginal
functioning of these institutions and the recurrent crises are due to
poor leadership and the dictatorial way of doing business in Swaziland.
The university has, regrettably, become the latest visible symptom of
this political malaise, but it has always aped and aided the
monarchy's dictatorial practices. From the days of the notorious
Liqoqo regime in the early 1980s to the current period, the university
has had no visionary leadership independent of the ruling royal
family's political influence. Over the years, the administration has
established a strong McCarthyist culture determined to purge the
state's "enemies" from the university.
From the early 1980s, generations of university students have opposed
the authoritarian royal family rule and called for the introduction of
a democratic system of governance. Consequently, the administration
and the government see students as a hostile constituency. In many
ways, this has contributed to the failure of leadership at the
university to respond effectively to genuine concerns of students.
In our view, the way in which the university is managed has rendered
the institution dysfunctional. This is an old fashioned style of
higher education management and has generated disharmony between the
student body and the administration. In the 21st century, universities
around the world have pensioned off the authoritarian ivory tower
management style and crafted a new identity as student-centred
institutions. Serving the interests of the student population is a
primary goal of 21st century universities. Swaziland University is
profoundly outdated and this compromises the international standing of
its educational programmes and devalues the qualifications of its
students. If students are to be fit to take their place as
intellectuals and society leaders, the university will have to teach
them something beyond bully tactics and intimidation.
Why should students bother to attend a university which has nothing to
offer beyond bullying ? this kind of knowledge will not help them to
influence society in a positive way although it might of course
prepare them well for a high-ranking government post under the current
regime. Students might well ask themselves whether an institution
which acts as a dictatorship and uses paramilitary forces to silence
peaceful debate is really a university at all. It is a failing
institution in a failing state and has little to offer students who
wish to make a difference in Swaziland and beyond. Thus, there is an
urgent need for far-sweeping changes in this deeply dysfunctional
culture at the University of Swaziland and other Swazi institutions.
_________________________________________________
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Bongani Masuku. Swaziland: A parasite on the Southern African economy?
No, it?s just a feast fit only for royals!
Presented to Seminar on the changing political economy of SADC: The
cases of Swaziland and Zimbabwe held in Johannesburg.
Swaziland, like all countries that have undergone colonial subjugation
is still suffering from the legacy of colonial plunder, defined by
skewed economies, over-reliance on a particular major commodity,
development and underdevelopment co-existing together and other such
key defining features of a colonial or semi-colonial economy.
This legacy in the case of Swaziland took the form of an elite, the
royal family particularly, which is highly integrated into the global
parasitic system as a marginal partner of global powerful forces,
feeding on the ruthless exploitation of workers and the rural poor in
particular.
With such natural abundance and massive endowment, coupled with a very
small population, Swaziland could easily out-class most economies of
the developing world. This is also the reason why for sometime
Swaziland had always been classified as a middle-income country,
basing it on its GDP per capita, which in itself is a questionable
measurement.
1. SACU and Swaziland: Southern African taxpayers subsidising royal
luxury and parasitism
In the Mail and Guardian newspaper of South dated, 13-19 July, 2007,
an article on SACU and the whole tariff debate was published, which
indicated that,luxury imports into South Africa provided 56% of the
Swaziland budget last year. It went on to say, If South African
consumers tighten their belts, Swaziland and Lesotho will bear the
brunt.
The most interesting observation made by the journalist was posed as a
question to the effect that, Did you know that, when you buy an
imported car, you may be helping to finance a school in Lesotho or a
new Maybach for King Mswati 111 of Swaziland?.
It goes on to say, the tariff on cars currently stands at 25%. To
avoid complicating the argument, let us imagine a fully imported
luxury station wagon bought from a manufacturer that exports no cars
from South Africa. Call it a Volbaru. A rough indicative calculation
breaks down the revenue pool like this; If the local distributor paid
R200 000 for your new family wagon, then R50 000 in dues would have
been levied before mark-ups and VAT were added. Volbaru has no export
credits, so all of that goes into the SACU customs pool. Just over
half is divided among the BLNS, with about R5000 going to the
Swaziland government and about R4 100 to Lesotho. Unfortunately, due
to lack of budget transparency in Swaziland, we cannot tell you how
much of that might have been spent on Mswati peccadilloes.
These statements say volumes about the Swaziland budgetary crisis as a
result of a poorly performing economy, poor management of the economy,
economic bleeding due to institutionalised plunder and corruption.
It also indicates the extent to which the Swazi economy has become a
burden on regional economy and efforts by the continent to extricate
itself from the burden of underdevelopment and poverty, whatever the
challenges that remain.
The only thing that saves Swaziland from degenerating to the point of
almost total collapse, probably to the magnitude of the Zimbabwean
economy is the following:
1. The fact that the Swazi currency, the lilangeni is pegged to the
South African rand serves as a stabiliser (cushion) to the Swazi economy.
2. The size of the Swazi population is small comparatively and its
reverberations do not echo much throughout the region as does a
population as that of Zimbabwe.
3. Swaziland benefited from apartheid economy, because it was used by
the apartheid regime as a fronting country into international markets,
with goods fraudulently marked - made in Swaziland - to be admitted to
international markets. There were economic spill-overs from that, but
also it shielded the country from the huge sacrifices and extremes of
apartheid destruction that were suffered by countries such as
Zimbabwe, Zambia, Mozambique and Tanzania, for instance.
In the context of the on-going discussions about global and regional
economic restructuring, the consequences for parasitism are dire, not
only for the elites who benefit from plunder, but for everyone in the
country under scrutiny. With the lid blown off by the neo-liberal
bulldozer of economic partnership agreements or the general WTO
discourse, the worst is yet to come.
If more than half of all duties, said to be around 54% in 2006 are
paid out to BLNS countries, including Botswana, the wealthiest member,
despite the fact that most imports into the customs union go to South
Africa, in what is said to be a growing fiscal transfer by some
researchers, then the call for the reconsideration of the current
revenue formula sends a serious message to particularly the poorest
members of SACU, Swaziland and Lesotho.
The cost of the current transfers is said to be costing the South African
taxpayer about 1% of its GDP.. However, the most important message is
the warning issued by the South African treasury to the effect that
the two countries, Swaziland and Lesotho, are now dangerously reliant
on South African consumers continued appetite for imports to fund
their governments expenditure. This means, the introduction of new
credit laws and increased interest rates in South Africa always
proclaim a nearing disaster in these countries.
In view of the on-going discussions between the EU and ACP countries
on the Economic Partnership Agreement (EPAs), the dubious role of
Swaziland and its eagerness to sign agreements that undermine the
development demands of poor countries, including its keenness for the
services industry, reflects the polarising role the regime is involved
in with its patrons from Europe.
It is obviously known that Swaziland does not command a significant
services industry, which surely means it is being used as a launching
pad against the South African services industry, which is a major
target, particularly in the context of South Africa having not
conceded much to Europe in that area. This should not be confused with
the general trend towards polarisation of poor countries as Europe
steps up the heat on the EPAs, with East Africa having fallen back
under Peter Mandelson, the EU trade lieutenants offensive against
industrialisation and development in the south.
2. The global economy is changing, so is the SADC economy!
The globalisation of capital and accelerated penetration by
neo-liberal accumulation of the less-developed areas of the world have
taken three forms in the current period:
Firstly, we have seen the emergence of huge transnational companies,
demonstrating a savage and limitless appetite for the plunder of the
resources of the people in those parts of the world.
Secondly, there has developed a ?servicing and support structure of
international capital, World Bank, International Monetary Fund, World
Trade Organisation, the G-8 group of countries and the imperialist
?aid? and technical assistance programmes, whose objective is to
provide infrastructure and create favourable conditions for the
international circulation of global capital, to speed up the
destruction of pre-capitalist and anti-capitalist forms of production,
and generally to facilitate the secure integration of peripheral areas
into the imperialist world system.
Thirdly, globalisation seeks to entrench corporate rule through a
global security regime enforced by governments and special security
agencies on behalf of industrialised countries interests, primarily
USA, in the name of fighting terrorism.
In this regard, the role of governments will not be to ensure
economic, social and environmental policies that serve the interests
of their people. The clear rule being that repressive regimes, so long
as they are properly aligned politically and ideologically, are
effective instruments of global corporate rule and the agenda for
globalisation in general.
This fact highlights the importance of solidarity with workers and
oppressed people all over the world against two forces:
- Imperialism, as manifested in the limitless appetite by capital for
the resources of the developing world and poor people.
- Client states and agents of imperialism in the developing
countries, primarily, the corporate, bureaucratic and political elites
who are the gatekeepers of imperialism in this part of the world.
At the beginning of this century and during colonial times, western
countries saw their colonies in Africa, Asia and Latin America as
sources of raw materials and cheap labour for industry in the mother
country. They used the colonies to generate wealth in terms of trade
beneficial to the industrialised countries, which laid the basis for
the perpetual unequal relations.
Factors that accounted for the deepening of the unequal relations are
particularly third world debt.
- Crisis in the world economy which could only be bailed out through
a transfer of loans to crumbling poor countries, as well as to bail
out the economies of western countries themselves which were
undergoing deep-seated structural crisis in their profitability
indices. In this sense, loans sought to stimulate the market in the
north and set the economic ball rolling.
- OPEC profitability which was invested in western commercial banks
that became too loaded with money and decided to plan for a loaning
system to developing countries as a means to service their systems.
- Arms became a key part of external debt, which was in the interest
of western profitability and part of the arms race, so central to the
cold war conflict.
The crisis and dilemma of African development prompted the
development of the Lagos Plan of action in 1979, which was heavily
criticised by the World Bank as not giving enough room for private
sector participation, not emphasising enough on the need for reforms
in the public sector and being too ambitious in its projections on
what Africa could achieve in terms of industrial growth.
The World Bank therefore went ahead to set up its own assessment of
the possibilities to jump-start African economies in accordance with
its mandate as the forbearer of capital interests throughout the
world. It appointed Professor Elliot Berg as the leader of the
commission, which came up with a two-pronged solution to the problems;
- Rolling back the state from involvement in the economy through
privatisation.
- Opening up the economy to more private sector participation and the
rule of the market through liberalisation.
In this regard, this is the background to the imposition of Structural
Adjustments Programmes (SAP) defined as IMF economic policies imposed
by western creditors whose ultimate purpose is:
- To generate hard currency to repay debts
- To open up developing country markets to foreign imports.
This cannot be achieved unless a country is so indebted that it can be
forced to open up its foreign capital and trade markets. The way to
get a country to do so is to offer loans or bail-outs and then apply
conditions. Western creditors cannot intervene unless a country
becomes indebted. Then the IMF is sent in to put adjustments policies
in place.
The conditions tied to SAP in general impose:
- Higher interest rates.
- Cuts in public expenditure, including cuts in health, education and
social welfare budgets.
- Currency devaluation, making exports cheaper and imports more expensive.
- Limiting state interference, which means the removal of state
subsidies, such as on basic foodstuffs.
- Privatising state industries and agencies, such as transport,
agricultural co-operatives, hospitals, schools etc.
- Increasing exports, such as plantation cash crops instead of
subsistence food crops.
- Encouraging international investment, such as the establishment of
export-processing zones, allowing profit repatriation, limiting the
power of unions and other organised mass organs, promoting the
unlimited rule of transnational companies.
This was to be the case with most countries in the Southern African
region. However, it must be noted that South Africa, under apartheid
rule at the time, had earlier an indicated ambition to create a common
market under its hegemony, which according to its plans was to stretch
from Cape to Zaire (now DRC).
Earlier in 1979, Prime Minister Botha had felt confident enough to
dust off the plans that had been drawn up in the 1960s under Dr
Verwoerd for a Southern African Common market. Designed to ensure
South African hegemony over the region, the Verwoerd plan had
designated the area from South Africa to Zaire a co-prosperity
sphere. The aim was not only to give South Africa increased leverage
over the region, but to guarantee her supplies of raw materials and
labour, and a market for her industrial and agricultural exports.
The Botha plan became known as the Constellation of Southern Africa
States (CONSAS) was unveiled in March, 1979 to a gathering of South
African ambassadors in Zurich. It was reported that the aim was to
draw into South African orbit all Southern African states up to and
including Zaire. In November 1979 Botha publicly launched his
initiative, appropriately enough at a business conference in
Johannesburg.
This initiative was to be home to states that historically were close
to the apartheid regime, such as Malawi under Kamuzu Banda and
Swaziland under the monarchy regime and the Bantustan constructions of
South Africa. However, progressive states convened in Zambia in
August, 1980 to form the Southern African Development Co-ordinating
Conference (SADCC), meant to unite the frontline states against
apartheid aggression and advance the liberation objectives of the
people of the region. In particular, they sought to reduce their
economic dependence on South Africa, so as to assert their independent
positions on matters of interest to the welfare of their people.
Both the political system of tinkhundla and the pattern of economic
development in our country have been responsible for these
developments. The royal minority and their capitalist friends have
used their exclusive access to political and economic power to promote
their own interests at the expense of the majority of our people and
the country's natural resources. The majority of the Swazi people have
been systematically excluded and disadvantaged economically with the
result that Swaziland has one of the most unequal patterns of income
and wealth distribution in the world.
The alienation of land from the indigenous people and the denial of
the majority of our people's rights to land and political power in our
country are ultimately connected. The agricultural sector is
experiencing a deep crisis due to the land tenure system and the
deep-seated structural crisis of the whole tinkhundla system. These
problems have led to the arbitrary eviction of people from their land,
unemployment and a serious decline in living standards. Furthermore,
they have deprived the youth and women of opportunities to realise
their talents and contribute to the development of our country.
Swaziland is a country with high income-inequalities than in most
developed countries and high by standards of the developing world
according to a study by the UNDP for 2000.
There are two major causes of persistent inequality in Swaziland:
First, the deliberate policy of the tinkhundla royal regime to
monopolise national resources and allocate these in favour of their
own narrow interests, to the total exclusion of the suffering masses
of Swaziland.
Secondly, the economy has experienced growth that has not translated
into development and benefit for the majority of the people of
Swaziland.
This situation is worsened by the fact that the economy of the country
is going through a deep-seated structural crisis resulting in a lack
of growth, indicated by the fact that economic growth dropped to 1.5%
in 2002, compared to 2.5% for 2000 and 3.7% in 1999, according to the
Annual Report of the Central Bank of Swaziland for 2002. This
situation is further compounded by the fact that the country is also
suffering from a lack of foreign direct investment inflows.
All this is a result of a political and socio-economic crisis
engulfing the country, brought about by a system without a vision,
characterized by rampant corruption and fragmentation, parasitism, and
deepening poverty levels. In this regard, instead of creating new jobs
and protecting the existing ones, the economy is destroying the
remaining jobs. This explains the terrifying unemployment levels in
the country.
The average picture of wealth, as indicated by the growth rate, as
well as social audit, tends to hide the high level of inequality,
poverty and deprivation so evident in the country. This shows that
since the 1968 independence the standard of living of the great
majority of Swazis has not improved.
Instead, inequalities have deepened as indicated by the following
characteristics:
- Huge unequal distribution of income and living conditions.
- Regional disparities in income and living conditions.
- Skewed property income and land ownership.
- Inequality in upward mobility and favouritism in social opportunities.
- Unequal access to safe and clean water and sanitation facilities.
- Unequal access to basic education and employment.
- Massive rural and urban poverty and landlessness.
3. The response of the Swazi regime to the socio-economic crisis
facing the country
It is against this background that we assess the restructuring agenda
of the Swazi government in view of the huge challenges facing the
country and its people.
The regime has taken the neo-liberal road to the restructuring of the
socio-economic crisis facing Swaziland. This is what the Swazi
government calls an "Internal Adjustment Programme".
As other forms of structural adjustment programmes driven by the
World Bank and the IMF, this programme is based on the logic of
transforming everything into a commodity and putting people's lives
under the dictates of the market at all levels of social life. It
includes privatizing much of the public sector, deregulating the whole
economy, de-subsidizing basic goods, cutting social expenditure (basic
needs, wages and infrastructure development). On the other hand, the
state plays an important role in creating new conditions for the
maximisation of profitability and private accumulation by
strengthening its repressive capacity: army, police, judiciary, and
intelligence forces.
An equally important aspect of the government's agenda is to
restructure the economy in such a way that the redistribution of the
country's wealth will be extremely difficult.
The launch of the Internal Structural Adjustments Programme (ISAP) in
the fiscal year 1995/96, which expressed itself in the form of the
Public Sector Management Programme (PSMP) and its implementation plan,
the Economic and Social Reform Agenda (ESRA) were an attempt by the
regime to develop a response to its crisis, particularly in view of
the intensified struggle by the poor for their rights and basic needs.
However, as the 2002 report of the Central Bank of Swaziland
indicates, "the country's current economic slowdown is exceptionally
deep and broad, with no evidence that the downward spiral that began
two years ago will see a recovery". Almost all of this impacts
directly on the working class, rural masses and poor people in general.
On 27th August, 1999, the Swazi government released its 2022 vision,
its 25 -year development plan for Swaziland , which provided a
long-term and short-term framework within which development should
take place in the country.
But what has been a key contradiction of the NDS programme has been
that it does not resolve the basis of the crisis faced by the Swazi
economy fundamentally, but merely adjusts the system to full
compliance with the neo-liberal dictates of global capitalism. In
this sense, it is also suffering from the crisis of legitimacy,
because the government did not include all stakeholders in its
formulation, which is worsened by the hostile political
environment characteristic of the country currently. This worsens its
crisis, as it is exclusively owned by a few royal beneficiaries, who
seek to ensure that it renews the conditions of accumulation for a few
and further exploitation for the majority. However, in terms of
content, it still remains within the confines of the neo-liberal
paradigm of the tinkhundla accumulation path and the global onslaught
of international capital, as espoused by the system of capitalist
globalisation.
Therefore, the battle lines will have to be drawn around first
reversing the effects of the current state initiatives and at the same
time launching the offensive for a new economic order based on the
needs of the poor, instead of profit.
This paper was presented to a Seminar on the changing political
economy of SADC: The cases of Swaziland and Zimbabwe held in
Johannesburg.
___________________________________
Swaziland Newsletter is published by Africa Contact (Denmark) and
distributed to more than 1200 national and international
organisations, research institutes, universities, trade unions and
labour movements, political parties, church organisations, print and
electronic media, governments, diplomatic missions, members of
parliament, parliamentary committees and private individuals in
Southern Africa, Europe and the United States of America.
Support the democratic movement in Swaziland: MANDELA FUND: BG
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MANDELA FUND is a registered national collection in Denmark.
Swaziland@Newsletter Extra
Published by Southern Africa Contact (Denmark)
Earlier issues can be read at
http://uk.groups.yahoo.com/group/SAK-Swazinewsletter together with
documents and other materials not included in the regular newsletter.
If you wish to subscribe to the newsletter, please send mail to:
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_______________________________________
Protecting the integrity of the African Unity (AU).
Swaziland is forced to withdraw candidate from the AU election. PUDEMO
International Office. January 7, 2008.
Dr. Jabulane Matsebula, Representative. Australia, Asia and the South
Pacific Region.
Behind the scenes protest against the nomination of the former Prime
Minister of Swaziland for the African Unity leadership election has
yielded results. The Government of Swaziland has now withdrawn
the nomination of Dlamini for the Chairperson of the AU election due in
January, 2007.
Unfortunately, the Swazi government has not been honest about its
decision to withdraw the nomination. It has promoted the story
that it took this decision in support of a unified Southern African
Development Community (SADC) campaign to present one candidate from
the region. However, this explanation is not consistent with Swazi
government behaviour. For example, why did it wait until the last
minute before withdrawing its nomination of Dlamini? Furthermore, if
the government believed that Dlamini was a strong candidate for the
position, it should have been promoting him as the consensus candidate
for Southern Africa and lobbying for regional support. Instead, the
government pulled him out of the election race altogether.
The government story is thus at odds with its behaviour and highly
dubious. However, to most observers, the reason for its action is
obvious. The Swazi government withdrew its nomination of Dlamini
because it was unable to attract support for his campaign. The SADC
and AU are organisations committed to democratic governance. If they
had supported Dlamini candidacy, the integrity and credibility of
these organisations would have been severely undermined because of his
terrible record in office and the refusal by the Swaziland dictatorship
to adhere to SADC and AU principles of democracy.
Since his appointment as Swazi Prime Minister in 1996, Dlamini
presided over some of the worst political crises in Swazi history and
his government was marred by controversies and bad judgements. From
1996 to 2003, he led the authoritarian regime and he is currently a
member of King Mswati III?s Advisory Council, a body that has
vigorously opposed the transition from royal authoritarianism to
democracy. Selected from the royal family inner circles, the Advisory
Council is the monarchy?s eye of power making sure that public
institutions and citizens conform to the royal authoritarian system.
As a result, the Advisory Council exercises enormous political
influence in Swaziland?s politics and is well known for its ruthless
intolerance of political dissent.
Dlamini also served in previous governments as Minister of Finance
(1983-1992) including the notorious Liqoqo regime known for its
brutality against government critics, corruption and disregard for the
rule of law. Human rights abuses under the Liqoqo regime between 1983
and 1986 are well documented by
various international human rights organisations such as Amnesty
International. As Minister of Finance, Dlamini was responsible for the
growth of a culture of corruption in government and lavish royal
spending with dire economic consequences. Today, this culture is well
entrenched and continues to paralyse the economy and government
services.
In his term as Prime Minister, he was known for extravagant spending
on royal luxuries. In 2002, the local and international communities
were horrified by the Dlamini secret authorisation of the purchase of a
private jet for the royal family at a cost of E450 million (US$45
million). This was a morally bankrupt decision which clearly
demonstrated the insensibility of the government to the effects of the
drought conditions and the HIV epidemic on the general population.
However, Dlamini is probably most infamous for his exercise of naked
power in 2000 and 2002 when he ruthlessly suppressed freedom of the
press, political freedom and judicial independence. On February 17,
2000 the government closed down the state-owned newspaper, The Swazi
Observer, for refusing to reveal sources of articles relating to the
Royal Swaziland Police secret activities. A year later, on May 4,
2001, the Dlamini government closed down two independent media groups,
The Nation and Guardian of Swaziland, for publishing stories
criticising human rights abuses and lavish spending by the government
and royal family. In September 1999, the government charged the Times
Sunday Editor, Bheki Makhubu, with criminal defamation for publishing
an article in which he described the King Mswati III fiancée as a high
school drop-out.
As Prime Minister, Dlamini was the architect of the infamous Decree
No.2, 2001, a law designed to strengthen the authoritarian position of
the absolute monarchy government. Under this Decree, publication of
materials containing criticisms of the system of government and its
leadership were prohibited. Even the production and publication of
satirical materials relating to the royal family such as impersonating
the king were declared to be criminal offences punishable with a
10-year jail term.
The Decree also gave the Minister of Information the power to
unilaterally proscribe media organisations which failed to observe
these prohibitions. Thus Decree No.2 reflects the ambition of an over
zealous dictatorial regime to rule by fear. To all intents and
purposes, the Decree was designed to renew the climate of fear
generated by the royal Proclamation of 1973 which had been
significantly weakened by the democratic movement led by PUDEMO. Hence
Decree No.2 bears all the hallmarks of the 1973 Proclamation which
made it a criminal offence to exercise freedom of thought in
Swaziland. Ultimately, Decree No.2 was withdrawn because of sustained
local and international condemnation. However, parts of this Decree
such as the controversial Non-Bailable Order were incorporated into
Decree No.3, 2001 which, in 2002 to 2004, was one of the key issues at
the centre of the rule of law crisis. As the then Prime Minister,
Dlamini must be held directly responsible for this crisis.
From 2002 to 2004, the rule of law in Swaziland was severely harmed
when the former Prime Minister abandoned all judicial procedures in
preference to brute political force. In what can best be described as
a ruthless assault on the integrity of the judiciary, Dlamini declared
on November 28, 2002 that the Government of His Majesty would not
respect the Court of Appeal judgements relating to three cases, the
Non-Bailable Offences Order, the mass eviction of families from
Kamkhweli and Macetjeni areas and the committal of senior police
officers to imprisonment for contempt of court. In his public address
to the nation on November 28, 2002, the former Prime Minister ordered
all law enforcement sectors to disobey the Court of Appeals rulings,
creating a crisis in the rule of law hitherto unseen in Swaziland
judicial history. All judges of the Court of Appeal resigned in
protest against this display of brute political attack on the
independence of the judiciary. For two years, Swaziland had no
functioning Court of Appeal. Details of these cases can be found in
the Amnesty International Report (AFR 55/004/2004) and PUDEMO Report
(September 28, 2004).
Clearly, Dlamini is not a suitable candidate for the AU position given
his disastrous record in government. This record renders him
completely unfit for public office and he should have not been
recommended in the first place. Africa, particularly SADC, must be
congratulated for its commitment to protecting AU integrity by
refusing to endorse this tin-pot dictator to take the reins of the
organisation.
As an organisation committed to democratic governance and political
transparency, we are obliged to expose the Dlamini record and make sure
that he is quarantined from international leadership responsibilities.
We have an obligation to the people of Africa to protect the integrity
of the AU as a forward looking organisation committed to political,
economic and social progress. The quality of leaders at the helm of
the AU is crucial to achieving the goals of the organisation and
building its global credibility.
Dr. Jabulane Matsebula, Representative. Australia, Asia and the South
Pacific Region.
____________________________________________
Swaziland Newsletter is published by Africa Contact (Denmark) and
distributed to more than 1200 national and international
organisations, research institutes, universities, trade unions and
labour movements, political parties, church organisations, print and
electronic media, governments, diplomatic missions, members of
parliament, parliamentary committees and private individuals in
Southern Africa, Europe and the United States of America.
Support the democratic movement in Swaziland: MANDELA FUND: BG
Bank,Norre Voldgade 68, 1358 Copenhagen K, Denmark. SWIFT-BIC:
DABADKKK. Registration Number: 0274. Account Number: 3327000. The
MANDELA FUND is a registered national collection in Denmark.
Swaziland@Newsletter 53
Published by Africa Contact (Denmark)
Earlier issues can be read at
http://uk.groups.yahoo.com/group/SAK-Swazinewsletter together with
documents and other materials not included in the regular newsletter.
If you wish to subscribe to the newsletter, please send mail to:
SAK-Swazinewsletter subscribe@... All correspondence to
swaziland@... Free subscription to the newsletter will also
give access to the photo section which illustrates the history, the
land, life and struggle of the Swazi people.
_______________
1. Income rating hobbles aid effort. James Hall, Mbabane. Inter Press
Service (Johannesburg). 17.1.2008.
2. Floods could be worse than 2001. BBC News 17.1.2008.
3. EU gives 15 million euros to aid Swazi sugar farmers (AFP), 18.1.2008.
4. Four students arrested for riot. Sabelo Mamba, Weekend Observer 19.1 2008.
5. Standard Bank Research Economics. Swaziland?s economic woes must
be fixed. See http://www.standardbank.co.za, select ?Research? to view
publications.
6. Tragedy and comedy in the same small place. Steve Newton,
Blogosphere of the Libertarian Left. 12 January, 2008 - Delaware
Libertarian: http://delawarelibertarian.blogspot.com/
7. Regional lessons learned. Southern Africa. Population Services
International, Washington, D.C. (PSI). 7 January 2008.
8. Swazi media face harassment - http://swazimedia.blogspot.com/
Richard Rooney, January 14, 2008.
9. National Trust Commission to establish environmental centre. The
Swazi Observer January 14, 2008.
10. Long on policies but short on implementation. (Mbabane - IRIN) 10.1. 2008.
11. Good news for livestock farmers. Phila Dlamini, The Swazi Observer
16.1.2008.
12. Bongani Masuku, The meaning of the ANC Conference for Swaziland.
Sunday Times of Swaziland 13 Janaury, 2008.
13. Solidarity programme: the people of Swaziland and Swaziland
Solidarity Network. Sikhumbuzo Thomo, Secretary General, SSN. January
2008.
_______________
1. Income rating hobbles aid effort. James Hall, Mbabane. Inter Press
Service (Johannesburg). 17.1.2008
Amanda Dube is literally 'dirt poor'. Fierce bush fires ravaged
Swaziland for months in 2007, and repeatedly swept over the hilly area
of Mliba where she lives. Fires burned the trees and vegetation on the
small sloping plot where the widowed mother of three attempts to
scratch out a maize crop.
Dube was unable to produce any food last year because of drought. The
drought wiped out 80 percent of the country's maize production, and
this week even before new trees and maize plants could take root,
powerful rainstorms sent torrents of water down the hill and past her
stick and thatch hut, carrying away top soil.
"The soil was very poor before. This is a very rocky area and not
really good for growing food. But now there is hardly any dirt at
all," the 37-year-old Dube told IPS. Dube says that she and other
Swazis like her are not likely to see the national economy
fundamentally strengthened through developmental assistance because in
the eyes of the international agencies that decide such things, her
country is too affluent.
Two-thirds of the population of Swaziland - less than one million
people - live on less than one dollar a day. The unemployment rate is
40 percent, and more than four out of ten Swazis depend on some form
of food assistance to stay alive.
Dube's husband died after "growing very thin" three years ago. Like
most Swazis, she will not say he succumbed to an AIDS-related illness
because of the stigma attached to AIDS. Dube is entitled to food aid.
She can collect a meagre ration of maize, beans, and cooking oil
imported by the World Food Programme (WFP) and distributed by the
international relief organisation World Vision.
"The economy is performing poorly, especially in comparison with the
other nations of the region," said Richard Ndwandwe, an investment
advisor with an Mbabane bank, told IPS. "We have not achieved 3.0
percent economic growth in a decade, and the central bank says an
annual growth rate of 3.6 percent is required just to keep up with
population growth," Ndwandwe said, stressing that the, "net result has
been a deterioration in the standard of living for almost all Swazis."
"It is the rich minority that is skewing the statistical picture, and
making the country appear better off than it is for most people,"
explained Ndwandwe. "Social inequalities are increasingly leaving
Swaziland with one of the world's most-skewered income distributions,"
noted Peter Beck
Christiansen, the European Union's (EU) ambassador to Swaziland.
Colonial-era landholders and business people who did not have their
properties compromised when Swaziland gained its independence 40 years
ago, government leaders, and a small but well-off clique of Swazi
entrepreneurs have amassed wealth that has raised the nation's gross
domestic product (GDP).
Less than twenty percent of the population controls eighty percent of
the nation's wealth, according to the World Bank. But, the World Bank,
using GDP to classify the country's state of economic development, has
placed Swaziland in the "low-middle income" category of nations.
"We are far from being a middle income country, but we are not
considered a low income country, and this makes a world of difference
when it comes to accessing development funding," said Ndwandwe.
"It is not a fair rating," Abdoulaye Balde, the country director for
the WFP, told IPS from his Mbabane office that coordinates the world's
response to Swaziland's food shortage crisis. "It does not take into
consideration that way most people are living. We are always telling
this to our donors," he stressed.
The director of another humanitarian relief NGO, which receives World
Bank logistical assistance said, "There is so much need in the world
and so many peoples competing for limited resources that it is easy
for an NGO to go by World Bank guidelines to decline assistance to a
country like Swaziland. It's not necessarily fair."
Several times this past year, Prime Minister Themba Dlamini and Majozi
Sithole, his finance minister, reminded the country that Swaziland
does not qualify for low-interest loans or interest-free grants
awarded to countries classified as "low income" although a large
majority of Swazis, like Dube, live in absolute poverty.
Denied developmental funds, the government's response has been to
encourage economic growth by boosting the private sector, with the
hope of increased tax revenue from businesses.
While foreign direct investment (FDI) is sought by globetrotting teams
of government officials, ordinary Swazis are encouraged to become
"small entrepreneurs."
Christiansen signed a treaty with Swazi leadership for a 100 million
dollar aid package, Wednesday. "I think that it is a particular
responsibility of the country to ensure that ever citizen received a
fair share of the national wealth," Christiansen said.
However, not even the country's small,and by law nonexistent,
opposition groups who speak about countering the ruling monarchy's
grip on governance, have called for wealth redistribution.
"The rich are not going away, and that's the only way to make
Swaziland statistically a low income country," Anthony Simelane, an
attorney based in the central commercial hub Manzini, told IPS. "There
is not going to be wealth redistribution that would benefit the poor.
The country is denied development funds to help the poor, so all
government can hope to do is boost the economy and reap taxes,"
Simelane said.
The impediment to this plan is government corruption. Sithole has
estimated that the amount of government money lost to various forms of
corruption annually equals the country's national debt.
Christiansen touched on corruption when he signed the EU's
developmental agreement. "I have learned in my three years in
Swaziland that no amount of funding or donor assistance can lead to
development if the right conditions are not in place. Deficiencies in
the areas of governance have and will continue to seriously limit your
development progress, with or without the HIV/AIDS threat," he told
his Swazi hosts.
The EU's aid package is contingent upon the implementation of what
Christensen called "an ambitious governance reform programme to enable
Swaziland to reach at least the level of other Southern African
countries."
___________________________________________
2. Floods could be worse than 2001. BBC News 17.1.2008.
Flooding in Mozambique and neighbouring countries could be more
damaging than catastrophic floods seven years ago, Mozambique
authorities say. But officials say they don't expect the death toll to
be as high as in 2001, when 700 people died.
The government is preparing to evacuate 200,000 people from their
homes as rains continue to fall. Some 70,000 people have been forced
from their homes so far and several people have died, the government
said. The National Institute of Natural Disaster Management (INGC)
predicted the heavy rains as far back as November and warned
communities they were coming.
But flood waters are now spreading to Lesotho, Malawi, Mozambique,
Swaziland and Zambia, and more people will have to be evacuated. The
rain is forecast to fall throughout February and could continue into
April, the International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent
Societies said. The INGC told the AFP news agency that a UN
announcement that 50 people had died in the flooding was
"overestimated".
Torrential rains in Zambia and Zimbabwe have swollen the Zambezi
river, Africa's fourth longest, to well above the flood limits.
Valleys in Malawi and Mozambique are bearing the brunt as the waters
flow down to the Indian Ocean.
______________________________________
3. EU gives 15 million euros to aid Swazi sugar farmers (AFP), 18.1.2008.
Swaziland's sugarcane farmers were handed 15 million euros by the
European Commission on Friday in a measure to cushion them from the
impact of a cut in industry prices, officials said.
A joint statement by the Swazi government and EC said 15 million euros
(22 million dollars) would minimize any adverse impact on the sugar
sector which has been a mainstay of the economy in the landlocked
southern African kingdom.
"This will go towards the enhancement of the profitability of
smallholder sugarcane growers and will contribute to maintain the
efficiency of Swaziland's sugar production," said the statement. "The
beneficiary farmers will also be assisted to prepare sustainable farm
plans."
Some 700 sugar industry workers have been laid off in recent months
with producers forced to cut costs as a result of the lower prices
from Europe.
Swaziland's yearly sugar quota to EU markets stands at 120,000 metric tonnes.
_____________________________________
4. Four students arrested for riot. Sabelo Mamba, Weekend Observer 19.1 2008.
Four students of the University of Swaziland have been arrested in
connection with the riot at the Campus on Thursday evening.
They are Langelihle Dlamini (20), Bheki Mhlanga (28), Emmanuel Ngubane
(22), Qiniso Nxumalo (21). Police Public Relations Officer Superindent
Vusi Masuku said Dlamini was arrested on Thursday while the rest were
rounded up yesterday. He said Dlamini was arrested by members of the
public, who handed him over to the police after pelting a bus
windscreen with a stone and another car.
"Before being handed over to the police, Dlamini was severely beaten
up by the public," he said.
Supt. Masuku said Dlamini appeared before the Manzini Magistrate's
Court for two counts of malicious damage to property and that he was
granted bail of E500. He said the others appeared before the Matsapha
Circuit Court, which released them on their own cognisance. They are
expected to make appearances in court on February 1, this year.
The PRO said Mhlanga was arrested for public disturbance in that he
placed some stones on the highway and in the process disturbing the
free flow of traffic. He added that Ngubane and Nxumalo were charged
with malicious damage to property.
Meanwhile, police have launched investigations to determine the
circumstances in which a Swaziland College of Technology student was
shot during a confrontation between UNISWA students and the police on
Thursday evening.
Police Public Relations Officer Superintendent Vusi Masuku said the
issue was still being investigated yesterday and a conclusion had not
been reached. ?The student is still in hospital, hence it is only
after he has been discharged that we can make conclusive analysis of
what occurred,? he said.
The student was identified as Nkosinaye Dlamini. He was allegedly in
the company of UNISWA students within a rented flat near the
university. Police are said to have fired at the direction of all that
were in the house, missing a four year old child and hitting Dlamini
on the stomach.
It was said the rubber bullet penetrated Dlamini?s stomach and was
embedded there. He was subsequently admitted to the Manzini Clinic.
Other students were also injured when armed officers pounced on them
to distract them. This was after the students ran riot and vandalised
a car belonging to Vice Chancellor Cisco Magagula on Thursday evening.
UNISWA students want the institution?s administration to withdraw a
semesterisation programme, and postpone examinations scheduled for
Monday.
____________________________________
5. Standard Bank Research Economics. Swaziland?s economic woes must
be fixed. See http://www.standardbank.co.za, select ?Research? to view
publications.
Swaziland?s economic performance has deteriorated over the past decade and is
projected at 1.2% this year and 1% in 2008 by the IMF. This is the result of a
number of factors, some external and some domestic.
External factors are the deterioration of trade preferences and
regional droughts, among others. Swaziland is landlocked and
surrounded by Mozambique and South Africa. The small and open Swazi
economy can benefit from exports to these neighbours as both economies
have shown robust growth. For example, Mozambique grew by 8.5% in 2006
and is expected to grow by 6.8% this year; whereas South Africa grew
by 5% in 2006 and is expected to grow by 4.7% this year. Although
Swaziland?s exports are mostly to South Africa (about 63% of total
exports), exports to the US have grown under the US? African Growth
and Opportunity Act (Agoa). Despite South Africa?s robust growth,
Swaziland has lagged behind its neighbours.
Of interest is that the US International Trade Commission (USITC) reports that
Swaziland has grown its financial services exports and, barring South
Africa, is the largest such exporter in the 23 sub-Saharan Africa
(SSA) countries that report balance of payment data to the IMF.
Financial services to the value of US 97 million dollars were exported
in 2003, rising to US$290.8 million in 2004, which are linked to
Swaziland?s agricultural export products, such as soft drink
concentrate, wood pulp and sugar. In 2003 financial services exports
accounted for nearly half of SSA?s total of US$201 million, an unusual
feat for a small economy.
The tourism sector could offer growth opportunities in the future. The
USITC also notes that Swaziland?s gaming industry lost some of its
attraction for South African gamblers when South Africa legalised
gambling in 1995. Rail tourism has helped boost tourist arrivals. New
projects are being planned to further stimulate the sector. The strong
currency since 2002 has also had a largely negative impact on the
competitiveness of the country?s manufacturing and other export sectors.
Email brenda.landsberg@... to be included on Standard
Bank research distribution list. See
http://www.standardbank.co.zaselect ?Research? to view publications.
_____________________________
6. Tragedy and comedy in the same small place. Steve Newton,
Blogosphere of the Libertarian Left. 12 January, 2008 - Delaware
Libertarian: http://delawarelibertarian.blogspot.com/
Swaziland is just emerging (hopefully) from a lengthy drought, which
King Mswati III sees as an opportunity to end the dependence of his
small nation in southern Africa on international food hand-outs.
Given that 80% of Swaziland's population depends on subsistence
agriculture, and that good old Mswati keeps tens of thousands of
hectares aside for cultivating not food but cassava for ethanol
exports (got to pay for those Mercedes SUVs each of his 13 wives
drives), this is just another one of his inspired policies.
For another example (and here all humour departs): Swaziland has the
highest AIDs/HIV infection rate in the world (26% of all adults, 49%
of all young women) and the lowest life expectancy (31.3 years).
King Mswati's answer: Sterilize and brand the infected, while
announcing a five-year moratorium on all sexual intercourse.
We often hear about failed nation-states. This is a nation-state of
919,000 people that could starve or die out completely from disease
within the next few years. Conundrum for the day: is it genocide when
a country commits suicide?
_________________________________________
7. Regional lessons learned. Southern Africa. Progress Report:
Population Services International, Washington, D.C. (PSI). 7 January
2008.
Home to an estimated 9.3 million people living with HIV/AIDS (PLHA),
Southern Africa is the unquestionable epicenter of the continent's HIV
pandemic. With an adult HIV prevalence rate of 33.4 percent in
Swaziland and 5.5 million PLHA residing in South Africa, the region
has the dubious
distinction of housing both the country with the highest adult HIV
prevalence rate and the country with the largest HIV-positive
population in the world.
While Southern Africa is relatively more developed than other parts of
sub-Saharan Africa, HIV is taking its toll on regional economies:
Every country now ranks lower on the Human Development Index than it
did in 1992, and HIV/AIDS has undoubtedly contributed to this decline.
Gains in treatment are not keeping up either: For every person who
receives treatment, five more will be infected. AIDSMark responded to
HIV epidemics in eight Southern African countries with funding and
technical assistance: Botswana, Lesotho, Madagascar, Namibia, South
Africa, Swaziland, Zambia and Zimbabwe.
HIV epidemics in these countries are highly generalized, with adult
HIV prevalence close to or exceeding 20 percent in every country
except Madagascar, where the epidemic remains concentrated (0.5
percent prevalence).
HIV is most commonly transmitted in the region through heterosexual
sex, and the epidemic is driven by concurrent sexual partnerships, low
rates of consistent condom use and low rates of male circumcision.
While certain groups are at higher risk, particularly commercial sex
workers (CSWs) and long-distance truck drivers, HIV is a
population-wide problem in the region.
_________________________________________
8. Swazi media face harassment - http://swazimedia.blogspot.com/
Richard Rooney, January 14, 2008.
If we were to take a snapshot of the media in Swaziland at the moment
we would see that the majority of them are state controlled and that
small part of the industry that is in private hands has been harassed
by the monarchy and the government.
The media industry in Swaziland is small and the majority of it is
state controlled. As far as the newspaper industry is concerned, there
are two principal players. The first is the Loffler family based in
Namibia which owns African Echo, the holding company of the daily
Times of Swaziland, Swazi News (published Saturday) and the Times
Sunday. These newspapers, the first of which, the Times, was
established in 1897, are the only major news sources in the kingdom
free of government control.
The second major player is the corporation Tibiyo Taka Ngwane, which
is controlled by the Swazi royal family and owns the Observer Media
Group, which publishes the Swazi Observer and its companion paper, the
Weekend Observer. One independent monthly comment magazine, The Nation
magazine, manages to continue publishing despite government opposition
and a small circulation. A free government produced newssheet,
Swaziland Today has very little credibility.
Newspaper circulations are generally poor. Estimates suggest that the
Swazi Observer sells between 5 000 and 15 000 copies a day and the
Times of Swaziland sells about 35 000 copies a day. The Times Sunday
and Swazi News sell about 15000 copies a week. The Weekly Observer has
a circulation of 10 000. All newspapers are published in the English
language. These newspapers serve a population of about one million
people.
Newspapers lag a long way behind radio and television as the most
important source of news for Swazis. A gender and media audience study
found 16 percent of women and 19 percent of men cited newspapers as
the most important source of news compared to 53 percent of women (63
percent men) who cited radio and 31 per cent women (17 percent men)
who cited television.
The survey found that respondents with tertiary level education
constituted the highest proportion of those who chose newspapers as
their main source of news.
There are two free to air television stations in Swaziland, the
Swaziland Television Authority (STA) and Channel Swazi. The STA is the
state broadcaster and still dominates airwaves. Two acts of parliament
have resulted in a monopoly by state owned radio and television.
Broadcast licensing is the prerogative of Swaziland Posts and
Telecommunications which has the sole authority to issue licenses.
The STA has one channel with multiple national repeaters. The
government in 2001 allowed Channel Swazi, a pro-establishment medium,
to begin operating domestically.
The South Africa-based satellite broadcaster, MultiChoice, also
operates in Swaziland providing subscribers with access to television
services including Cable News Network CNN, BBC, AlJazeera and Sky News.
There are two radio broadcasters in Swaziland: the Swaziland
Broadcasting and Information Services (SBIS) and Voice of the Church,
a private Christian radio station which is a local franchise of
TransWorldRadio. Voice of the Church is the only privately-owned radio
station in Swaziland. The Swaziland Broadcasting and Information
Services is a state-run national radio service. It has one siSwati
language channel, one English-language channel, and one information
services channel.
There are three relatively new entrants into the Swazi media market:
the magazines Youth Connexion and Siyavena and the television station,
Channel Swazi, but none are particularly critical of the state. The
youth magazine aims mainly at addressing social issues affecting the
youth such as HIV AIDS and crime. Channel Swazi is also a
pro-establishment medium that offers very little in terms of
progressive and dynamic points of view. Siyavena is a sports
publication without much critical content. Apart from adding its name
to the media landscape, it has no new voice on behalf of media freedom
in the kingdom.
The media are not independent of government. There are estimated to be
more than thirty pieces of legislation which could be regarded as
restrictive to press freedom in Swaziland. Generally, in the state and
private sector, the government has kept a tight reign on media
censorship in recent years.
A Commonwealth election monitoring team criticized Swaziland?s lack of
press freedom and expressed disappointment at government-owned Radio
Swaziland?s reporting on the 2003 elections, saying that restricted
campaign coverage reduced voters knowledge of the candidates and
harmed their ability to hold candidates accountable.
Last year the Times group of newspapers was threatened with closure
after the Times Sunday ran a report sourced from an overseas news
agency that blamed King Mswati III for many of Swaziland?s economic
woes. The newspaper group was forced to run an abject apology or face
closure.
The power of the king is so great in Swaziland that news media in the
kingdom enforce self-censorship when opportunities to report
critically about him occur. In August 2007, the world?s media reported
a survey from Forbes in New York that placed King Mswati III among one
of the top 15 richest monarchs in the world. He was revealed as the
richest monarch in sub-Saharan Africa and the youngest (at age 39)
among the monarchs in the top 15.
The king?s wealth was estimated at 200 million US dollars (approx. 1,4
billion Rand). Foreign news reports noted that more than 70 percent of
Swazis lived on less than 1 US dollar a day and that more than half
the population relied on food aid donated by international agencies to
survive. The Swazi media mentioned none of this.
It is difficult to be optimistic about media freedom in Swaziland. As
we make our way in 2008 the government is threatening to force news
media into a system of regulation that they do not want and a
government subcommittee wants to choose which journalists can and
cannot on the Swazi Parliament.
__________________________________
9. National Trust Commission to establish environmental centre. The
Swazi Observer January 14, 2008.
THE Swaziland National Trust Commission (SNTC) is seeking to
coordinate and facilitate Environmental Education programmes as well
as establish a centre of expertise in the country.
Chief Executive Officer Titus Dlamini said this centre of expertise
would become an important hub for all environmental educators who were
taking part in the implementation of the UN Decade of Education for
Sustainable Development (DESD) in the country and beyond.
Speaking during the graduation ceremony of 17 environmental educators
at Malolotja Environmental Education Centre, he said this would be
done in collaboration with the Swaziland Environmental Authority
(SEA), the Ministry of Education and University of Swaziland (UNISWA)
through SNTC?s National Environmental Education Programme.
?It is, therefore, important for all environmental educators like
yourselves to identify their role and to formulate programmes for
participating in the establishment of these centres of expertise and
as such become involved in the implementation of the DESD,? he said.
?The SNTC is happy to join hands with stakeholders on the ground to
help achieve the great work of educating the nation on the environment
and its sustainable use,? said the CEO, adding ?our institution
created these education centres for such a purpose.? Dlamini said the
UN Conference on Environment and Development, held in Rio de Janeiro
in 1992, gave high priority in its Agenda 21 to the role of education
in enabling sustainable development.
?This role was further emphasised at the World Summit on Sustainable
Development in Johannesburg where it was noted that a UN Decade of
Education for Sustainability (DESD) should be declared to highlight
the role of education in the achievement of sustainable development,?
he noted.
Implementation
?In March 2005, the UN General Assembly launched the UN DESD and the
main focus of its implementation plan is to encourage partnerships and
actions at all levels of society and amongst all stakeholders with a
responsibility and interest in education as well as sustainability.?
Dlamini said following in the spirit of the Decade, Swaziland became
the first country in the southern Africa region, and indeed in Africa,
to launch the DESD in April 2007.
?While we forge ahead with the meaningful implementation of this
extensive programme, which will be with us until 2014 and beyond, it
is essential to note that our partners are organisations such as SEJA
and others that have already put the education agenda in the forefront
of development,? he added. ?Our success as an institution and as a
country depends on these partnerships we are forging here and we pray
that it blossoms into a fruitful endeavour for all partners concerned.?
The CEO further said Swaziland was already participating in the DESD
and the country had taken the first step in engaging its partners in
environmental education and related sectors to facilitate capacity
building to address environmental and health risks, so as to reduce
poverty and other challenges related to the millennium development
goals (MDGs).
?I want to commend SEJA for taking up the daunting task of educating
the public on the environment. The dedication and perseverance
displayed here are some of the most useful tools for Swaziland to
achieve sustainable development,? said Dlamini.
He further applauded the participants for their dedication and
commitment. ?Being adult learners who are already living in
communities ravaged by the environmental crisis, it is encouraging to
know that the baton has been picked up by fresh people who will run
with it and shine in their respective communities.?
He also said as a country with an economy in transition, the nation
was faced with a major challenge of extremely fast-paced development,
especially with the drive for poverty alleviation. ?Some of our
investors come from countries with poor records on environmental
regulation and as such expect the same of Swaziland,? he said, ?it is
now your job as environmental educators to ensure that there is
environmental compliance in your communities.?
_____________________________________
10. Long on policies but short on implementation. (Mbabane - IRIN) 10.1. 2008.
Swaziland's ability to cope with its ongoing humanitarian crisis will
not improve until its under-performing economy picks up, social
welfare activists and the government agree.
In a policy speech this week, outlining the government's goals for the
year ahead, Prime Minister Themba Dlamini frankly acknowledged the
country's economic woes, which are hampering efforts to roll back food
shortages, AIDS and poverty.
Citing Swaziland's current problems as "drought, wild fires, issues of
orphans and vulnerable children, drug shortages, poverty and slow
growth of our economy", the premier said real gross domestic product
per capita "still remains the lowest among the Southern African
Customs Union (SACU) countries". SACU is a five-member trade
organisation.
Economic growth averaged just 2 percent over the past five years, well
below the annual population increase of 3.6 percent. Although growth
nudged 2.8 percent last year, the Central Bank of Swaziland noted that
the performance still represented "an overall decline in the quality
of life for the average Swazi".
Nervous labour
Even labour is skittish about mounting industrial actions at a time
when overall unemployment hovers around 30 percent, and has reached 40
percent for school leavers. After past crackdowns by the authorities
there were no significant industrial actions in 2007. Workers ignored
a strike call in June by the labour movement to press for political
reform.
"There will not be economic improvement until there is a transparent,
accountable and democratic government to set economic policy," a
source with the Swaziland Federation of Labour told IRIN. "Investors
are staying away, but we are faced with a chicken-and-egg situation in
the labour movement: workers need to raise their voices and be united,
but they are afraid to take a risk because of widespread joblessness."
Swaziland is surrounded by large and affluent South Africa, and a
revitalised Mozambique with economic growth in double digits. Foreign
direct investors prefer other regional economies to the small kingdom
that has few natural resources, and a declining population of less
than a million as a result of AIDS.
"Swaziland's response to our humanitarian crisis is hobbled by lack of
money. There's no government revenue because of two reasons: a poor
economy and corruption," said Sipiwe Simelane, a director of the HIV
support organisation, People For Positive Living.
Government strategy is to pour money into expanding the Matsapha
Industrial Estate outside the central commercial hub, Manzini, and the
creation of new industrial parks in the far southern and western parts
of the country. The approach is: "if we build the facilities, the
investors will come", remarked Maxwell Shongwe of the Ministry of
Economic Planning and Development.
The Prime Minister seemed to acknowledge foreign investors lack of
interest in Swaziland in his policy message, and said the government's
priority would be to encourage Swazis to start small and medium-sized
businesses.
"The problem with this strategy is that local businesses depend on the
domestic market for success - these are small traders, not exporters.
Because of the economy, there are fewer consumers able to support new
businesses," said Charles Mthetfwa, who is struggling to keep his
plumbing business afloat in Manzini.
Government may not have cash, but it is flush with policies. On the
heels of a new National Health Policy, Dlamini announced cabinet
approval this week of a Comprehensive Agricultural Sector Policy and a
National Food Security Policy.
"Government also likes to set goals without telling how these are to
be achieved. Goals are announced as if they are done deals, and the
politicians congratulate themselves, knowing that a few years down the
road, when nothing is accomplished, they will be out of government,"
an economist at a bank in the capital, Mbabane, told IRIN.
The Prime Minister announced a target of halving the poverty rate,
estimated at 69 percent of people living on less than one US dollar a
day, within seven years, and eliminating poverty altogether by 2022.
"The end of poverty by 2022 was set 10 years ago in a National
Development Strategy [NDS], and government still acts like this is
destined to happen, simply because the goal is government policy, but
there are more people living in poverty today than when the NDS was
passed. The goal is worthy, but how is it to be achieved?" the
economist wondered.
The government insists that improvements in social welfare are slowly
being realised. The number of elderly beneficiaries of government
grants, for example, rose by 40 percent last year, from 33,000 to
47,252. But health workers note that problems around accessing
pensions and guarding against corruption persist in the system.
_____________________________________
11. Good news for livestock farmers. Phila Dlamini, The Swazi Observer
16.1.2008.
Livestock farmers should brace themselves for a business boom as a
secure beef market in Norway, but this depends entirely on the speedy
progress that will be made in the negotiations between the two
countries.
Currently, the country exports beef to the United Kingdom and the
Eropean Union, but that is no longer an attractive market following
the escalating feed prices.
The news on the Norwegian possibility was revealed by Swaziland Meat
Industries (SMI) Managing Director Jon Williams. He was speaking
during the feedlotters day held at SMI last week.
"With the price of beef rising following the escalating feed prices,
exporting to some countries in the European Union is no longer
attractive. As a result, we need to explore other markets, and Norway
is one of the attractive options that we are currently exploring," he
said. He further added that a Swazi team had been in negotiations with
the Norwegians since 2006. Further, Williams stated that a Norwegian
Member of Parliament had already visited Swaziland and "we can now
reveal that the matter is now pending in the Norwegian Parliament."
On another note, Williams called on the involvement of both the
Ministries of Foreign Affairs and Trade in collaboration with the
Ministry of Agriculture for the benefit of the beef industry.
Previously Swazi beef products were banned by the EU after Swaziland
failed to produce the necessary paperwork needed to track the
provenance of slaughtered cattle, including their inoculations.
However, the local industry has put its house in order, resulting in
the ban being lifted.
Swaziland has a quota of 3 600 tonnes of beef that it can export to
the EU; however, the local beef industry falls far short of meeting
that quota, as only 500 tonnes are exported per year.
The drastic drop can be attributed to a lot of beef farmers deserting
the industry following the recent hike in feed prices.
Food prices may climb for years because of expansion of farming for
fuel, climate changes and demand from richer consumers in fast-growing
developing nations, a report from a top food research group said last
Tuesday.
Biofuels expansions alone could push maize prices up over two-thirds
by 2020 and increase oilseed costs by nearly half, with subsidies for
the industry forming an implicit tax on the poor, the International
Food Policy Research Institute said.
________________________
12. Bongani Masuku, The meaning of the ANC Conference for Swaziland.
Sunday Times of Swaziland 13 Janaury, 2008.
For Swaziland, there were expectations from all sides of the
political equation. The government was eagerly awaiting what to expect
from the Limpopo outcome, owing to the desperation of the Swazi regime
at the moment and the significance of South Africa in relation to the
momentum for democracy in Swaziland or the lack of it.
For the conservatives and traditionalists in the ruling bloc, owing
to his strong traditional background, Zuma represents hope for an ear
so sympathetic to their "misunderstood case for a unique democracy,
though with an overdose of feudal hangover". Also, using old theories
of marriage as a tool for political ends, traditionalists at Lobamba
hoped that the relationship between Zuma and their daughter would be a
critical leverage over him, so as to secure the necessary concession
in this regard.
On the other hand, the progressive forces relied on first and
foremost, the ANC as an institution and its agenda for a continental
renaissance underpinned by a strong commitment to democracy and that
any President would not stray from that standpoint. Further, the
strong and proven commitment of the Alliance partners SACP and COSATU
to the democratisation of Swaziland, meant that it might secure a
bigger ear under a Zuma Presidency, hence a more decisive intervention
in support of the struggle for democracy in that regard?
(It) is also worth mentioning that the resolution on Swaziland from
this Conference was very progressive, building on the Stellenbosch
Conference resolution of 2002, which affirmed the legitimacy and
correctness of the struggle for democracy in Swaziland, as a direct
expression of the broad struggle by the African masses for the
restoration of their dignity, free from corrupt elitism and daylight
plunder of their resources.
The other most important lesson from this Conference was the
centrality of internal democracy in the ANC, which has seemingly
eluded many former liberation movements on assuming state power. This
has been the down-fall of many former progressive movements, the
Zimbabwean case, being a case in point. Vibrant and sometimes
threatening engagements and political contests are feared, yet they
are the centre-piece of on-going democratic assertion for any
revolutionary movement. Lack of such fierce engagements and contests
is a threat to democracy inside a progressive movement and in a
country generally.
Once institutions of democratic expression collapse, dangerous
elements fill-in the gap and speak on behalf of the whole society.
______________________________________
13. Solidarity programme: the people of Swaziland and Swaziland
Solidarity Network. Sikhumbuzo Thomo, Secretary General, SSN. January
2008.
Introduction
This year, 2008 marks 11 years since the Swaziland Solidarity Network
was born. It marks a period of active consolidation of the good work
done and remarkable achievements of the SSN in the past 11years. We
take this opportunity to salute the internationalists who pioneered
the wonderful work of this historic initiative and the comrades who
held high the banners of this movement during trying times in the past
10 years.
The people of Swaziland have, for far too long, been suffering from a
system of royal oppression driven by the monarchy and his friends.
They have been trying to knock at the door of the royal family for
democracy in vain.
The world has watched in cold silence the terrible persecution of the
ordinary people and pretended not to see or chose to ignore literally
the cries of the Swazi people. As the progressive and democracy-loving
people of South Africa, we have taken it upon ourselves to break that
silence.
1. The following tasks are the guiding framework for the Swaziland
Solidarity Network:
- Hosting a General Counsel of The People's United Democratic
Movement (PUDEMO) on the 29th February, 2008 as there cannot be held a
meeting inside Swaziland due to the draconian King's decree .We need
to mobilize resources for accommodation, transport, catering and
stationary.
- Alliance international summit on Swaziland. This should assess the
situation in Swaziland, developing a firm programme and create the
necessary infrastructure to generate and sustain the momentum on this
issue. This could then allow that the issue of the Swaziland
Solidarity Network be discussed clearly and firmly concretized for
action, including capacity required, what resources are possible and
what time-frames are desirable.
- The plight of the Swazi Exiled comrades namely: accommodation,
education and health.
- Office assistance in: electronic equipment, stationary, furnisher,
commission for our fulltime office volunteers.
2. Other special projects of the Swaziland Solidarity Network
- South African Foreign affairs and parliament information focus.
- Focus on SADC, AU, EU and UN Human rights Commission, particularly
through such civil society organs such as ECOSOC of the AU.
- Identification and targeting of businesses that have interests in
Swaziland and engaging them around the programme for the
democratisation of the country and their role in this.
- Creation of auxiliary and support institutions to sustain the
momentum towards democracy and for social transformation in Swaziland.
- Create infrastructure for the welfare and support of Swazi
activists in the context of intensified state brutality and the
deteriorating socio-economic and political conditions in that country,
particularly tackling the conditions of Swazi refugees and political
exiles based here in South Africa and beyond.
- Developing capacity for improved political education and training
for political activists to build the required levels of leadership
ability.
- Establish Focus teams on key issues, such as on the sanctions campaign.
- Target academic and research institutions dealing with IR globally,
particularly those based in RSA, such as the Africa Institute (AI),
Institute for Global Dialogue (IGD), South African Institute for
International Affairs (SAIIA), Institute for Security Studies (ISS),
and the Southern Africa Political Economic Monthly (SAPEM).
3. Anti-Tinkhundla election campaign, the development of anti-election
- Campaign material
- Setting up the co-ordination center and systems for the campaigns
- Mass rallies and community meetings for the programme
- Support system to the anti-election campaign volunteers
Finally, the new leadership of the Swaziland Solidarity Network shall
be visiting Swaziland for political assessment of conditions in the
country and what should be done. In this regard, it shall meet and
interact with all organs of civil society, including institutions of
the state, where desirable to get facts on developments. The date
shall be set by the NEC at its first meeting soon.
Further, the Swaziland Solidarity Network will engage in an
organizational redesign process to reposition the solidarity network
properly in the unfolding circumstances: a front-liner in the
international solidarity movement with the oppressed people of
Swaziland.
This should afford the Swaziland Solidarity Network an opportunity to
amass necessary capacity in terms of administration and organizational
cohesion. The creation of a sustainable infrastructure and
professional team driving our programme consistently would make a
decisive difference in our work and the struggle of the Swazi people
in general.
_____________________________________
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labour movements, political parties, church organisations, print and
electronic media, governments, diplomatic missions, members of
parliament, parliamentary committees and private individuals in
Southern Africa, Europe and the United States of America.
Support the democratic movement in Swaziland: MANDELA FUND: BG Bank,
Norre Voldgade 68, 1358 Copenhagen K, Denmark. SWIFT-BIC: DABADKKK.
Registration Number: 0274. Account Number: 3327000. The MANDELA FUND
is a registered national collection in Denmark.
Swaziland@Newsletter Extra
Published by Africa Contact (Denmark)
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ANNENE EJIKEM, LET THE WOMEN SPEAK! AND LISTEN.
ECONOMIC EMPOWERMENT OF AFRICAN WOMEN. No. 1 ? January. Vol. 7
(January-April 2008). AfricaFiles
http://www.africafiles.org/atissueezine.asp#art1
In 1929 women in southeast Nigeria mounted a war against the forces of
British colonial rule. The women targeted all the symbols of the new
political order ? the offices and homes of colonial officialdom, as
well as its representatives. The "disturbances" and the demands made
by the women at the Commission of Inquiry set up by the colonial
government to investigate surprised the British. The women who
testified before the Commission consistently demanded that women be
represented in the new institutions which had been set up by the
colonial government. More than 50 women lost their lives, but colonial
authorities failed to appreciate the extent to which women felt
aggrieved by colonial policies which rendered them invisible.
Although the women organized and carried out this rebellion, it did
not stop colonial authorities and missionaries from continuing to
insist that African women were "no better than cattle and sheep" and
completely lacking in agency. Almost eighty years later, the
assumption that African women lack agency continues to be the
prevailing view about them. This impression is so often at variance
with what I see, for example, when I am at home in Nigeria where,
every day, I meet women who struggle to feed their families and to
send their children to school, daily making decisions that help
sustain their families.
The role of "Tradition"
Researchers and development workers appear eager always to point to
"Tradition" as the reason for African women?s lack of agency. Take,
for example, the statement issued by a recent international summit
convened to address the economic crisis in Africa.
"In Africa, the gender gap is even wider and the situation is more
complex due to the cultural and traditional context which is anchored
in beliefs, norms and practices which breed discrimination and
feminised poverty. There is growing evidence that the number of women
in Africa living in poverty has increased disproportionately to that
of men."
This was the conclusion of the 8th Meeting of the African Partnership
Forum (APF) in Germany in May 2007. The APF was founded in 2003 as a
forum designed "to facilitate Africa?s economic growth." The members
of the APF are Western donor countries which give more than $100
million in aid, multilateral institutions such as the UN, World Bank,
IMF, WTO, African regional institutions such as ECOWAS, SADC, ADB, as
well as the pan-African NEPAD and AU.
There is no doubt that there are many traditions in Africa that hamper
women?s ability to lead economically prosperous lives, but to point to
"Tradition" as the root cause of African women?s poverty obscures
reality more than it clarifies it. First of all, there is no single
"Tradition" which exists all over Africa. Secondly, what is considered
"traditional" in African communities is often of relatively recent
vintage and was colonially-generated. Foreign aid workers and African
men are too eager to point to "Tradition" when excluding women from
development projects. For example, in Kenya, local men ? and
"development officers" ? are often quick to insist that it is
"untraditional" for women to own land. The truth is, of course, that
individual land ownership is not "traditional" for anyone in Kenya;
individual land ownership was usefully introduced by British colonial
authorities keen to claim the most fertile lands for Europeans.1
The idea conveyed when "Tradition" is blamed for African women?s
economic predicament is that African beliefs and practices constitute
part of an ancient, unchanging way of life, not easily amenable to
change. The reality too often is that aid and development workers
assume that the existence of "Tradition" makes African women incapable
of acting as authors of their own lives. Numerous studies now exist
which point to the unwillingness or incapacity of development workers
to engage African women in dialogue as a fundamental obstacle to the
success of many so-called aid programs.2
Fundamental to any task of understanding Africa is the acknowledgment
of the continent?s diversity. Not even within a single country do
sweeping generalizations hold. An absolute priority to ending poverty
in Africa is to listen to the experiences and wisdom of poor African
women.
As we acknowledge that "Tradition" cannot be the beginning and the end
of any analysis of African women?s economic realities, we must also
acknowledge that the facts of African women?s lives do not make for
happy reading. The statistics, while they do not capture the reality
of women?s lives in all the different contexts in which they live,
give an overall picture.
Of all the continents, Africa has the largest percentage of people
living in poverty, with signs that ever larger numbers will be
threatened by poverty in the future. HIV/AIDS, for example, is
leaving millions of African children as AIDS orphans. The HIV/AIDS
epidemic, which is recognized to be of significant consequence for
development, affects women in notably higher numbers than men in some
African countries. In Zimbabwe, Zambia, Kenya and Malawi, this has
resulted in a lower life expectancy for women than men, a reversal of
what typically obtains.3 Although African women work longer hours,
they own disproportionately less than African men. African women
receive only 1 percent of credit facilities extended to agricultural
producers. Yet, at least 70 percent of African women are involved in
agriculture. A disproportionate percentage of African babies are of
low birth weight, a factor closely related to maternal poverty.
Ending Poverty?
How to end poverty in Africa? This question has become a staple of
discussion for commentators from pop stars to world-renowned
economists. For decades, the image of Africa in the world has been as
the poor neighbor, always receiving charity yet remaining forever
destitute and helpless. Despite numerous pop concerts, organizations
with a plethora of acronyms, roundtables, meetings and conferences,
poverty in Africa remains.
The most ambitious poverty-eradication effort to date is the
Millennium Development Project, which was ratified by all the UN
member nations as well as major donor and aid institutions in
September 2000. Its goal is to eradicate poverty all over the world,
especially in Africa. The Millennium Development Goals (MDG)
explicitly recognize the centrality of women?s economic empowerment to
any serious poverty reduction program: the third of the eight goals
is "to promote gender equality and empower women."
While it is clear that Africa will not meet any of Millennium
Development Goals by the 2015 deadline,4 it is important that the MDG
acknowledge that development cannot take place in a vacuum. In 2005,
five years after the MDG were passed and ten years before their due
date, the UN issued a major report assessing achievements so far and
delineating what needs to be done. According to the UN 2005 MDG
Report, in 1990 44.6 percent of Africans were living on less than a
dollar a day; by 2001 the percentage of Africans living on less than a
dollar a day had actually increased to 46.4 percent, a goal even
further removed from the Millennium Development Goal of about 25
percent by 2015 (MDG 2005 Report). Since 1990, millions more people
are chronically hungry in sub-Saharan Africa, where half the children
under the age of five are malnourished. (MDG Report 2005)
Despite these disheartening statistics, aid is certainly not the
panacea. In the first place, "aid assistance" and "development
programs" have typically discriminated against women. In the second
place, attempts to incorporate women into development programs may be
tempted to "bring women up to men?s standards." The economic situation
of African men is no model! But the strongest argument against aid
is the fact that 30 years of ODA have produced little beyond huge
amounts of crushing debt. In 2000, African external debt accounted for
over 51 percent of GDP; by 2003 it had fallen to 49 percent of GDP.
Such global figures obscure the particularly harsh reality for
individual countries: for Malawi external debt was almost 200
percent of its GDP in 2006; for Sao Tome & Principe it was 350 percent!5
Fortunately, in 2006 debt was about 25 percent of GDP for Africa as a
whole. There are other signs for cautious optimism. For example,
several African countries have reported economic growth rate of 5
percent or more for the last two years.6
A stronger economy is the only path poor countries have to get out of
poverty. In 1980 Africa contributed 5 percent to global trade. By
1995 the figure was 2.2 percent. In the 1990s Africa was attracting 3
percent FDI. Compare this with 20 percent for Latin America and 50
percent for East Asia.7 On practically every indicator used to measure
poverty, and in contrast to Africa?s continued weak position, Latin
America and East Asia have made positive gains, and this is no doubt a
direct result of the positive gains in their position in the global
marketplace.
Rather than idealistic slogans about making poverty history, we need
to attend more closely to practical ways to increase Africa?s share of
the world market. Here, the role of African governments is paramount.
Clearly, investors will invest only in places where profit seems
likely and stability can be guaranteed. For too long, African regimes
have failed to provide a climate attractive to investors.
Related to economic development must be the question of arms sales.
Africa is awash in arms, from small ones to massive missiles. Armed
conflict makes agriculture impossible and does not allow for the kind
of stability that investors want. The number of Africans affected by
armed conflicts is staggering. Between 1994 and 2003 more than 9
million Africans, mostly women and children, perished as a result of
armed conflict. That?s the entire population of Sweden. Much more than
the population of Switzerland. No region in the world comes close to
such statistics. In Southern Asia, the region next in terms of
casualties from armed conflict, the figure was under 2 million. War
produces not only casualties in terms of deaths, but also refugees and
other displaced peoples. It will come as no surprise that Africa far
exceeds any other region in the world in its refugee and displaced
populations. People cannot farm or run factories if they are dodging
bullets or coerced to fight wars. Governments cannot invest in
infrastructure if they use their country?s wealth to buy military
equipment.
It is almost impossible to imagine a world in which the arms producing
nations of the world agreed not to sell to impoverished countries.
Impossible to imagine, but what a world of difference it would make!
Women and Economic Development
For Africans, women and men, to become economically more prosperous,
African economies have to be radically restructured. Most of the
economies in Africa remain monocultures. There can be no prosperity
for the majority of its citizens if a country relies on the
exportation of low-value raw materials that are sent to other
countries where they are processed and then returned to the world
market with a much increased price-tag. Exporting copper or coffee
will only make a few individuals or a multinational rich; copper and
coffee alone will not a country enrich.
Greater diversification of African economies has to incorporate a more
inclusive and empowered role for women. Today, individual experts and
agencies all claim to acknowledge that African countries can move
significant proportions of their populations out of poverty only if
women are able to improve their economic lot. "Women in Development",
from its start in Western feminist circles, is now a staple concept in
all multilateral agencies. Yet the success of Women in Development
programs has not been much better than that of development tout court.
This is because too often a paternalistic approach persists and
projects are designed without any consultation with the target women
who are seen only as recipients.
It is critically important not to make assumptions or to behave as if
categories from Western societies can be uncritically used to analyze
African ones. We have to be vigilant not to be careless in our
thinking: too often, for example, education is treated by experts as
a fetish. Because people are poor or "uneducated" does not mean they
are stupid. The success of the Grameen Bank in Bangladesh provides one
example that poor, uneducated women know what they want and will
successfully implement it if they have the opportunity (via credit,
for example). In my own research on Onitsha, Nigeria, an important
center of trade where women controlled the marketplace in the
nineteenth century, I found that lack of literacy was no bar to the
ability of women to accumulate enormous wealth. Students of West
African history are very familiar with self-help microfinance groups
organized by women; such groups have a deep history, long predating
the current "discovery" of microfinance in the West, due in large part
to the award of the 2006 Nobel Peace Prize to Mohamed Yunus, founder
of the Grameen Bank.
The kind of aid with which we are most familiar, involving "experts"
going from the global north to tell people in the global south what to
do, especially in the form of government to government monetary
packages, cannot bring poor people permanently out of poverty. On the
other hand, assistance which is conceived as a partnership and
actually involves the "recipients" in the planning as well as
implementation, can succeed. And there are examples of such
successes. The Canadian organization, Match International, was founded
on just such principles. According to the organization?s mission
statement, "Match supports initiatives identified by women in the
global South, led and implemented by the women, and innovative in
their context. This approach is based on Match?s belief that women?s
development must be considered within their own context, and for
strategies to succeed, women?s views and agendas must be taken into
consideration." In Nigeria, the organization Baobab for Women?s Human
Rights, has achieved notable successes. It is worth noting that, in
one campaign, Baobab was forced to expend much energy and resources in
asking women?s groups in the global north to scale back their
activities as these were negating their own local initiatives,
threatening to derail the goal on which all were agreed. Baobab?s
activities have focused in the primarily Muslim parts of Nigeria, and
under the rubric of "women?s human rights" the organization has been
able to address a wide range of issues, including women?s economic
empowerment.
A work that remains - unfortunately ? very relevant is Barbara
Brown?s book 'The Domestication of Women' which shows just how
expensive can be well-intentioned but ill-conceived projects devised
by men and women who "go to help" without ever bothering to listen or
even consult with those whose lives are supposed to be impacted by
their projects. Her book is a catalogue of failures spearheaded by
various branches of the United Nations and other multilateral
organizations. One tragicomic scenario involving the building of wells
comes readily to mind: exasperated, "aid" workers abandon the building
of wells because, despite all their efforts, local men do not maintain
the wells as instructed. The fact that it is women who fetch water had
never been taken into consideration by the "aid" workers. The poverty
eradication programs which have been shown to produce significant and
lasting results tend to be smaller in scale and always involve the
active participation of the so-called "target women". The point is not
that large organizations are doomed to failure but that they must
learn to listen as well as to acknowledge that poor people are not
only students but also can be teachers. Women at the so-called
grassroots level must be heard because only they have the intimate
knowledge of their lives and needs.
Conclusion
Who should speak for African women? Too often it is either African
men or Western women. We need to hear more from the African women
themselves whose lives we all claim we wish to improve. Also, we must
incorporate the important critiques by African women scholars of the
flawed categories that continue to be used to describe African women?s
lives and African societies. Scholars such as Felicia Ekejiuba,
Achola Pala, Nkiru Nzegwu and Oyeronke Oyewumi have written about how
the categories used to describe African women?s lives often are
derived from very different realities in other parts of the world and
end up doing more violence to the women whose lives the
activists/scholars claim they seek to ameliorate.
In the context of the discussion here, it is important to note that
the UN Commission on the Status of Women has declared its theme for
2008 as "Financing for gender equality and the empowerment of women".
In February 2007 the Commission convened an informal expert panel to
discuss how to move forward on this agenda. It is disheartening ?
but, unfortunately, not surprising ? that no African women were
amongst the list of panelists; indeed the only African ? the Minister
of Finance for Zambia ? was also the only man.
References and links:
1. On the gendered nature and consequences of the codification of
"customary law" see Martin Chanock, "Making Customary Law: Men, Women
and the Courts in Colonial Northern Rhodesia," in African Women and
the Law: Historical Perspectives, eds. Margaret Jean Hay and Marcia
Wright (1982): 53-67.
2. Nkiru Nzegwu?s account of a development program based on real
partnership with poor women is an excellent place to begin.
"Questions of Agency: Development, Donors and Women of the South,"
Jenda: A Journal of Culture and African Women Studies 2, 1 (2002);
available at http://www.jendajournal.com/vol2.1/nzegwu.html. Although
published almost thirty years ago, Barbara Brown?s The Domestication
of Women: Discrimination in Developing Societies (New York: St.
Martin?s Press, 1980) remains an important source for the range of
discrimination faced by women from so-called aid workers and agencies.
3. Economic Commission for Africa/AU, Economic Report on Africa 2007.
Available at http://www.uneca.org/era2007/.
4. UN, "Africa and the Millennium Development Goals: 2007 Update."
(United Nations Department of Public Information, June 2007).
Available at http://www.un.org/millenniumgoals/docs/MDGafrica07.pdf.
5. African Development Bank (ADB) Pocketbook 2007.
6. ADB Selected Statistics on African Countries Volume XXVI 2007.
7. Carol Thompson, "Economic Policy Toward Africa," FPIF, January
1997. Available at http://www.fpif.org/briefs/vol2/v2n23eaf.html.
_________________________________________
Swaziland Newsletter is published by Africa Contact (Denmark) and
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organisations, research institutes, universities, trade unions and
labour movements, political parties, church organisations, print and
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Southern Africa, Europe and the United States of America.
Support the democratic movement in Swaziland: MANDELA FUND: BG Bank,
Norre Voldgade 68, 1358 Copenhagen K, Denmark. SWIFT-BIC: DABADKKK.
Registration Number: 0274. Account Number: 3327000. The MANDELA FUND
is a registered national collection in Denmark.
Swaziland@Newsletter 52
Published by Africa Contact (Denmark)
Earlier issues can be read at
http://uk.groups.yahoo.com/group/SAK-Swazinewsletter together with
documents and other materials not included in the regular newsletter.
If you wish to subscribe to the newsletter, please send mail to:
SAK-Swazinewsletter subscribe@... All correspondence to
swaziland@...
_____________________________________
1. Urban youth slipping through the cracks. James Hall, Mbabane,
Inter Press Service (Johannesburg), 10 January 2008.
2. Long on policies, short on implementation. UN Integrated Regional
Information Networks. Mbabane, 10 January 2008.
3. Southern Africa needs to get tough on graft. Legalbrief Forensic.
10 January 2008.
4. Taiwan makes last-ditch effort. Rejected in Malawi, stays in
Swaziland EarthTimes.org. DPA 8 January 2008.
5. Government to overhaul taxation system. Bongile Mavuso. Swazi
Observer 4.January 2008.
6. Swazi shop workers take wildcat strike action. World Socialist Web
Site www.wsws.org. Workers Struggles: 4 January 2008.
7. SD fails to meet EU beef quota. Swazi Observer, 10 January 2007.
8. Risky business: report sheds new light on sex trade (PlusNews) 14
December 2007.
9. Artists concern for HIV and Aids. International declaration. The
Herald (Harare), 9 January 2008.
10. Kaiser Daily HIV/AIDS Report. January 2, 2008
11. Message of the Bishop to the people. Looking back on last year and
forward on 2007. Bishop M B Mabuza, Chairperson SCCCO (Swaziland
Coalition of Concerned Civic Organisations).
12. Africa at large: Economic growth hits snag. The Monitor (Uganda),
by Martin Luther Oketch, 8 January 2008.
_______________________________________
1. Urban youth slipping through the cracks. James Hall, Mbabane,
Inter Press Service (Johannesburg), 10 January 2008.
As the new school year begins here many destitute or orphaned children
are in need of assistance to pay for their educations. An unknown
number of urban youngsters, however, are slipping through the social
welfare net.
"Impoverished children in the country's urban areas might run into the
thousands," Juanita Mkhonta, a social welfare worker in the central
commercial town Manzini, told IPS.
"It occurred to me during the Christmas holidays, when there were
several news stories about urban orphans receiving food gift baskets,"
Mkhonta said. "I thought, if they were discovered by philanthropic
individuals without the knowledge of the food aid organizations, how
many of these uncounted kids are also lost to the school aid
assistance system?"
"The Food and Agriculture Organisation (FAO) and the World Food
Programme (WFP) did a crop assessment survey in May, and when the
teams went from house to house we also did a survey of OVC (orphans
and vulnerable children)," said Abdoulaye Balde, WFP Country
Representative for Swaziland.
"The informal settlements at Swaziland's towns were left out of the
survey because the populations were considered transitory," noted
Mkhonta.
"There are no traditional authorities there or community committees
for NGOs to work with. That is why there were so many poor children
who received the food donations we read about in the press during the
holidays. They said they had no food at home. My thought: If no one
has made provisions for their meals, who is looking after their
education?" she stressed.
"These kids have been lost in a societal change. Swaziland's
government is geared toward traditional rural life. The U.N. agencies
and NGOs are also primarily targeting rural areas for assistance. It's
as if the towns do not exist," said Mkhonta.
The U.N. Children's Fund (UNICEF), for instance, works with
traditional rural leaders to assist rural-based orphans and vulnerable
children at schools and at neighbourhood care points.
"We really do not do town neighbourhood care points. The food aid we
coordinate is primarily for rural schools," Pelucy Ntambirweki, a
programme coordinator for UNICEF, told IPS.
The reason is a lack of data, which usually is only available in rural
areas where persons in need can be reliably counted.
"Historically, Swazis reside under chiefs in rural areas. Towns are
just places you go for jobs, and then the Swazi returns to the
parental homestead when work is done," said Albert Dlamini, a
'runner', or clerk, for one of Swaziland's 350 hereditary chiefs.
Even Swazis who own homes in towns are considered subjects of rural
chiefs, whose names are affixed to official documents like passports
and tax forms.
"So, when people are counted it is at the chiefdoms," Dlamini told IPS.
UNICEF and other social welfare NGOS have enlisted chiefs to assess
the number of children in need.
The National Emergency Task Force also employs community committees
appointed by chiefs to tabulate orphans and people in need of
emergency food assistance. Such committees locate child-headed
households in their areas, which are proliferating as HIV/AIDS ravages
families.
The data is then used to bring assistance to vulnerable children and
place them back in classrooms they left when family finances made
payment of school fees unaffordable, or parents died of AIDS, leaving
children destitute.
"In rural areas, the children can be known. But in towns, who counts
them in the township slums?" noted Dlamini.
Population information collection was extensive in 2007. Not only was
last year the time for Swaziland's once a decade national census, but
also the worst drought in modern history cut crop production by 80
percent, and a count of people requiring food assistance was necessary
to avoid famine.
The health ministry also undertook its first household health survey
in 2007 to determine an accurate picture of the country's AIDS
situation. It found that more than a quarter of sexually active adults
are HIV positive -- the world's highest prevalence rate.
With AIDS deaths proliferating because of a slow rollout of
anti-retroviral drugs, more children are destined to become orphans.
Swaziland's charitable organizations, be they faith-based or NGOs,
open their doors to anyone in need, but tend to rely on recipients to
come to them.
With data unavailable on the scope of children who may be left out of
the education system when schools open this month, an informal survey
was attempted by IPS. It is not hard to find informal settlements in
Manzini, a small town of 30,000 that is Swaziland's largest urban
centre because of such informal settlements, with populations that
exceed 60,000.
A visit to a cluster of shacks half hidden by reeds along a small and
fetid stream west of the town centre turned up dozens of shy,
ill-clothed children. Listless from hunger, they were emboldened by a
visitor's gift of bread and milk to say they were not going to school.
Some had never attended class.
"It is because of money. There is none," said Thandi, a ten-year-old
girl without parents. She spoke vaguely of relatives in the area.
Would the children like to go to school, they were asked? They all
nodded their heads affirmatively, though with apparent apprehension at
the prospect of mingling with more experienced and properly dressed
children.
Is school what they wished for more than anything else? Answers were
negative, "We are hungry all the time. We want food," the children said.
IPS returned the next day with a nurse from the Red Cross, who
promised to bring the children to the attention of child welfare
workers in the city. By this time, however, Thandi had disappeared.
None of the other children had seen her since the previous day.
"That's the problem. These children come and go. All we know is their
numbers are increasing as the economy gets worse and the AIDS deaths
mount," said the nurse.
Outgoing Principal Secretary at the Ministry of Education Goodman
Kunene says that the government is meeting its promise to finance the
educations of all known orphans and vulnerable children.
"About a third of the nation's school children - about 100,000 - are
OVC and getting government assistance. That is a massive amount, and
it shows a great commitment on government's part to ensure that all
children receive at least primary education from Grade One to Standard
Five," he said.
Kunene says urban schools' headmasters provide information to the
education ministry on the number and whereabouts of their pupils in
need of assistance.
However, a source with the Swaziland National Association of Teachers
-- which is often at odds with government over matters of education
policy and financing -- questions the reliability of data collection
on urban OVC in need of education.
"School headmasters only know their enrolled students, and so it
follows that they can report to the education ministry only those
students who drop out for financial reasons. A headmaster is not going
to know how many kids in the townships should be attending his school
but are not. He would not know about unregistered children who may be
camped out in a shack right outside the school premises. It's not his
job to do that type of investigation. That is what makes the slums so
insidious -- the way persons get lost there even to social welfare
helpers," he said.
_________________________________
2. Long on policies, short on implementation. UN Integrated Regional
Information Networks. Mbabane, 10 January 2008.
Swaziland's ability to cope with its ongoing humanitarian crisis will
not improve until its under-performing economy picks up, social
welfare activists and the government agree.
In a policy speech this week, outlining the government's goals for the
year ahead, Prime Minister Themba Dlamini frankly acknowledged the
country's economic woes, which are hampering efforts to roll back food
shortages, AIDS and poverty.
Citing Swaziland's current problems as "drought, wild fires, issues of
orphans and vulnerable children, drug shortages, poverty and slow
growth of our economy", the premier said real gross domestic product
per capita "still remains the lowest among the Southern African
Customs Union (SACU) countries". SACU is a five-member trade
organisation.
Economic growth averaged just 2 percent over the past five years, well
below the annual population increase of 3.6 percent. Although growth
nudged 2.8 percent last year, the Central Bank of Swaziland noted that
the performance still represented "an overall decline in the quality
of life for the average Swazi".
Nervous labour
Even labour is skittish about mounting industrial actions at a time
when overall unemployment hovers around 30 percent, and has reached 40
percent for school leavers. After past crackdowns by the authorities
there were no significant industrial actions in 2007. Workers ignored
a strike call in June by the labour movement to press for political
reform.
"There will not be economic improvement until there is a transparent,
accountable and democratic government to set economic policy," a
source with the Swaziland Federation of Labour told IRIN. "Investors
are staying away, but we are faced with a chicken-and-egg situation in
the labour movement: workers need to raise their voices and be united,
but they are afraid to take a risk because of widespread joblessness."
Swaziland is surrounded by large and affluent South Africa, and a
revitalised Mozambique with economic growth in double digits. Foreign
direct investors are preferring other regional economies to the small
kingdom that has few natural resources, and a declining population of
less than a million as a result of AIDS.
"Swaziland's response to our humanitarian crisis is hobbled by lack of
money. There's no government revenue because of two reasons: a poor
economy and corruption," said Sipiwe Simelane, a director of the HIV
support organisation, People For Positive Living.
Government strategy is to pour money into expanding the Matsapha
Industrial Estate outside the central commercial hub, Manzini, and the
creation of new industrial parks in the far southern and western parts
of the country. The approach is: "if we build the facilities, the
investors will come", remarked Maxwell Shongwe of the Ministry of
Economic Planning and Development.
The Prime Minister seemed to acknowledge foreign investors' lackluster
interest in Swaziland in his policy message, and said the government's
priority would be to encourage Swazis to start small and medium-sized
businesses.
"The problem with this strategy is that local businesses depend on the
domestic market for success - these are small traders, not exporters.
Because of the economy, there are fewer consumers able to support new
businesses," said Charles Mthetfwa, who is struggling to keep his
plumbing business afloat in Manzini.
Government prescriptions
Swaziland's response to our humanitarian crisis is hobbled by lack of
money. There's no government revenue because of two reasons: a poor
economy and corruption
Government may not have cash, but it is flush with policies. On the
heels of a new National Health Policy, Dlamini announced cabinet
approval this week of a Comprehensive Agricultural Sector Policy and a
National Food Security Policy.
"Government also likes to set goals without telling how these are to
be achieved. Goals are announced as if they are done deals, and the
politicians congratulate themselves, knowing that a few years down the
road, when nothing is accomplished, they will be out of government,"
an economist at a bank in the capital, Mbabane, told IRIN.
The Prime Minister announced a target of halving the poverty rate -
estimated at 69 percent of people living on less than one US dollar a
day - within seven years, and eliminating poverty altogether by 2022.
"The end of poverty by 2022 was set 10 years ago in a National
Development Strategy [NDS], and government still acts like this is
destined to happen, simply because the goal is government policy, but
there are more people living in poverty today than when the NDS was
passed. The goal is worthy, but how is it to be achieved?" the
economist wondered.
The government insists that improvements in social welfare are slowly
being realised. The number of elderly beneficiaries of government
grants, for example, rose by 40 percent last year, from 33,000 to
47,252. But health workers note that problems around accessing
pensions and guarding against corruption persist in the system.
_______________________________________
3. Southern Africa needs to get tough on graft. Published in:
Legalbrief Forensic. 10 January 2008.
The fight against corruption in Southern Africa needs tougher laws
against bribery and fraud, more transparent political financing,
cleaner public procurement and a stronger judiciary, according to
seven studies just conducted across the region in the second half of
2007.
To assess the situation at the national level, Transparency
International (TI) undertook National Integrity System (NIS) country
studies in Botswana, Democratic Republic of Congo, Mauritius,
Mozambique, Swaziland, Zambia and Zimbabwe. A regional overview study
provides a summary of regional trends. Transparency International?s
concept of the National Integrity System (NIS) consists of the key
institutions, laws and practices that contribute to integrity,
transparency and accountability in a society.
The fight against corruption in southern Africa needs tougher laws
against bribery and fraud, more transparent political financing,
cleaner public procurement and a stronger judiciary, according to
seven studies conducted across the region in the second half of 2007.
To assess the situation at the national level, Transparency
International (TI) undertook National Integrity System (NIS) country
studies in Botswana, Democratic Republic of Congo, Mauritius,
Mozambique, Swaziland, Zambia and Zimbabwe. A regional overview study
provides a summary of regional trends. TI?s concept of the NIS
consists of the key institutions, laws and practices that contribute
to integrity, transparency and accountability in a society.
?These in-depth reports pinpoint the weaknesses and strengths of the
institutions that make a society function to its potential,? said
Casey Kelso, Regional Director for Africa and the Middle East at TI.
?There is a lot of anti-corruption activity in many of these countries
but implementation is virtually non-existent.?
Corruption is illegal everywhere in Africa, but is costing the
continent nearly $150bn a year, according to the AU. ?Though advances
have been made, corruption is still deeply woven into the fabric of
every-day life in Southern Africa,? added Kelso.
Some of the findings in Swaziland show that the impact of traditional
culture on the socio-economic and political landscape is legendary. It
permeates all facets of life. For example, nepotism, and its
associated ills, is not necessarily considered untoward, considering
the fact that, with a relatively small population of just over one
million, there is a network of consanguine and affinity relations that
compel loyalty to family that any bureaucratic system of governance
often can accommodate.
Traditional authority permeates every pillar, sector and section of
Swazi society. Addressing traditional authority and culture is
therefore fundamental in ensuring integrity and in the prevention of
corruption.
For Full Transparency International report, NIS studies and country
studies contact Job Ogonda +49-30-34 38 20-21,
jogonda@... or see www.transparency.org
________________________________________
4. Taiwan makes last-ditch effort. Rejected in Malawi, stays in Swaziland
EarthTimes.org. DPA 8 January 2008.
Taiwan urged Malawi to give serious thought to maintaining diplomatic
ties with the island, reminding it of the "warm and cordial" bilateral
relations in the past four decades. Taiwanese Foreign Minister James
Huang, who returned to Taiwan Tuesday after a failed mission to
convince the south-east African state to keep ties with the island,
said Taiwan greatly valued and treasured the friendship between the
two sides.
Taiwan's long-standing ties with Malawi have been threatened by
reports that the African state would soon switch diplomatic
recognition from Taipei to Beijing, a rival of Taiwan since the end of
the Chinese civil war in 1949.
China reportedly has offered 6 billion US dollars to win over Malawi,
an amount Taiwan has said it would never be able to match.
Huang headed to Malawi last week for a last-ditch effort to save
relations, but midway through, Malawi told him that its president was
unable to receive him because he was on vacation, while the Malawian
foreign minister was also out of town.
Huang was forced to turn to Swaziland, instead, waiting in vain for a
change of mind from Malawi.
________________________________________
5. Government to overhaul taxation system. Bongile Mavuso. Swazi
Observer 4.1.2008.
Swaziland is to launch an ambitious new action plan which aims to
eradicate extreme poverty within the next decade-and-a-half. According
to the plan being launched early next year, government wants to
overhaul a taxation system which has led to major wealth disparities,
particularly at the expense of rural areas.
"The central objective of government is to substantially reduce the
levels of poverty and encourage the implementation of the measures
that improve the capacities of, and opportunities available to all
Swazis, especially the poor," states the plan. "The specific object is
to reduce the incidence of absolute poverty from 69 percent to about
30 percent in 2015 and eradicate it completely by 2022."
Level
In an end-of-year statement, Minister of Economic Planning and
Development Muntu Absalom Dlamini said that gross domestic product
(GDP) in Swaziland was E6.90 per head, making it the lowest level in
southern Africa. While economic growth picked up slightly to an annual
rate of around 2.8 percent, it was not enough to dent the poverty
levels which the new action plan said affected more than two-thirds of
the population.
"The richest 20 percent of the population hold 54.6 percent of wealth
whilst the poorest 20 percent hold only 4.3 percent," it said. "There
were also notable urban-rural and regional imbalances. About 76
percent of the rural population is poor whilst 50 percent of the
population in urban areas is poor."
Among the measures outlined in the plan are the establishment of a new
revenue authority and more incentives for private businesses,
particularly in the technology sector.
"Economic growth requires a framework whereby the private sector can
perform to its full potential. "For the country to attain the desired
level of growth, it is also critical that more investment should be
directed towards research and development as well as in science and
technology."
Growth
Meanwhile, Prime Minister Themba Absalom Dlamini, in his New Year
message, noted the slow economic growth and poverty as some of the
country's major challenges in the past year. He stated that
agriculture did not perform well due to rain shortages and as a
result, shrunk by 2.4 percent with a great share of the decline
attributed to crops on Swazi Nation Land (SNL) and Individual Tenure
Farms (ITF).
"The country's exports have been negatively affected by the strength
of the exchange rate between the lilangeni and US dollar, but the
strong demand for some major domestic commodities minimised the impact
on overall export receipts," reads part of the statement.
___________________________________________
6. Swazi shop workers take wildcat strike action. World Socialist Web
Site www.wsws.org. Workers Struggles: 4 January 2008
Shop workers at the Nhlangano Spar in Swaziland took strike action at
the end of 2007 to demand their wages be increased by 15 percent. The
workers, members of the Swaziland Manufacturing and Allied Workers
Union, complain that their wages have been eroded by inflation and
that managers have refused to give commensurate pay increases,
offering them only 7 percent.
Management recruited casual workers to take the place of the strikers,
further inflaming their anger. Police were drafted into the Nhlangano
Mall shopping complex and the workers threatened with forceful removal
if they did not move away from their workplace.
____________________________________________
7. Swaziland fails to meet EU beef quota. Swazi Observer, 10 January 2007.
It has transpired that Swaziland was only able to meet 13 percent of
its beef quota to European Union (EU) markets.
Minister of Agriculture and Cooperatives Mtiti Fakudze said Swazi beef
had an annual quota of 3600 tonnes in the EU markets, but the country
was only able to supply 500 tonnes per year.
"Therefore, we are facing growing pressure to fulfil the quota as
other countries are interested in exporting to the EU, but they cannot
do so currently because they cannot meet the high standards set," he
said.
_____________________________________
8. Risky business: report sheds new light on sex trade (PlusNews) 14
December 2007.
Not much has been known about sex workers in Swaziland, but a recent
report has begun to shed some light on the sex industry in a country
with the highest rate of HIV infection in the world.
The study, conducted for the UN Population Fund (UNFPA) by the
National Emergency Response Council on HIV and AIDS (NERCHA), was
prompted by the grisly discovery in late September of about 100
foetuses in a stream used by a peri-urban community at the Matsapha
Industrial Estate, outside the central commercial town of Manzini.
Commercial sex workers were initially blamed, but police sources also
suspected that underpaid women working at the Matsapha factories and
selling casual sex after hours might have used a local abortionist,
who then disposed of the foetuses.
After the controversy died down, health workers wanted to assess the
nature of the sex trade to formulate a strategy for reaching this
high-risk group, but finding sex workers was difficult because the
practice is illegal and perpetrators face prison terms.
The first phase of the research was a "snap survey", which interviewed
53 women aged 15 to 39 and eight men. A follow-up report covering
other areas where the sex trade is conducted, such as the Ezulwini
suburb of the capital, Mbabane, where the main tourist hotels are
located, is due in early 2008.
Although the study shows that there are more women in the profession
than men, "it must be noted that a growing number of males are joining
the trend," said Margaret Thwala-Tembe, National Programmes Officer
for UNFPA in Swaziland. The men engaged in sex with wealthy female
small-business owners or company executives. "The report is just the
beginning of much still to be covered by phase two of the study."
Selling sex for extra income
An increasing number of factory workers were also resorting to sex
work, or "night duty", to make ends meet because they were underpaid,
said researcher Alfred Mndzebele, but delegates attending this week's
conference of the Swaziland Partnership Forum on HIV and AIDS stressed
that these women should not be labelled sex workers.
"These are industrial workers; these are working women, they are not
prostitutes. If they are forced into prostitution it is because they
are not paid enough to support their families. The price they pay is
HIV infection, and the price the whole nation pays is an expansion of
the AIDS epidemic," warned Mathew Myeni, an HIV counsellor in Manzini.
The rising number of women resorting to sex work has been attributed
to worsening economic and humanitarian conditions in the country.
Instances of violence against women engaged in commercial sex were
also documented. "Some were taken to bushes and threatened with death
by customers who refused to pay, whilst others were injured on duty,"
said Thwala-Tembe.
The survey distinguished between working women who engaged in sex for
cash - usually in parked cars or at the homes of clients whose spouses
were absent - and women who had multiple sex partners as part of
economic arrangements. Such women would be homeless if they could not
spend the night with one partner, and hungry if they were not given
meals by a second sex partner.
Both groups of women said they did not use condoms at the insistence
of their clients; nor did the men. The report cited one candid woman
who had informed a potential partner that she was HIV-positive, but
the unperturbed man hired her for sex anyway, saying he was also HIV
positive. Swaziland's first household health survey, conducted this
year, found that one out of four sexually active adults was HIV
positive.
The sex survey confirmed that working women, who had been impregnated
when they engaged in commercial sex, had aborted the foetuses, despite
abortion being illegal.
Since the late 1990s, Swaziland has attracted Asian garment
manufacturers that set up shop to take advantage of favourable trade
treaties with the West, including the African Growth and Development
Act (AGOA) with the US. However, low pay and complaints about working
conditions have led to labour tension.
The garment factories are opposed to a new labour law that expands
maternity leave for women, and sick leave for people living with HIV
and AIDS. The textile industry employs mainly women as seamstresses
and other semi-skilled labour. These are the type of workers at
Matsapha found to be engaged in commercial sex and vulnerable to HIV
infection.
Their highest-paying clients were members of parliament, religious
officials, lecturers at the University of Swaziland campus adjacent to
the Matsapha industrial estate, police officers, businesspeople and
well-heeled tourists.
A session with a sex worker costs a typical client R50 (US$7), but can
escalate to R1,000 ($146) for some pastors. Member of parliament and
other wealthy clients reportedly paid nearly R3,000 (US$439) per
session.
___________________________________
9. Artists concern for HIV and Aids. International declaration. The
Herald (Harare), 9 January 2008.
1. We artists from Lesotho, Swaziland, Mozambique, Zambia and Zimbabwe
meeting in Harare (Rainbow Towers) from November 27 to 29 2007 during
Sadc Artists Workshop on HIV and Aids as part of the Sadc Artists Aids
Festival:
2. Having undertaken a comprehensive introspection of ourselves as
artists on how HIV and Aids have impacted on individual artists and
arts organisations and how we have responded to the pandemic;
3. Having noted that we, as artists are equally infected and affected
by the pandemic but have not taken the challenge decisively respond to
the pandemic owing to our ego arising from the celebrity status and
our desire to follow the culture left by the fellow artists who have
gone;
4. Having noted that we are still in the denial phase and afraid of
stigmatisation and are victims of the prevailing community silence on
the disease;
5. Having noted that we have mainly been instrumental in HIV and Aids
campaigns and have not been target for such campaigns, information and
support service;
6. Being now aware of the need for all artists to be actively involved
in disseminating information on HIV and Aids prevention, voluntary
counselling and testing, treatment, mitigation and care;
7. Having noted with sadness that many artists have died in silence
and isolation with no support from fellow artists, arts organisations
and HIV and Aids organisations;
8. Being aware of the devastating impacts of the HIV and Aids pandemic
on artists, artists communities where individuals, the whole group has
succumbed/died of the pandemic leaving their dependants with no
support and the fact that artists have still not changed their mindsets;
9. Having noted that many HIV and Aids organisations and institutions
have not been able to cater for the special needs for artists whose
life and industry directly revolve around HIV and Aids issues;
aspirations, our realisation on the impact of HIV and Aids pandemic
and our response to it are common to all artists in the Sadc region,
we declare the formation of the SAAAF.
10. Having appreciated that our experiences, our concerns, our
challenges, our hopes and aspirations, our realisation on the impact
of HIV and Aids pandemic and our response to it are common to all
artists in the Sadc region, we declare the formation of the SAAAF.
___________________________________________
10. Kaiser Daily HIV/AIDS Report. January 2, 2008
Preliminary results of Swaziland's national census released last month
found that since 1997, the country's population has decreased by
17,489 people to 912,229, and many experts have attributed demographic
changes to the HIV/AIDS epidemic, Toronto's Globe and Mail reports.
The government has not finalized the results of the census, but if the
figure holds, it would mean that the country is 300,000 people below
what was projected as the likely rate of growth 20 years ago,
according to the Globe and Mail.
The country grew by more than 200,000 people from 1986 to 1997,
Solomon Dlamini, head of the national university's department of
demography and statistics, said, adding, "But it's the period between
these two censuses (1997 and 2007) when the [HIV/AIDS] epidemic
reached its apex." Swaziland has the highest HIV prevalence in the
world: 26% of adults, 49% of young women between the ages of 25 and 29
and 43% of pregnant women are HIV-positive. According to the Globe and
Mail, the population decline could be attributed both to people dying
of AIDS-related conditions and because HIV infection lowers the number
of children women have.
"I don't think anybody quite realized what the depth of HIV would be
in Swaziland." Derek von Wissell, director of the National Emergency
Response Council on HIV/AIDS, said, adding, "Even if they undercounted
by 10%, we're down 25% from where we should be." However, Rob
Dorrington, a professor of actuarial science at the University of Cape
Town, said, "Experience has taught me to be skeptical of census data
in general." He added, "It is not unusual for there to be an
undercount of children and of men [in a census], and deaths would have
to have been implausibly high, given the estimated level of
prevalence, for one to be able to detect this through the change in
the numbers counted by the census."
Amos Zwane, Swaziland's senior statistician, wrote in his preliminary
report on the census that "a population decline or stagnation was not
expected and this result is most surprising." He said that his office
is going to search for a logical explanation and will not speculate on
the cause until it produces final numbers in the middle of 2008.
According to the Globe and Mail, a "toxic mix" of factors has fueled
the country's HIV epidemic, including a highly virulent strain of the
disease circulating among residents; a culture that "condones, even
encourages" promiscuity and polygamy among men and denies women the
right to negotiate condom use; a "limited economy" that relies on
sending men to work in South Africa for long periods of time; and a
"playboy" king with an "ever-expanding stable" of wives who has denied
the magnitude of the problem, according to the Globe and Mail.
In addition, the country's understaffed and underfunded health system
could not treat people when the epidemic hit in the 1990s and, as a
result, "achingly slow progress" has been achieved in delivering
antiretroviral drugs to those in need, the Globe and Mail reports. The
rates of new HIV cases have begun to decrease minimally among young
people, but the rates remain stable or are increasing among people in
their 30s. About one-third of people who need antiretrovirals are
getting the drugs (Nolen, Globe and Mail, 12/22/07).
_____________________________________
11. Message of the Bishop to the people. Looking back on last year and
forward on 2007. Bishop M B Mabuza, Chairperson SCCCO (Swaziland
Coalition of Concerned Civic Organisations).
?It is becoming apparent to civil society that the Constitution is
being used as little more than a fig-leaf to cover the international
shame of 33 years of rule by decree. What we now have is a piece of
paper that is not being promoted or even defended by the government.
The rights and duties that are enshrined in it are not being protected
or enforced. This year has seen defenceless suspects killed by the
police, public meetings broken up or prevented from happening, union
members harassed, property taken without due court processes,
newspaper editors intimidated, journalists threatened by government.
The people of Swaziland are in the dark about the constitution and
their rights and the government seems more than happy to keep them
that way.
The kingdom continues to wear two faces, the one it shows to the
outside world, a happy, peaceful, united democratic nation. The other
face is the reality of an internally riven, politically bankrupt,
corrupt and profoundly anti-democratic system that is underperforming
economically. Rather than investing the public coffers in relation to
areas of greatest need and with the potential for greatest results it
squanders them on economically unproductive projects that do little
more than stroke, already inflated, egos.
It is the year that many comparative international studies have
started to peek behind the veil and show that Swaziland consistently
is one of the worst performers in terms of human rights, political
participation, civil rights, governance, corruption and use of natural
resources. Yet these studies are regularly pooh-poohed by our leaders.
These are not high flown legalistic issues. Good governance directly
affects the country?s ability to develop its economy, society and
environment and to access the international aid that might just help
us out of our multiple and interlinked crises.
We were already aware that Swaziland has the shame of the highest HIV
prevalence, lowest life expectancy on earth and with equally appalling
infant mortality rates. This year saw the publication of the Whiteside
report that put these into a completely different context. The report
shows that the deaths that arise as a result of HIV/AIDS are now at a
level that is equivalent to generally accepted definitions of
emergency requiring massive international action as is seen in cases
of natural disaster, famine and civil war. We were shocked to find out
that Swaziland now has more OVCs per head of population than Darfur.
The slow and silent nature of the orphans? parents? deaths does not
make the emergency any less real, just less newsworthy.
A constitution is more than a piece of paper; it defines the political
culture of a country. Enacting it and upholding it are not matters of
luck or chance but require energy, skill, resources, practice and
passion. We do not see any of these necessary qualities being used at
present. Rather we bear witness to the masterly arts of planned and
practiced inactivity, prevarication and procrastination. The necessary
structures to defend democracy and freedom ? Commissions on Human
Rights and Public Administration and the Elections and Boundaries
Commission are nowhere close to being set up. The Royal Swazi Police
Force is not trained in the implications of policing under a Bill of
Rights. Women remain in law, and practice, second class citizens to
such an extent that the governor of Ludzidzini is able to say with
confidence, and in public, that they do not have the right to make
decisions on their own lives and should be equated with children,
subservient to their husbands as head of the household. As for the
rights of children? we?ll not even start with that one. Most
disturbing of all was the discovery of over one hundred foetuses in a
dam near Matsapha. The causes, implications and effects of that
particular nightmare are still being worked out. The human tragedies
that lie behind these headlines shame us all.
The constitution defines emaSwati as citizens, not subjects. The
difference is profound, if enacted. Citizens cede their power to
politicians and then call them to account for their stewardship.
Subjects do as they are told. The transition from subject to citizen
does not happen overnight. It requires a fundamental shift in thinking
that must be developed and the people must be educated in. Again,
there is masterly inaction on behalf of the government on this. We
hold deep reservations about the ability of the Tinkhundla system to
support an internationally recognisable democracy, and to promote
proper citizenship, especially in relation to elections.
The candidates put forward by the Tinkhundla system are not those with
the most to offer, the highest energy, the best minds, the vision of a
successful, prosperous and happy nation and the will and skills to
bring these about through inspiring, leading and listening. Its
candidates do not reflect the wealth and wisdom of this great country.
The offerings to the people of this corrupt, petty, and self-serving
system are, in the main, the loyal, the blind, the mediocre and the
second rate. We need better than that and we deserve better leaders.
The Tinkhundla do not serve emaSwati, they can only serve a small
section of us. Prince David had the arrogance to call the people of
Swaziland stupid for electing the current set of MPs. Let us remember
that he was the chair of the Constitutional Drafting Committee that
enshrined the system of their selection. As Democrats, we contend that
the people can not be stupid ? they are certainly not as stupid as the
system that rejects what every African country has accepted as right,
proper and normal ? multi-party politics. We in civil society will be
rolling out as large a programme of civic and voter education as we
can gather resources for in time for the expected elections in 2008.
All in all, 2007 has not been a good year for Swaziland, the terrible
effects of HIV/AIDS, drought, poverty, unemployment, corruption and
poor governance continue to unnecessarily kill far too many people and
to sap the ability of the country to perform. Our ?unique? system and
style of governance wastes time, effort, resources and energy that
could be better spent on really tackling the issues rather than paying
court to labadzala. We say to the democrats in government, reach out,
respect diversity of opinion and pluralism, embrace civil society and
work with us in partnership. The present system has failed and can
only continue to do so. Talk to us, we are listening. Stop being busy
doing nothing and wasting your time defending the indefensible. Let us
roll up our sleeves and work together to improve the lives and
conditions of all of the Swazi people, not just the few.
_____________________________________
12. Africa at large: Economic growth hits snag. The Monitor (Uganda),
by Martin Luther Oketch, January 8, 2008.
The past decade has witnessed growing diversity in income levels and
economic growth across Africa, however, the World Bank report 2007
reveals that despite these positive signs, Africa is not growing
rapidly enough to substantially reduce income poverty in the next five
years. Now the World Bank says it is well positioned to mobilize
private and public development finance to increase annual growth to 7
per cent, the minimum necessary to have significant impact on poverty
reduction.
The World Bank report show that sixteen countries grew by more than
4.5 per cent a year over this period, and several of them [including
Ghana, Mozambique, Senegal, Tanzania, and Uganda] also diversified
their economies and exports.
"The fastest- growing group of non-oil-production producing African
countries, which together represents 36 per cent of population in
Africa, grew at an average rate of 5.5 per cent. In contrast, the 13
slowest-growing countries, which represent 20 per cent of the region's
population, saw average growth of only 1.3 per cent," the World Bank
report reads in part. Growth for the region as a whole reached an
estimated 5.3 per cent in 2006 with inflation falling to single digits
in most countries.
Solid growth has helped to improve human development outcomes,
especially in primary education. Gross primary school enrollment rates
in the region rose from 72 per cent in 1991 to 96 per cent in 2004.
Health outcomes are more varied, but report they improving in many
countries, and progress in preventing and treating malaria and
HIV/AIDS has accelerated. To drive economic recovery and development
taking place in Africa, the Word Bank advises in the report that
Africa now needs to sustain such gains by continuing to improve the
policy, environment in particular by ensuring macroeconomic stability
and improved market efficiency.
"Doing so will require greater openness to trade as well as the
formation of strong market institutions. Removing behind-the-boarder
constraints and establishing a pro-competitive domestic business
environment would enhance international competitiveness and strengthen
domestic capacity to respond to the changing demands of the global
economy," reads the report. The report states that African countries
continue to benefit from increased aid effectiveness, in keeping with
the March 2005 Paris Declaration.
The declaration calls on all development partners to ensure that aid
is coordinated among donors, that donor agencies harmonise their
requirements to minimise transaction costs, and that aid matches the
country's development needs. "Africa has shown that it can sustain
shared economic growth. In supporting African governments and people,
World Bank continues to play pivotal role in advocating the need to
increase aid flows to Africa and for African goods to have better
accesses to world markets," the report shows.
The World Bank is the largest provider of development assistance to
Africa, with a record $5.8 billion in credit, grants and guarantees in
fiscal year 2007. In total the World Bank approved 93 projects, up
more than 20 per cent from 2006.The report reveals that it also
continued its nonlending activities support, completing 194 analytical
and advisory services. In Uganda World Bank funded project is about
$1.5 billion in various development projects such as infrastructure,
education, health. Sixteen African countries, Uganda was among them
that benefited from Multilateral Debt Relief Initiative in fiscal year
2007.
This follows the cancellation of $40 billion by the International
Monetary Fund, World Bank and African Development Bank Group during
the G8 in 2005 Gleneagles in Scotland. The report, which amylases
progress and failures in Africa states that another 17 African
countries will become eligible when they reach their completion points
under the Heavily Indebted Poor Countries (HIPCI).
_____________________________________
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Swaziland Newsletter 51
Published by Southern Africa Contact (Denmark)
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1. Unions to probe ghosts on govt payroll, by NATHI GULE
The Swazi Times, 30 October 2007
2. Unions to march on High Court by NATHI GULE
The Swazi Times, 30 October 2007
3. Israeli doctors fight AIDS in Africa
by SHERI SHEFA, 01 November 2007, Canadian Jewish News - North
York,ON,Canada
4. Zuma meets king for private talks
BY MAKHOSI MAGONGO, 28 October 2007, The Times of Swaziland
5. North Korea Building Its Contacts with Swaziland
By JAE-SOON CHANG, 31. October 2007, Associated Press
6. Swaziland joins biofuel drive despite mounting food crisis
www.energycurrent.com <http://www.energycurrent.com/>, 29. October 2007
7. Maize Price Cut Looming
By Godfrey Mkhwanazi, The Swazi Observer
<http://www.observer.org.sz/main.php?story=entertainment>, October 31, 2007
8. Swaziland’s constitutional crisis
by Percy Zvomuya, Oct 27, 2007, Mail & Guardian, South Africa.
9. COURT STOPS SEB STRIKE
By Njabulo Dlamini, The Swazi Observer <http://www.observer.org.sz/>
Swaziland
10. Water - "Just a Matter of Delivery"?
By James Hall, Source: MISA, 17 October 2007
11. Septic Tanks Preferred to the Latest in Sewage Treatment
By James Hall, IPS News, 11. October 2007
12. Lagging progress in EU restructuring
By Phila Dlamini, The Swazi Observer
<http://www.observer.org.sz/main.php?id=38548§ion=business>, October
28 2007
13. BRIEFING NOTE: Ibrahim Index of African Governance
From: www.moibrahimfoundation.org/index
<http://www.moibrahimfoundation.org/index>
14. HIV-Induced Famine's Impact On Agriculture
By UN Integrated Regional Information Networks, 31 October 2007
15. Countries at the Crossroads 2007, Country Report – Swaziland
From http://freedomhouse.org <http://freedomhouse.org/>, Author: John
Daniel
_____________________________________________________
1. Unions to probe ghosts on govt payroll, by NATHI GULE
The Swazi Times, 30 October 2007
MANZINI – Labour unions have resolved to probe the authenticity of all
civil servants employments in light of looming retrenchments.
This is because they feel that while government is complaining about a
huge wage bill, some of the civil servants on the payroll may not be
genuine civil servants that go to work each day.
They believe that these should be the first to be retrenched should
retrenchments, which they believe is a last resort, be taken.
This decision was taken yesterday during a meeting of the labour
unions' General Council.
The unions that attended the meeting include the Swaziland National
Association of Teachers (SNAT), Swaziland Nurses Association (SNA) and
National Public Service and Allied Workers Union (NAPSAWU). NAPSAWU
Secretary General Vincent Dlamini said their stance on retrenchments
had not changed. "We are against retrenchments, but on the issue of
the wage bill, we need to investigate and bring back a report on who
really are civil servants that are working," he said.
He said as civil servants they still believed that they were
understaffed and needed people to fill in posts to work effectively.
He said they noted that the huge wage bill could be created by people
who were not even at work, but registered as civil servants and
earning salaries.
He said a past study hinted that this could be the case.
2. Unions to march on High Court by NATHI GULE
The Swazi Times, 30 October 2007
MANZINI – The judiciary will be put to the test this month as labour
unions have resolved to march to the High Court to demand the release
of the police and correctional unions judgement.
This resolution was taken yesterday during a meeting of the labour
unions' General Council.
The unions, which include the Swaziland National Association of
Teachers (SNAT), Swaziland Nurses Association (SNA) and National
Public Service and Allied Workers Union (NAPSAWU) feel that the
judgement is taking too long to be delivered, yet the case was
concluded months ago.
They feel that the delay is subjecting members of the police and
correctional services unions to victimisation, yet it could either be
a solution to their problems or help them to reorganise their
strategy.
The Times can today reveal that already a body has been mandated to
deal with the logistics of the march, where the Registrar of the High
Court will be presented with a petition.
The date of the march will also be determined by this logistics body,
but it is said to be billed for the next two weeks.
NAPSAWU Secretary General Vincent Dlamini confirmed the developments.
"The national executive committees have been given the mandate to work
on the logistics and as soon as they are concluded, we will march to
the High Court," he told the Times.
Dlamini said reports of alleged victimisation of the two services'
union members were worrying to the other labour unions and this led
them to pledge their practical solidarity.
He said some of the most recent reports included the police union
members allegedly having their passports taken away from them.
http://www.times.co.sz/002.html#article8
3. Israeli doctors fight AIDS in Africa
by SHERI SHEFA, 01 November 2007, Canadian Jewish News - North
York,ON,Canada
As part of a mission to help fight the AIDS crisis in Africa, three
Israeli doctors travelled to Swaziland last month to perform adult male
circumcisions.
Circumcisions could reduce a male’s chance of contracting the AIDS virus
by 60 per cent.
Dr. Inon Schenker, a Jerusalem AIDS Project public health educator and
HIV/AIDS prevention specialist, along with two surgeons, Dr. Eitan
Gross, a pediatric surgeon at Hadassah-University Medical Center in
Jerusalem, and Dr. Moshe Weistreich, chief of plastic surgery at Assaf
Harofeh Medical Center in Tzrifin, make up the three-member organization
called Operation AB.
The organization, which is a part of an NGO called the Jerusalem AIDS
Project and is supported by a grant from the Hadassah Medical
Organization as well as private donors, aims to increase the number of
male circumcisions in Africa by training local doctors in three two-week
sessions.
Schenker, who spoke to The CJN from Swaziland 12 days into the group’s
first two-week mission, said that the idea to use circumcision as a
means of AIDS prevention is based on a number of studies published
earlier this year by American, French and African scientists.
“[They] had demonstrated scientifically the benefits of circumcision and
the ability to see that when conducted properly by medical surgeons,
male circumcision could provide protectivity of up to 60 per cent for
men from being infected by their female partners. This is dramatic,”
Schenker said.
The studies concluded that the foreskin is susceptible to tiny tears
during intercourse, making it easier for the HIV virus to penetrate the
skin of the penis. The foreskin also contains a high density of
Langerhans cells, which the virus is known to target.
“If you were looking at any vaccine development and they were telling
you that there is a vaccine that has 60 per cent efficacy and has been
proven to have such a high efficacy, no public health system in the
world would do anything else but to immediately adapt that and start
vaccinating the target population,” Schenker said.
“In the very same logic, African countries – in which high prevalence of
HIV exists and a very low prevalence of circumcision exists – are the
prime countries to begin a very important and dramatic public health
activity, which means introducing to their already existing HIV/AIDS
prevention packages, the aspect of male circumcision.”
After describing how circumcision can help Africans control the AIDS
epidemic, Schenker explained why Israeli doctors in particular are
leading the fight.
“To understand why Israelis are working with male circumcision has
nothing to do with neo-natal circumcision, which is practised by Jews…
but it has to do with the enormous experience that Israeli surgeons have
gained over the last 15 years with adult male circumcision.”
He said that this is due to the influx of immigrants to Israel from
eastern Europe and Ethiopia, where circumcision isn’t as common. When
they arrive in Israel, they want to undergo the procedure.
In response to the demand, the Ministry of Health in Israel opened
operating centres for male circumcision, and Israeli doctors have since
been regarded as experts on adult male circumcision.
He said Operation AB intends to use Israeli expertise to train the local
Swazi physicians so that they will know how to operate on men who want
the operation.
Gross and Weistreich performed hundreds of circumcisions while in
Swaziland, while Schenker worked closely with the Family Life
Association of Swaziland (FLAS) – an NGO that provides sexual education
to Swazi citizens – to educate public health personnel on the benefits
of male circumcision.
He said he was approached by FLAS because it has a community-based
clinic where local surgeons can continue to perform the operations safely.
“What we’ve been able to do in the last couple of days is quite
dramatic, because we were able to develop a whole plan of how the Swazi
physicians could work here, and double the number the circumcisions they
could do each day.”
Schenker said that hundreds of men, who heard about the project through
word of mouth, were standing in lines waiting for the opportunity to
have the operation.
“We have seen… interest in other neighbouring African countries that are
already contacting the Jerusalem AIDS Project with the request of coming
to them,” he said.
Schenker predicts that the effects of this project could be felt within
the next few years, but it all depends on how quickly this service can
be provided.
“There are ways to increase the demand by 100 times more. But there is
no way to supply that demand. We need to create more projects like ours
or enhance our project so there will be more physicians able to perform
the operation.”
The Jerusalem AIDS Project has provided an e-mail address (
operation.ab@...) to recruit physicians, surgeons and mohelim
–whether Jewish, Christian or Muslim – from around the globe to donate
their time and expertise to this project.
“We are happy to do a real tikkun olam project,” Schenker says.
4. Zuma meets king for private talks
BY MAKHOSI MAGONGO, 28 October 2007, The Times of Swaziland
MBABANE—African National Congress Deputy President Jacob Zuma was back
in the country this week for private talks with the king.
Zuma, who is a presidential hopeful in the Republic of South Africa,
arrived on Monday and left on Wednesday.
Authorities said the visit was of a private and confidential nature.
Even the Tuesday briefing to His Majesty King Mswati III by the A.T.
Dlamini led Cabinet was put on hold this week as the king was reportedly
in a private meeting with Zuma.
The King's Private Secretary Sam Mkhombe confirmed Zuma's visit, but
discussions remain private.
"Yes it's true, he was around," he said. South African High Commissioner
to Swaziland, Dr Mzolisi Mabude, confirmed that Zuma was here. "It was a
private visit with the king," he said.
This publication was informed that government hired private vehicles
from a local car rental company for police officers that escorted Zuma
to and from his meetings with the king.
This is Zuma's third known visit in a space of three months. He first
came during the launch of a book authored by Elias Masilela, at
Trelawney Park and later at Esibayeni Lodge. He paid a courtesy call to
the king during that visit. He was also a surprise guest during the
state visit of Zambia's President, Levi Mwanawasa. The three leaders
attended the official opening of the Swaziland International Trade Fair,
the Reed Dance and a State Banquet held for the Zambian ruler.
relationship
The reasons for his apparently reinforced relationship with the Swazi
Monarch has been left for speculation, with some political commentators
speculating around the presidential campaign.
According to a survey published by the Mail and Guardian recently, Zuma
has a considerably strong following in the Mpumalanga Province, among
his other provinces, which is a home to many Siswati speaking South
Africans. In addition, over a quarter of 2000 respondents in a survey
conducted by TNS Research Surveys selected Zuma as the country's next
President in 2009. However, many fear a Zuma presidency would be
disastrous.
His inclusion in the presidency race will be determined by the outcome
of the November elective conference to be attended by of the ANC
alliance Delegates at Polokwane, Limpompo from December 14th to the 20th.
Other ANC leaders that have been suggested for the race include
politicians-turned-tycoon, Tokyo Sexwale and Cyril Ramaphosa, Nkosazana
Dlamini-Zuma and ANC Secretary General Kgalema Motlanthe. Some have
suggested a third term for Mbeki, an idea that has been widely rejected
by some within the ANC alliance structures. Among the organizations that
are backers of a Zuma presidency are the African National Congress Youth
League (ANCYL), the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) and
the South African Communist Party (SACP) and its Young Communist League.
5. North Korea Building Its Contacts with Swaziland
By JAE-SOON CHANG, 31. October 2007, Associated Press
SEOUL, South Korea (AP) — Buoyed by progress in its nuclear standoff,
reclusive North Korea has begun reaching out to the world beyond its
closed borders, forging formal relations with a series of countries and
sending high-level delegations overseas.
The communist nation has opened or restored relations with five
countries since July. Senior officials have visited Russia, southeast
Asia, Africa and the Middle East — a rare burst of international
activity move by one of the world's most isolated nations.
Analysts say the main reason for the drive is that Pyongyang — branded
as part of an "axis of evil" by President Bush — wants to show
Washington it can behave like a "normal" country.
"North Korea had judged that the U.S. was squeezing its throat. But now,
confidence is building as efforts to resolve the nuclear issue speed
up," said Kim Yong-hyun, a North Korea expert at Seoul's Dongguk University.
In September, North Korea established diplomatic relations with the
United Arab Emirates, Swaziland, the Dominican Republic and Guatemala.
Pyongyang also has opened ties with Montenegro and in recent months
restored relations with Myanmar and Nicaragua.
6. Swaziland joins biofuel drive despite mounting food crisis
www.energycurrent.com <http://www.energycurrent.com/>, 29. October 2007
The government of Swaziland is allocating thousands of hectares of land
in drought-affected Lavumisa to USA Distilleries, a private company, for
a US$5 million project to draw biofuel from cassava, despite facing
widespread hunger and water shortage, according to media reports.
Swaziland is among a number of African counties drawn into the biofuel
rush as high oil prices drive up the profits of the alternative fuel.
The project has however, rekindled a debate on how the government should
use its arable lands in a country where about 40 per cent of the people
suffer from acute food and water shortages.
Defending the government's stance, Sipho Mthetfwa, an agriculture
extension officer in Shiselweni Region, said the government needs to
develop industry and new markets so people can collect wages and buy
food, given that agriculture could not be depended upon to resolve the
country's economic woes.
Mthetfwa said in Lavumisa, an area hit by a long overdrawn drought for
the last 15 years, small landholder farmers are too poor to buy inputs
for irrigation. The local farmers are only willing to grow maize, which
has not grown well in years.
Cassava, on the other hand, is drought-tolerant and productive in poor
soils, and has traditionally been grown by poor farmers in marginal
areas. Between 1961 and 1995, cassava production for human consumption
rose by 50 per cent in Africa and 70 per cent in Asia, the leading
producer of cassava-derived starches, which are now being fermented to
produce biofuel, according to the United Nations' Food and Agriculture
Organization (FAO).
Liquefied cassava starch is fermented from two to four days using a
yeast, sometimes in combination with a bacterium. "A basic production
plant - peelers, graters, fermenters and a distiller - can produce about
280 liters of 96 per cent pure ethanol from a tonne of cassava with 30
per cent starch content," the FAO said on its Web site.
The Swaziland government is allocating unirrigated land to USA
Distilleries, which makes molasses from the sugar cane grown in the
eastern lowveld but is based in Big Bend, a town 60 kilometres (37
miles) north of Lavumisa. The company is investing more than US$5
million in the biofuel project, which is expected to generate 700 jobs
in an area that has remained undeveloped since the country's
independence in 1968. The government is confident that the ethanol
produced from the project will find a ready market overseas.
Florence Dube, a food aid worker in Manzini, the area's main commercial
town, however, questioned the choice of cassava over other food crops.
"There is a need for food today. Food prices are so high that this is an
investment as worthy as ethanol. If the fields of Lavumisa can be
irrigated to grow cassava, they can be irrigated to grow food for
people," she said.
Mfomfo Nkhambule, a member of parliament who has been critical of
government attempts to cultivate sugar cane rather than staple foods,
raised his concerns in parliament, but few other politicians have
commented on the food crisis. "As long as the WFP (World Food Programme)
and others are providing food, there seems a lack of urgency," a local
newspaper columnist commented.
Mthetfwa said the cassava ethanol project illustrated a similar skewing
of priorities. "We cannot depend on food aid to come to us indefinitely
... from what I hear, the donors are wondering why we are not doing more
for ourselves with the resources we have."
Treasure Maphanga, the director of the Esicojeni Foundation, a child
hunger alleviation program run by business and civil society, commented
at a press briefing this week, "I am angry at the fact that, with all
the human and natural resources, this country still depends on food
handouts. We have an opportunity to correct the situation by the
involvement of all people in the fight against the dependency syndrome."
At the beginning of 2007 the WFP projected that 220,000 people would be
in need of assistance in Swaziland, but has since increased this figure
to 365,000 beneficiaries receiving assistance from October 2007 until
the next harvest in April 2008.
7. Maize Price Cut Looming
By Godfrey Mkhwanazi, The Swazi Observer
<http://www.observer.org.sz/main.php?story=entertainment>, October 31, 2007
MAIZE consumers in the SADC region should heave a sigh of relief
following projections by the Johannesburg Stock Exchange of a price
decrease in July next year.
According to information from JSE - South African Futures Exchange
Agricultural Product Division (Safex APD), there was a possibility that
the price of white maize would go down by E300 per tonne during the
harvest season.
JSE's Assistant Manager Agricultural Products Division Chris Sturgess
told SADC reporters that this could be achieved if the rains would be
favourable for the entire ploughing season.
The price of maize in October 2007 was E1 870 per tonne and was
projected to fall to E1 505 per tonne next year. The SADC region has
been hit hard by drought, thereby affecting the harvest.
This has seen maize prices going up rapidly in a short period of time.
Since South Africa is one of the largest producers of maize in the
region and contributes to much of the economies of neighbouring states,
its impact on the price-decrease would be a major boost.
Countries such as Swaziland tend to benefit from the price cuts as they
import more maize from South Africa to subsidise locally. Swaziland
recently has been searching for cheap maize to buy in the region and has
not been successful as transport costs are too high.
Importing from South Africa would, on one hand, help curb transport
costs as well as reduce customs and excise duty since the countries
enjoy trade benefits through the South African Customs Union (SACU).
The reverse could also be true for maize farmers as they would now sell
their products at a cheaper price, thus reducing profit margins.
But they should fear not as they could hedge as the climatic condition
in the region is unreliable.
Wheat price also set to decline
ON the same wavelength, the price of wheat is also projected to decrease.
This is also expected to bring smiles to the faces of consumers as the
price of wheat products for the year 2007 has gone up twice, with a
proposed increase set for towards the end of the year.
A statement from IRIN reads, "the FAO is particularly concerned over the
impact of high wheat prices in Swaziland and Lesotho, which had their
worst-ever harvest."
If the JSE projections are anything to go by, it would mean importing
maize and wheat from South Africa would remove the huge strain imposed
on the countries' economies.
(This article formed part of Godfrey Mkhwanazi's project during a
two-week course on National Economy Reporting, at NSJ held in Johannesburg)
8. Swaziland’s constitutional crisis
by Percy Zvomuya, Oct 27, 2007, Mail & Guardian, South Africa.
The Swazi government struck another blow to the labour movement this
week when it won a court order to halt a national public-servants’
strike scheduled for Wednesday.
The strike was intended to demonstrate support for public-sector unions,
which are in negotiations with government over work conditions in the
sector and the contentious issue of retrenchments.
The Swazi government is bowing to International Monetary Fund (IMF)
demands to reduce public sector expenditure, which the lending
organisation insists is too high.
Musa Hhlope, an activist with the Swaziland Coalition of Concerned Civic
Organisations (SCCCO), said the 20 000-strong public service could be
reduced by 10% to 20% and this would deal a severe blow to the
population. He also expressed concern that “the cuts will come at the
bottom of the tree”.
This week’s court order against the strike is the latest government
clampdown on civil society. Last week the security forces broke up a
meeting convened by the Royal Swazi Police Service, a newly formed union
for police officers, which the government refuses to register.
The SCCCO said: “These actions by the police at the instigation of
government and other structures are trampling underfoot the rights of
freedom of speech and freedom of assembly.
These rights are enshrined not only in the constitution of the Kingdom
of Swaziland, but also in the international treaties on human rights
that the government has ratified.”
The leader of the Royal Swazi Police Service, Buhle Dlamini, who
registered the union at the end of last year, was sacked about three
months ago for forming the trade union.
He told the Mail & Guardian that he was man-handled by the police when
they broke up the meeting. “I was throttled by a senior police officer,”
he said. “This is the second time they have blocked a planned meeting.”
Vincent Ncongwane, the secretary general of the Swaziland Federation of
Labour, also criticised the rough way in which police dispersed the
gathering. He argued there was no threat that the meeting, which took
place on church premises, would have become unruly.
Another activist, who refused to be identified, said that the crackdowns
were underpinned by a 1973 royal decree requiring police permission for
meetings that might be deemed to be of a political nature, but that this
violated the spirit of the constitution. “There is a freedom of assembly
[in the new constitution] unless there is fear that peace and order
might be breached,” the activist said.
Dlamini also questioned why it had taken six months for the court to
deliver a judgement on the union’s urgent application challenging the
government order preventing its registration. “It doesn’t matter what
the king says, what matters is what the constitution says,” Dlamini said.
Hlophe speculated that the delay was “indicative of either conspiracy or
incompetence, neither of which is exactly desirable in a judiciary”. He
said: “There are certain judges who have shown extreme moral courage and
probity in the face of almost overwhelming political and cultural
pressure from the government, but it is by no means all of them.”
However, a senior Swazi attorney, who preferred to remain anonymous,
defended the courts: “The courts are pretty independent. They will not
shirk from hearing any matter. Perhaps the delay has been caused by an
administrative error.” He said that, as a rule, “political cases are not
normally taken as urgent”.
Such crackdowns have become increasingly frequent in Swaziland. An
international youth meeting, with participants from the Southern African
Youth Movement, Canada, Sweden and the Netherlands, that was scheduled
for October 10 was cancelled when the government learned that Jan
Sithole, the secretary general of the Swaziland Federation of Trade
Unions, was to address the group.
Hlophe said the government made it clear to the organisers of the
meeting that if it was to go ahead they had to apologise for not
inviting government officials, allow police officers to monitor and
record the proceedings and drop Sithole as a guest speaker.
Government spokesperson Percy Simelane dismissed this as a lie and an
attempt by some within civil society to “blacklist” the government.
He maintained the government did nothing to prevent the meeting from
being held.
He argued that when there was a meeting with participants from abroad
the “cabinet has to know” and “no one in government knew of this”. He
declined to comment on the police union case as it was “sub judice” and
“only the courts can decide” on such an issue. Simelane did, however,
explain why the meeting had been disrupted in the first place.
He said the conveners of the meeting had not followed procedure. “There
are certain times that you have to inform the police for security
reasons.” The fact that those gathered were police officers was
immaterial as “you never know what might happen”.
From
http://www.mg.co.za/articlePage.aspx?articleid=323176&area=/insight/insight__afr\
ica/
9. COURT STOPS SEB STRIKE
By Njabulo Dlamini, The Swazi Observer <http://www.observer.org.sz/>
Swaziland
THE Industrial Court has issued an interim order stopping a sit-in
strike action by employees of Swaziland Electricity Board (SEB), which
commenced yesterday.
Judge President Peter Dunseith further called upon the employees to show
cause why the order should not be made final on November 2, 2007.
Alternatively, the striking workers were called upon to file answering
affidavits before October 29.
Representing SEB, in the case was Nkululeko Hlophe and there was no
appearance for the Respondents, amongst which was the National
Electricity Supply Maintenance and Allied Staff Association (NESMASA).
Others cited as Respondents were; Communications Engineer Doctor
Hlongwane (NESMASA Secretary General), Environmental Manager Vusumuzi
Simelane (executive member), Senior Land Surveyor Moses Sithole
(executive member) as well as Training and Development Manager Patrick
Qwabe (Treasurer).
In papers filed in court, SEB Managing Director Pius Gumbi, said NESMASA
had refused to honour meetings called by management to discuss the
reported strike action organised by the association. He said they had
made attempts, through acting General Manager Corporate Services Sifiso
Dlamini and Manager Labour Relations Alex Mdluli to find out from
NESMASA if the said strike threat was true. He said Mdluli had spoken to
NESMASA Hlongwane about the said strike but he would neither confirm nor
deny the contemplated action save to say ‘something was being planned
for October 22’ without disclosing what this was.
“ Given the magnitude of the damage or harm and disruption that could
occur at the institution, not just to the business of SEB but to the
lives of all electricity consumers in Swaziland, including the economy
if the strike were to take off, the Applicant cannot afford not to
approach this Honourable Court as a matter of urgency for the reliefs
sought,” Gumbi said in his affidavit.
He said NESMASA had obtained support of the Swaziland Electricity Supply
Maintenance and Allied Workers Union (SESMAWU). “It must be clarified,
however, that although SESMAWU has indicated in a meeting with the
management representatives referred to above claiming that they were not
aware of any strike, they had not ruled out the possibility of
participation if there was one, suggesting that the members of NESMASA,
were their superiors, from whom they took instructions”.
Gumbi said the contemplated action was illegal since it did not comply
with Section 91 of the Industrial Relations Act which classified SEB
under the essential services category. He said following the suspension
of three managers at SEB, pending outcome of a forensic audit conducted
by KPMG, NESMASA had questioned the act and had openly expressed their
views.
“It is unclear why the Applicant would want to stop a forensic audit if
it has nothing to fear. This demand and the call for uplifting the
suspension of the managers are an interference with the management
prerogative and I submit are motivated by some obscure political agenda.
The strike is therefore being used as a blackmail to force management to
yield to Respondent’s illegal and unreasonable demands in fear of the
strike”.
The SEB MD said the Respondents had engaged on intimidating and
threatening management for taking the suspending the three managers.
He alleged that they wrote insubordinative and insultive letters about
him to the Board of Directors, marched to Natural Resources and Energy
Minister Dumsile Sukati and PM Themba Dlamini.
10. Water - "Just a Matter of Delivery"?
By James Hall, (IPS), Source: MISA, 17 October 2007
The main religious ceremony of the Swazi people is the "Incwala" or
‘Festival of the First Fruits’, held in late December. Dressed in
traditional attire, tens of thousands of Swazi men and women dance and
chant prayers to their ancestors. They seek good rains that will ensure
abundant crops.
This year, their prayers will be more fervent than ever.
Swaziland is in the grip of another drought, and withered maize stalks
in dusty fields, rural women who spend ever more time searching for
potable water, residents of urban informal settlements forced to use
polluted streams and dropping river levels all testify to a water crisis.
For years Swazi water authorities have denied that there is a
fundamental lack of water in the small country of just over a million
inhabitants. There was simply a need to distribute available supplies to
water scarce areas, they claimed.
"It’s just a matter of delivery," said Jameson Mkhonta, public affairs
officer at the government-controlled Swaziland Water Services
Corporation, and vice-chairman of government’s Water Crisis Committee.
"Swaziland has lots of rivers flowing through the country. If we had the
money to interconnect these rivers, we could become self-sufficient in
water during summer," he told IPS. "If we just had some means of
harvesting the water during the rainy season, then we could achieve
water self-sufficiency all year round."
Yet, the recurrence of drought has cast doubt on these assertions -- and
raised questions water officials are probably loathe to confront, such
as whether some areas of the country are essentially uninhabitable due
to previous dry spells going back 15 years.
Swaziland’s population has almost tripled since the kingdom became
independent in 1968. This rapid growth has forced local chiefs, who
distribute the land on which 80 percent of the population resides, to
settle people on marginal land ill-suited for cultivation.
Cattle numbers have also increased, with the livestock denuding hills of
vegetation as they graze, and causing soil erosion to become a problem.
Desertification has set in, further compromising water supplies.
Government has described the 2007 drought as "the worst ever" -- shown
in the way humans and cattle have been forced to share shrunken
community ponds and dams.
Ben Nsibandze, chairman of the National Emergency Response Committee,
has blamed global warming for the increased frequency of droughts in
Swaziland. He said that his countrymen needed to recognise this change.
"This global warming affecting the world, it is hurting us here, too.
Rains used to come every September. Now it is November and even December
when rains fall," Nsibandze noted.
The Water Crisis Committee has based its plan for national water
self-sufficiency on the notion of piping water from where it is
available to where it is needed, supplemented by drilling boreholes to
tap into groundwater supplies.
In terms of the plan, government will also have to build new reservoirs.
But, the shortcomings of such a scheme are becoming more apparent with
each passing day given the lack of rains to fill existing reservoirs,
let alone new ones.
Instead, water rationing is in place in the capital, Mbabane, and the
upscale community of Ezulwini, where Swaziland’s principal tourist
hotels are clustered.
Subsistence farmers have abandoned irrigation systems set up to help
them produce marketable vegetable crops or to form co-operatives to grow
sugarcane for export.
"A friend of mine grew up around the dam that supplies Mbabane with
water, and since the time he was a little boy, he said he has never seen
it so low," said Dave Magugula, an Mbabane truck mechanic whose side
business, a car wash, is in jeopardy due to the water shortage.
Waters in the reservoir serving Manzini, Swaziland’s largest urban
centre, are also receding. Parts of Manzini, such as the Fairview
suburb, have faced periodic water cuts since last summer.
Most residents, however, are not connected to the town’s water supply as
they live in informal settlements such as KaKhoza and Madonsa. For these
persons, the drought has turned daily life into a desperate struggle to
find a basic necessity.
Exacerbating the water crisis is a scandal developing in the Logoba
informal settlement to the west of Manzini.
Earlier this month, 71 foetuses were found dumped in the stream normally
used by residents to wash and cook. Authorities believe that women
working at nearby factories faced with unwanted pregnancies had illegal
abortions and then dumped the foetuses in the stream.
Police are still in the process of recovering more foetuses, and have
prevented the local population from using the stream for the foreseeable
future. Impoverished residents now have to purchase water from local
vendors.
Christopher Fakudze, an economist at the Ministry of Natural Resources
who specialises in water resource management, said that under government
targets set 10 years ago, 61 percent of the population was intended to
have access to clean water by 2007.
Currently, only 54 percent of the population has access to potable water.
Fakudze argued that connecting more people to the water distribution
system would not solve this problem -- because there would not be enough
water to go round.
He added that drilling more boreholes would be equally futile because
the same lack of rainfall that has caused reservoirs to run dry has had
similar effects on aquifers.
"Even the water tables are affected, according to our engineers. People
drill boreholes, but in a number of cases these are dry wells," said
Fakudze. (END/2007)
Media faces new threat in Swaziland
The Swazi media faces a new threat following a call by Parliament for
government to pilot the contentious Media Council Bill within eight weeks.
A Parliament Select Committee recently constituted to probe Times Sunday
editor, Mbongeni Mbingo, on charges of contempt of Parliament, whilst
clearing Mbingo on the charges, called on government to pilot the Media
Council Bill within eight weeks of the adoption of its report by
Parliament. The House of Assembly is yet to adopt and debate the report
which was tabled on October 10, 2007.
The Select Committee has said in its report: "It is the finding of the
committee that media stakeholders have dragged their feet in
establishing a self-regulatory Media Complaints Commission that was
recommended by the House of Assembly Select Committee in 1997.
"The absence of such a commission has denied the public the fundamental
right to lodge complaints and seek redress on issues of poor reporting
by the media. Therefore, the committee recommends that the Minister of
Public Service and Information should pilot a Media Council Bill within
eight weeks."
Source: MISA, 17 Oct 2007
11. Septic Tanks Preferred to the Latest in Sewage Treatment
By James Hall, IPS News, 11. October 2007
Located on the outskirts of Swaziland's commercial hub, the state of the
art Manzini Waste Treatment Centre was built to end the city's sewage
disposal problems. A World Bank loan was secured by the Ministry of
Housing and Urban Development to construct the 16 million dollar
facility: a spotless, landscaped plant which has a lifespan of 25 years.
There's just one problem: most people in Manzini are too poor to make
use of the centre.
Middle-class residents complain about having to pay plumbers and
building contractors to remove their septic tanks and lay pipes for
connecting homes to the sewerage system, and in turn, the plant.
Concrete connection points were placed below each residential plot by
the project's supervising authority, the parastatal Swaziland Water
Services Corporation.
"Who has the thousands of rand to pay for this unnecessary thing? We are
happy with our backyard septic tank. We've had it for 30 years. The city
truck pumps it out from time to time for only 100 rand (about 14
dollars)," said Gladys Simelane, a resident of Fairview South Township,
a suburb on the hilltop overlooking downtown.
Septic tanks aren't the answer, however. Certain home owners have been
remiss about emptying them, and leaking, overflowing tanks have become
health hazards that the waste treatment centre was designed to prevent.
Massive revolving arms mix anti-bacteria chemicals in sewage deposited
in the plant’s large open air treatment pools. The waste is later pumped
into a final treatment centre before being disposed of in the Mzimnene
River, which runs through Manzini, with the treated water being cleaner
than the river water it joins.
Nearby residents, who were financially rewarded for allowing the
sewerage plant to be built in their farming community five kilometres
south of Manzini, hardly know it is there. The electricity lines brought
in to power the plant have been extended to their homesteads. But, in an
inescapable irony, these same homes were not connected to sewer pipes.
The slow pace of establishing connections has caused the plant to be
underutilised. Although it has the capacity to treat 250 litres of
sewage a second, and can discharge 900 cubic metres of processed water
an hour, the centre has not achieved this optimal usage in the two years
it has been on line. To keep the plant running efficiently, treated
water has to be pumped back into the system to maintain liquid levels at
the required volumes in the ponds.
Plans are apparently afoot to send out notices to residents giving them
a deadline to connect their homes to the sewerage system and remove
septic tanks, after which they may be faced with fines for not doing so.
Of even greater concern to social welfare workers, though, are residents
who are excluded from the new sanitation system entirely -- and who are
said to form the majority of Manzini's inhabitants.
"Most Manzini people live in informal settlements. They are simply not
recognised because their areas are not official. They have no septic
tanks, no pit latrines," said Agnes Nkambule, a home-based care
supervisor for the AIDS hospice group Positive People with AIDS.
"When they need to go to the bathroom they use the bush. They dump their
wastewater in the streams."
Officially, Manzini's population stands at about 30,000. However, this
only takes into account people who live in designated areas, on
registered housing plots. Other government figures indicate that those
living in informal settlements help bring the city's population to over
60,000.
Certain informal settlements are decades old. They include KaKhoza,
named after a Mozambican storekeeper who set up his business on the
western fringe of the city, providing the nucleus for an area now home
to several thousand people. Madonsa settlement is on the opposite side
of town, while Skum is on the river near the city centre.
"At least these places have names. The large new informal settlements
sprouting up between Manzini and Matsapha are nameless. But they all
have one thing in common. They are thrown-together slums: houses of wood
scraps, cardboard and plastic -- no water, no sanitation facilities,"
said Nkambule.
The Matsapha Industrial Estate, three kilometres west of Manzini, is a
magnet for job seekers from poor rural areas, where 80 percent of Swazis
live. Only a handful of people succeed in finding jobs; the rest migrate
to the informal settlements.
Cholera poses a constant threat in these settlements, and elsewhere in
the city, Nkambule added.
A widespread outbreak of this disease would be particularly grave in
light of Swaziland's AIDS infection rate. The National Emergency Council
on HIV/AIDS lists cholera as a dangerous opportunistic disease in the
Southern African nation, where one out of four sexually active adults is
HIV positive: the world's highest rate, according to the health ministry.
Matters have been aggravated by the worst drought in living memory,
which has led to sporadic water shut-offs in formal neighbourhoods, and
a harder scramble for water in the city's slums.
"At least the well-off people have access to clean water. They have
electricity; they have road infrastructure and other services. The
majority poor have none of these things, and so it is no wonder that
they also are left out of the sewage treatment plant," said Thamie
Khumalo, a community activist who lives in a straw-roofed mud hut in
KaKhoza.
A step towards addressing these difficulties is for slum areas to be
transformed into formal settlements through giving title deeds to
residents, after which plans can be made to provide services to the
settlements.
A pilot programme to this effect has already been carried out by the
housing ministry's Urban Development Programme (UDP) in Msunduza, an
informal settlement in the capital, Mbabane. The UDP also has plans for
Madonsa.
"The method is to bring these settlements into the formal town, and make
the people legitimate residents," said UDP Director Napoleon Ntezinde.
But connecting slums to infrastructure won't solve the problem of
poverty-stricken residents being unable to pay for services -- with
defaulters at risk of having their services cut.
"As far as the poor are concerned, the plan is a non-starter," said
Khumalo.
According to the United Nations Development Programme, 67 percent of
Swazis live on less than a dollar a day.
The Joint Monitoring Programme for Water Supply and Sanitation, an
initiative of the World Health Organisation and United Nations
Children's Fund, estimates that 48 percent of Swazis have sanitation
coverage.
12. Lagging progress in EU restructuring
By Phila Dlamini, The Swazi Observer
<http://www.observer.org.sz/main.php?id=38548§ion=business>, October
28 2007
THE Swaziland Sugar Association (SSA) has noted lagging progress within
the European Union’s restructuring scheme of its industry.
This is contained in the latest issue of Sugar Journal, a publication
produced by the SSA, stating that this is a key component in the 2006
sugar sector reforms.
voluntarily
The scheme had given financial incentives for EU producers to
voluntarily relinquish sugar production. And according to the journal,
this has failed to yield the desired results in the first year.
Mariann Fischer Boel, Commissioner for Agriculture and Rural Development
in the European Commission was quoted as having said; “We need to reduce
our sugar output dramatically, if we are to give the sector in Europe a
sustainable future.”
He further stated that; “Regrettably, it has not worked as we had hoped,
but I believe the changes we are proposing today will encourage more
companies to give up quota. I urge them to take this chance,” said Boel.
However, this is not expected to paint a gloomy picture for the local
sugar industry.
An analysis of the situation by the SSA reveals that much as progress
may be faltering within the EU, “this has no direct consequence on
Swaziland, much as it is important to understand these developments, as
they may affect Swaziland’s ability to sell sugar to the EU in the future.”
limited
The SSA analysis of the situation also states that if there are limited
renunciations of quotas, the EU will require less and less imports from
countries like Swaziland.
“This will be bad for Swaziland’s drive for increased market access into
Europe, under the Economic Partnership Agreement negotiations,” adds the
SSA analysis. Furthermore, the SSA states that there may be pressure on
the EU to further reduce prices, due to high EU production and stocks.
The SSA says that lower EU prices affect Swazi sugar prices negatively,
particularly with the possibility of reduced volume sales, coupled with
additional production from smallholder growers in Swaziland whose
viability depends on expanded sales into the EU.
challenge
The analysis also states that the consolidation of EU production and
marketing agencies in Europe, however, does not seem to pose an
immediate challenge for Swaziland, with Swazi sugar having established
repute with most European traders.
13. BRIEFING NOTE: Ibrahim Index of African Governance
From: www.moibrahimfoundation.org/index
<http://www.moibrahimfoundation.org/index>
The Ibrahim Index measures the provision of key political goods, which
are gathered under five
major categories. Together, these five categories of political goods
provide a definition of good
governance.
• Safety and Security
• Rule of Law, Transparency and Corruption
• Participation and Human Rights
• Sustainable Economic Development
• Human Development
In total, 58 separate measurements.
Swaziland is number 29 out of 48 African counties.
See the index at: www.moibrahimfoundation.org/index
<http://www.moibrahimfoundation.org/index>
14. HIV-Induced Famine's Impact On Agriculture
By UN Integrated Regional Information Networks, 31 October 2007
Hunger and HIV/AIDS are reinforcing each other in Southern Africa,
"leading to a potentially tragic new level of famine", says a book
published by a regional agricultural think-tank.
The World Bank's annual report, released last week, also raises concerns
over the pandemic's impact, pointing out that most people affected by
HIV and AIDS depend on agriculture. Food consumption has been found to
drop by 40 percent in homes afflicted by HIV/AIDS, according to the UN
Food and Agriculture Organisation (FAO); globally, Southern Africa is
the region most affected by the pandemic.
The situation has been exacerbated by severe drought in Lesotho,
Swaziland, Zimbabwe and southern Mozambique this year, with significant
production deficits and high staple food prices limiting market access
for households that have already run out of food they have managed to
grow themselves.
AIDS has killed around 7 million agricultural workers since 1985 in the
25 hardest-hit countries, mostly in east and southern Africa, where
AIDS-related illnesses could kill 16 million more before 2020, and up to
26 percent of their agricultural labour force within two decades, said
the FAO.
AIDS has killed around 7 million agricultural workers since 1985 in the
25 hardest-hit countries, mostly in east and southern Africa, where
AIDS-related illnesses could kill 16 million more before 2020, and up to
26 percent of their agricultural labour force within two decades
Often described as "new variant famine" or "HIV-induced famine", this
form is radically different from traditional famines, said the book,
Silent Hunger: Policy Options for Effective Responses to the Impact of
HIV and AIDS on Agriculture and Food Security in the SADC Region.
"The paradox is that while the traditional drought-related famines kill
dependents first (children and elderly), the HIV-related 'silent hunger'
affects the most 'productive' family members first."
The book is based on a study commissioned by the Food, Agriculture and
Natural Resources Policy Analysis Network (FANRPAN) on the impact of HIV
and AIDS in the seven most affected countries in Southern Africa:
Botswana, Lesotho, Namibia, South Africa, Swaziland, Zambia and Zimbabwe.
Alex de Waal, an activist and writer, and Alan Whiteside, director of
the HIV/AIDS research division at the University of KwaZulu-Natal, in
South Africa, were the first to outline the "new variant famine" concept.
The FANRPAN book is critical of regional governments' response to the
"invisible famine", which they describe as "slow" and inadequate", and
presents a case for prioritising social protection.
In one of the first comprehensive studies on the impact of the pandemic
on agriculture in the region, the book has uncovered some startling
facts: in Botswana, the majority - 81 percent of respondents - had three
or more meals per day before they contracted HIV, but after they became
ill this dropped to 49 percent.
Approximately two people-years of labour have been lost by the time one
person dies of AIDS, due to their weakening and the time others spend
giving care, said the book, citing various studies.
James Breen, an agronomist based in Southern Africa, said, "Forty
percent of the population in some of the countries in the region live
with the HIV/AIDS, and at least 70 [percent] to 80 percent of the
region's population depend on subsistence agriculture.
"At the best of times, small-scale farmers can expect subsistence, but
with impact of natural disasters or, worst of all, HIV/AIDS, they have
to liquidate all their assets for treatment, and they have no access to
safety nets."
Burden on women
The authors of Silent Hunger commented: "Due to cultural and social
traditions, women bear the brunt of the epidemic, both in terms of
providing care for people living with HIV and AIDS as well as being at
risk for HIV infection." UNAIDS has estimated that 57 percent of people
living HIV and AIDS in southern Africa are women.
Of the seven countries participating in the study, four - Botswana,
Zimbabwe, South Africa and Namibia - reported that most rural households
were led by women; the exceptions were Swaziland, Zambia and Lesotho.
In Swaziland, gender inequality and poverty have contributed to the HIV
and AIDS epidemic. "The practice of polygamy increases the risk of women
being infected. Women are also tasked with the responsibility of caring
for the sick members of the household, which also increases the risk of
getting infected," said De Waal and Whiteside.
"When the man falls sick, it is the responsibility of the wife to
provide care and take on additional duties to support the family.
However, when the wife becomes sick, it is traditionally the
responsibility of other women (not the husband) to provide care."
The book quoted a woman small-scale farmer in Botswana as saying, "I
have not ploughed for the past five years because of taking care of AIDS
children, who eventually died. So not only have I lost my children, but
I have no food or seeds to start production. The sad thing is that my
small [live]stock also strayed while I was running from one health
provider to the next in the hope of saving my children."
In Zimbabwe, the FANRPAN study found that, traditionally, women were
dispossessed of their land or assets after the deaths of their husbands,
and continuation of the practice means they are left with little or no
assets.
Response
The World Development Report 2008: Agriculture for Development, the
World Bank's first analysis of agriculture since 1982, pointed out that
there was "tremendous scope" for agricultural policy to become more
HIV-responsive, to the benefit of health as well as agricultural goals.
The Bank called for the promotion of labour-saving technologies and
crops as one way of addressing labour losses resulting from AIDS-related
mortality in agriculture. "But for poorer smallholder households, the
main constraints on livelihoods may be land and cash rather than
labour," it said.
"Cash transfers to help them hire labour, [provide] more secure land
tenure for women, and expanded agricultural extension programmes to
include women and orphans, could have a greater impact on welfare."
Marcela Villarreal, the FAO's focal point for HIV/AIDS, said the agency
had managed to convince some countries to draw up policies to help
affected small-scale farmers, and Zimbabwe and Tanzania have drawn up
agriculture strategies with the pandemic in mind. The FAO has a
programme on property rights for women in Malawi, which has brought some
changes in land ownership laws.
"For years, FAO has been advocating labour-saving technologies, even
before the AIDS crisis came about," said Villarreal. It has advocated
the use of the matraca, a zero-tillage planter easily operated by an
individual.
The UN agency has also rolled out Junior Farmer Field and Life Schools
in 10 countries in southern and east Africa, where orphans and
vulnerable children in the age group 12 to 17 years, who often head
households, are taught about agricultural techniques, entrepreneurship
and HIV/AIDS; in Mozambique the project has trained 1,000 young farmers
in the past 3 years.
FANRPAN cites programmes like the Food Security Pack (FSP) in Zambia,
which promotes crop diversification and farming methods that help
restore soil fertility and productivity, and encourages the timely use
of agricultural inputs, besides providing marketing assistance. FSP aims
to reduce poverty among 200,000 vulnerable but viable small-scale
farmers by improving household food security.
I have not ploughed for the past five years because of taking care of
AIDS children, who eventually died. So not only have I lost my children,
but I have no food or seeds to start production
To overcome the lack of land and labour often facing HIV/AIDS-affected
households, the Livelihoods Recovery through Agriculture Programme,
implemented in Lesotho in 2002 by CARE, a US-based charity, and the
Ministry of Agriculture, promotes producing crops with high nutritional
content on small plots of land close to the home.
"Of the participants, 53 percent reported that they had stabilised or
increased their food production," the World Bank said of the initiative
in its report.
Often the only sources of income for both HIV-affected and non-affected
households in many countries of the region are government food parcels,
pension grants, orphan/foster care grants and the child grant. Community
initiatives such as locally based home-care groups also assist affected
households with information, help in caregiving and counselling.
According to Lindiwe Majele Sibanda, the executive director of FANRPAN,
southern Africa needs longitudinal household surveys that will track the
impact of the pandemic on agriculture and food security. "We need trends
analyses if we are to adequately inform policy development. Short term
ad hoc studies are not giving a full picture of the pandemic's impact".
[ This report does not necessarily reflect the views of the United Nations ]
15. Countries at the Crossroads 2007, Country Report – Swaziland
From http://freedomhouse.org <http://freedomhouse.org/>
Author: John Daniel is a former member of the political science
department at the University of Swaziland and retired professor of
political science at the University of Durban-Westville, South Africa.
Introduction
There is no tradition of democracy in Swazi politics. Since Swaziland
emerged as a state in the early 19th century, Swazi political culture
has been authoritarian, with power centralized in a hereditary monarchy,
and the nation’s politics and economy dominated by the royal lines of
the Dlamini clans. The late colonial period and the first five years of
independence introduced some choice and party-political competitiveness
into the polity, but this ended in 1973 with the suspension of the
independence constitution and the proscription of political parties.
Swaziland’s political regime is a diarchic one, with two distinct but
interrelated sets of institutions: those of the Swazi nation (the
monarchy and its key advisory institutions); and those of the Swazi
government, comprising the cabinet, parliament, and judiciary. It was in
the latter that Britain vested constitutional authority at independence
in 1968. However, then-King Sobhuza II was able to circumvent this
dilution of his traditional authority by forming a political party, the
Imbokodvo National Movement, which won all parliamentary seats in
elections leading up to independence in 1968. Thus, although not a
member of the legislature himself, Sobhuza was able to ensure that the
body enacted no legislation of which he did not approve. The king’s
domination of the post-independence power arrangement was articulated by
then–prime minister Prince Makhosini Dlamini, who stated “It is the
king, not I, who leads the people.”1 This is the central principle of
Swazi political life, and to challenge it is regarded by the ruling
elite as treasonable.
This period of post-independence one-party rule gave way to no-party
rule in 1973, when Sobhuza responded to an opposition group winning 3
out of 28 seats in the first elections held after independence and a
successful high court challenge of controversial immigration legislation
by abrogating the constitution. A state of emergency was declared (which
de jure persists today, more than 34 years later), a
detention-without-trial provision was introduced, parliament was
dissolved, and all political parties, even the royalist Imbokodvo
Movement, were banned. In an address to the Swazi people, Sobhuza
justified his actions by declaring that the independence constitution
was incompatible with Swazi tradition as it had “permitted the
imposition into our country of highly undesirable political practices,
alien and incompatible with the way of life in our society, and designed
to disrupt and destroy our own peaceful and constructive and essentially
democratic method of peaceful political activity.”2
See full rapport at:
http://freedomhouse.org/modules/publications/ccr/modPrintVersion.cfm?edition=8&c\
crpage=37&ccrcountry=168
-----------------------------------
Swaziland Newsletter is published by Southern Africa Contact (Denmark)
and distributed to more than 1200 national and international
organisations, research institutes, universities, trade unions and
labour movements, political parties, church organisations, print and
electronic media, governments, diplomatic missions, members of
parliament, parliamentary committees and private individuals in Southern
Africa, Europe and the United States of America.
Support the democratic movement in Swaziland: MANDELA FUND: BG Bank,
Norre Voldgade 68, 1358 Copenhagen K, Denmark. SWIFT-BIC: DABADKKK.
Registration Number: 0274. Account Number: 3327000. The MANDELA FUND is
a registered national collection in Denmark.
Swaziland Newsletter 50
Published by Southern Africa Contact (Denmark)
Earlier issues can be read at
http://uk.groups.yahoo.com/group/SAK-Swazinewsletter together with
documents and other materials not included in the regular newsletter. If
you wish to subscribe to the newsletter, please send mail to:
SAK-Swazinewsletter-subscribe@...
<http://uk.groups.yahoo.com/group/SAK-Swazinewsletter/post?postID=fHRWAQtKKETC5X\
cVDOsNWWUbu3LUcrygg3rLS9ztGe1HqltaW9JuK8yRCJz1SLfiq4wLeJyjwVKGRBHF7XaN9KSBBRsKVB\
4ehrzrjY65O1LCMC25gdKlxQ>
See photo section on the land, life and struggle of the Swazi people.
All correspondence to sak@...
1. King has eyes for 14th wife, http://www.iol.co.za, 3. September 2007
Media, Protocol Officers clash, http://www.observer.org.sz, 4.
September, 2007
2. The elderly have no time to retire, http://allafrica.com, 28. August 2007
3. Only $3.1 million to feed 400000, www.reliefweb.int, 29. August 2007
4. SBS' ploughs back E44 000 to OVC, http://www.observer.org.sz, 3.
Spetember 2007
5. Bring Aids infection to zero percent, http://www.observer.org.sz, 3.
September 2007
6. Swazis still shun local products, http://www.observer.org.sz, 3.
September 2007
7. SADC customs union is on slow track – Manuel,
http://www.busrep.co.za, 30. August 2007
8. SA's plans to reduce import tariffs, http://www.observer.org.sz, 3.
September 2007
9. Swaziland’s king rejects criticism of political, economic policies,
http://www.iht.com, 7. August 2007
10. Swazis strike for multi-party democracy, http://www.int.iol.co.za,
25. July 2007
11. Report on the Assessment of Neighbourhood Care Points. Swaziland
2006, http://aidsarticles.wordpress.com
--------------------------------------------------------------
1. King has eyes for 14th wife
Lobomba - Tens of thousands of bare-breasted virgins lined up for
inspection by King Mswati III on Sunday in Swaziland's annual reed
dance, which is always rife with speculation over whether the king will
choose a new bride.
The event is an important fixture in the cultural calendar of this
deeply traditional southern African kingdom of around one million people
and is held in honour of the Swazi queen mother.
But the 39-year-old king, who already has 13 wives, also sometimes
controversially uses the occasion to select a new bride.
Participation in this year's dance was thought to be up on previous
years with some reports putting at up to 40 000 the number of girls who
converged on the royal residence at Ludzidzini, 25km south of the Swazi
capital Mbabane.
The festival kicked off on Wednesday when the girls were dispatched by
the king to cut reeds on a nearby river bank and ends on Monday with a
second dance.
In the absence of shower blocks, some girls had to wash in a river
before lining up in their "regiments" to present the reeds to the queen
mother and file past the king.
The monarch was clad in a leopard-skin loincloth worn over a wrap skirt
indicating his clan and carried a traditional arrow-shaped axe for the
occasion.
In searing 35-degree-Celsius temperatures, the girls then re-assembled
on an open plain in front of the kraal, known as the "arena", to dance
in front of the king, his retinue and thousands of tourists.
Visitors from Australia, the United States and Britain were among the
spectators, who were under strict instructions not to wear hats, point
or kneel.
Among the king's guests were Zambian King Levy Mwanawasa and South
Africa's ANC deputy president and ANC presidential candidate Jacob Zuma.
As part of the celebrations dozens of cattle were slaughtered and their
hides hung to dry on the walls of the kraal, giving off a powerful
stench in the hot sun.
The reeds collected by the girls are used as a wind breaker in huts and
fences. - Sapa-dpa
http://www.iol.co.za/index.php?set_id=1&click_id=84&art_id=nw20070902223924548C1\
68696
Media, Protocol Officers
MEMBERS of the media and protocol officers in the reed dance yesterday
almost engaged in a major showdown after members of the fourth estate
expressed their disappointment in the manner in which the protocol
officers were treating them.
The international media, including journalists from France, Belgium, the
United Kingdom, Taiwan and other European media houses as well as
journalists from the South African media including SABC, the Sunday
Times, Beeld newspaper and other media houses were present at the reed
dance yesterday.
Confusion was the order of the day at the dancing arena as some of the
protocol officers constantly demanded that the journalists move from
where they were standing to give way to some of the spectators who
wanted to pass through and have a seat in the arena. However, some of
the journalists wondered why they were being moved around because there
was obviously plenty of space where other spectators could easily pass
through. At first, journalists took the stiff orders they received that
they move away, but they later refused to budge as they felt that they
were taken for a ride. One of the protocol officers was heard shouting:
“yeyi nine asenisuke lapho kani niva njani senifuna kusetjentiswe
emandla yini” loosely translated to “you guys move from where you are
seated don’t you understand, do you want force to be used on you
eventually.” However, one of the brave journalists from a South African
newspaper who had had enough of the nagging from the protocol officers
shouted back and said “bese sisebenza njani? njengoba nawe usemsebenzini
nathi sisemsebenzini kanjalo sicolele bakwethu” loosely translated to
“how do you expect us to work, in as much you have been assigned to work
we are also at work so please give us a break.”
However tempers eventually cooled down when one of the protocol officers
later came to the journalists and informed them that they should prepare
themselves because His Majesty King Mswati III would come and pose for a
picture and that the journalists should calm down because they would all
be awarded the opportunity of taking the King’s picture.
Meanwhile, the King and his guests before doing the giya dance in front
of the maidens came down to where the journalists were standing and
posed for a picture much to the satisfaction of the journalists.
Meanwhile, attempts of preventing journalists from carrying a footage of
the King doing the giya dance in front of the maidens proved futile as
the journalists persisted and made their way through to get a coverage
of the King. “The protocol officers here are just too rigid, don’t they
understand that the reed dance has gained popularity around the globe
and that people out there are eager to see what really happens in the
reed dance,” wondered one of the disgruntled scribes adding that it was
high time Swazi protocol officers respected the media if they expected
respect in return.
“You guys I am honestly in love with the Swazi culture, the people,
landscape and the warm hospitality everywhere else in the country has
really impressed me, but you can’t tell me that journalists are being
given this kind of treatment,” remarked one of the scribes.
http://www.observer.org.sz/main.php?id=37799§ion=main
2. The elderly have no time to retire
At a time when Swaziland's elderly are taking on an increasingly vital
role as household heads or caregivers to AIDS orphans, they often slip
through the nets of humanitarian organisations, and government stipends
are too small to cover basic needs.
"The elderly are rife for exploitation, and they are being exploited by
a society that requires them to do demanding work, regardless of their
age or infirmities," said Thandi Maphalala, a social welfare worker in
the commercial city of Manzini, 35km southeast of the Swazi capital,
Mbabane.
Although relatively few Swazis know their HIV status, more than a
quarter of all sexually active people are infected with HIV, and life
expectancy has dropped to 31 years.
Largely due to HIV/AIDS, the number of orphans has skyrocketed since
2000, reaching 100,000, according to the United Nations Children's
Agency (UNICEF). "The crisis is likely to worsen, as HIV prevalence
rates among 20-to-30-year-olds are approaching 50 percent."
Taking care of an AIDS patient is extremely difficult. On top of that,
the elderly now have to run a household - that means they must go to
some distant spot to fetch water and firewood; they must cook, clean and
raise grandchildren
About 15 percent of Swaziland's one million people are older than 49,
and 3.4 percent are 65 or older. People who have lived beyond 49 -
statistically the upper cut-off point for the "sexually active"
demographic - are mostly free of HIV.
Rather than being supported by their grown children, which has been the
cultural norm in Swaziland, the elderly are now required to nurse their
ailing offspring.
"Taking care of an AIDS patient is extremely difficult. On top of that,
the elderly now have to run a household - that means they must go to
some distant spot to fetch water and firewood; they must cook, clean and
raise grandchildren," said Maphalala. "All this comes at a time when
they should be slowing down and enjoying their golden years."
Meagre incomes
Rev Jabulani Dlamini, who works in the Luve area, 60km north of Manzini,
often drops in on his elderly parishioners to give them moral support
and provide donations of food and other essentials.
"These good people went through all the work of raising children. Now,
with the AIDS-related deaths, they must do it all over again and raise
their children's children, who may also be infected by HIV. Who gives
them assistance, other than a little charity? And that is not enough."
Dlamini noted that the days when the extended family lived together in a
single multi-generational homestead had gone. About 80 percent of Swazis
still live in rural areas, but families have been fragmented into
smaller households.
"There is no one to look after these good people. How many times have I
found a granny sitting in the dark because there is no candle, and
hungry because there is no food, and dirty because she is too weak to
fetch water?" he asked.
When the government finally raised monthly stipends for the elderly from
US$12 to $15 earlier this year, the increment came just as food prices
were spiraling beyond affordability.
A 10kg bag of maizemeal, barely enough to feed a family of four for a
month, now costs almost $6, while two litres of cooking oil costs about
$3. In an ongoing drought the country recorded its worst-ever harvest
this year, and about 40 percent of Swaziland's population is facing
acute food and water shortages.
Some food aid
A record number of households receive food assistance from agencies like
the World Food Programme. Humanitarian aid workers said there were no
reports of widespread starvation in the country but, indisputably, there
was hunger and suffering.
"My grandchildren are fed, they are even well-fed, at school or at the
neighbourhood Care Point [funded by the UN Children's Agency, UNICEF].
It is only one meal a day, and only five days a week, but it is godsend
for them," said Gogo (Granny) Tsela, who lives in a stick-and-mud shack
outside Manzini.
"But no one prepares meals for the elderly. I am at home with my little
bit of porridge, if I am lucky enough to have that." A black iron pot of
white maizemeal porridge was cooking over an open fire in her yard,
augmented by wild spinach that had managed to survive the drought.
Every fortnight Tsela receives maizemeal, cooking oil and beans from the
local food aid distribution point, which she shares with her two
granddaughters, the children of her deceased daughter. Their father has
left the family.
Like many other elderly people, she has no cash support other than her
small monthly allowance from the government, which arrives erratically
and often requires a long, expensive and bus trip to fetch.
The government subsidises four urban hospitals and a network of rural
clinics but user fees are still required, and medication must be
purchased. Although medicines come at a reduced price, chronic shortages
often make them unavailable. This means they have to be bought at
commercial pharmacies, where the prices are mostly unaffordable.
Formal-sector employment stands at 27 percent and pensions are not
always guaranteed. "Don't talk about pensions; only a few people have
pensions," said Amos Shabangu, a retired bus driver. He received no
compensation after leaving his job because his employer lied to him when
he said he had paid into a national provident fund in Shabangu's name.
A farm revisited
When IRIN visited another grandmother in similar circumstances, Gogo
Nhlabatsi, in April, she was all alone on her isolated farm near Manzini
and very worried about how she would support five grandchildren, aged 7
to 12.
The recent rain had come too late to save the stunted maize crop. "There
is nothing, nothing," she said, gazing bleakly over the withered brown
maize stalks.
Desperation led Nhlabatsi and her grandchildren to comb through every
metre of field, salvaging whatever they could. The dwarfed cobs yielded
only a few bags of kernels, but every little bit helped.
It was a struggle Nhlabatsi had not expected to endure so late in life.
"I will find rest in my grave," she said.
http://allafrica.com/stories/200708280926.html
3. Only $3.1 million to feed 400000
Despite the worst harvest in the country's recorded history and the
aftermath of fires that destroyed crops and plantations, Swaziland's
appeals for international assistance are falling on deaf donor ears.
In July UN agencies appealed for US$18 million to feed about 40 percent
of Swaziland's one million people, who are facing acute food shortages.
So far, only $3.1 million has been forthcoming, according to the UN
Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA)
"The low funding of the appeal is extremely worrying. The food reserves
that people have been living off of will begin to run out in September,
and it is very likely that many households will have eaten the seeds
they would have planted in the coming agricultural season, thus
prolonging their situation of food insecurity," Kelly David, head the
OCHA Southern African regional office, told IRIN.
"Without assistance, there is no question that people will be facing
serious food shortages in the coming month [September]."
To date, funding for relief aid by the World Food Programme has received
roughly $1.6 million; the promotion of self-feeding schemes like
backyard and community gardens, just over $1.5 million.
Are donors drained by drought?
"Swaziland has experienced chronic drought for at least 15 years," said
Chinwe Dike, Resident Representative of the UN Development Programme
(UNDP), explaining why some donors have been less than prompt with funding.
"An important issue arising from this is that the challenge of drought
has always been addressed as an emergency, and no long-term or
development approaches have been adopted in addressing chronic drought,"
she commented.
David agreed: "I think donors want to see more clarity on how
governments and their partners plan to address the underlying structural
problems related to drought. Both donors and responders are fully aware
that a once-off humanitarian response will protect lives and help some
recover their livelihoods in the immediate term, but is not going to
change the long-term situation of the affected population."
But the lack of rain this year has been described as the worst in living
memory. "The drought in 2007 has become an emergency and has been
declared as a national disaster because, unlike in the past, the
Highveld, which is normally considered the breadbasket of the country,
was also affected," Dike told IRIN.
The fires that raged through the country in early August had added to
the mountain kingdom's woes, she said. "These events were also declared
a disaster by the government because of the devastating impact on the
forestry industry, and the loss of homes, livestock and livelihoods."
An underestimated bad situation made worse
The drought and the fires have compounded the vulnerability of people
already struggling to get by. Despite being classified as a
middle-income country, the government estimates that two-thirds of the
population earn less than a dollar a day.
This classification, some observers feel, takes Swaziland out of the
donor spotlight. The UN appealed for $18.9 million to feed more than
500,000 drought-affected rural people in impoverished neighbouring
Lesotho, and has already received 60 percent of the funding.
"That represents cash already in hand or in the pipeline. By comparison,
the Swaziland appeal is only 17 percent funded, and the vast majority of
that money was provided through a central fund for humanitarian
assistance managed by OCHA, rather than by individual donors responding
to the appeal," Kelly said.
As Dike pointed out, "It is important to note that although Swaziland is
classified as a middle income country, most of its human development
indicators are those of a LDC [least developed country]." Wealth is
highly skewed and poverty in the rural areas is widespread.
At 0.609, Swaziland has one of the highest Gini Coefficients in the
world, according to the UNDP. The Gini coefficient uses a measurement
between 0 and 1 to determine income distribution - the closer to 1, the
more unequal a society; the closer to 0, the more equal a society.
"These disasters have taken place within the context of a country
ravaged by HIV/AIDS. Swaziland has the highest HIV/AIDS prevalence rate
globally: the most recent population base prevalence rate is 26 percent
of the entire population," Dike said.
"The stresses and strains of these events manifest in increased
incidences of gender-based violence, crime and increased child
abandonment and child abuse."
http://www.reliefweb.int/rw/RWB.NSF/db900SID/YSAR-76JMRF?OpenDocument
4. SBS' ploughs back E44 000 to OVC
THE Swaziland Building Society has committed E50 000 to the school fee
challenge promotion to aid schools’ orphaned and vulnerable children (OVC).
The schools were identified Thulwane Primary, Ekuphakameni high, Mater
Dorolosa High and the School For The Deaf.
They all share E44 000, with each school getting E11 000.
Petros Shongwe, Building Society Operations Manager said the school fee
challenge competition was the bank’s way of ploughing back to the
society as well as contributing to the improvement of the economy
through education.
“As the whole country and its economy are facing huge challenges in
various sectors, we feel our contribution will go a long way towards
easing some of those burdens.
“A lot of the young children today are facing major challenges as a
result of HIV and AIDS, so it is our collective responsibility to share
the little we have with our neighbours,” he said.
He observed that Swaziland was facing an uphill battle against
unemployment, which in turn is lays a heavy burden on government as she
left with a limited revenue base.
Swaziland Building Society General Manager Timothy Nhleko said it would
be a win-win situation for both the families and pupils to benefit and
the country.
“The families as well as the whole Swazi nation will reap the rewards,
as this is an investment in the future”.
NEW branch for Siteki
Siteki residents and surrounding areas can look forward to the opening
of a new Building Society branch before the end of next year.
The branch will be opened at Siteki, due to the good relations The
Swaziland Building Society has with the School For The Deaf, which was
one of the winners in the School Fee Challenge promotion.
Building society’s Timothy Nhleko said they were just finishing up on
the minor details.
“Construction will commence soon. We are glad to announce this, as we
will now have an even representation in all four districts in the
country,” he said.
The Lubombo district was the only one that did not have a Building
Society branch of the country.
Businessman gets refunded for OVC’s school fees
Sibusiso Dlamini, Managing Director of Skhumba China car wash was the
winner in the refund of school fees category.
He got back E1672 in cash, which he had paid for a needy pupil of SOS in
Mbabane.
Dlamini said he would use the money to pay the same child’s school fees
for the next academic year.
The businessman also helps another needy pupil who attends at Jubukweni
High school.
http://www.observer.org.sz/main.php?id=37567§ion=business
5. Bring Aids infection to zero percent
THE country has the capacity to stop HIV and AIDS.
This was an observation made by Senior Vice President for Health in the
Anglo American Group, Dr. Brian Brink, during a breakfast meeting hosted
by BCHA and the Global Business Coalition on HIV, Tubercu-losis and
Malaria.
Dr. Brink said instruments and all necessary policies were in place, but
what was lacking was only the will to implement all necessary steps
towards it.
He stressed that it was possible to have all statistics about the
pandemic coming down to zero, which will mean victory over the epidemic
by the country.
“Swaziland can beat AIDS and stop HIV infection. The devastating
consequences of HIV and AIDS in our communities are visible for all to
see but we can beat it. The tools are all there to deal with the
pandemic but what is now needed is the will to move forward to
implementation,” he added.
Dr. Brink mentioned that people always believe that money is needed to
fight HIV. He said if the country organised its plan and involved more
partners, even international donors would want to lend a helping hand.
He assured that money would always be there for projects aimed at
fighting the pandemic if the situation on the ground could be correctly
portrayed.
Dr. Brink said there was need to expand HIV testing and counselling
services for the public.
He encouraged the business community to adopt what he termed the zero
target, which is his theory towards combating HIV and AIDS.
“We can achieve a zero outcome on new infections, zero people getting
sick or dying of AIDS and zero babies born with HIV,” he stated.
The event was also attended by Enterprise and Employment Minister Lutfo
Dlamini, who pledged government’s commitment towards partnering with the
business community in the fight against HIV and AIDS.
He described the pandemic as a devastating storm that is a catalystic
occurrence to all problems faced by the country, including poverty,
crime and unemployment.
Dlamini said this was influenced by certain attitudes of discrimination
which are to be dealt away with.
These were some of the steps shared by Dr. Brink to declare victory
against the pandemic:
* Expand HIV testing and counselling services
* Prevent new infections - promote that those who test negative remain
negative.
* Positive prevention - when one who tests positive should have access
to Anti Retroviral Therapy to contain situation.
* Maximise protection - through condom distribution.
* Accelerate treatment scale up.
http://www.observer.org.sz/main.php?id=37568§ion=business
6. Swazis still shun local products
IT would seem Minister of Enterprise and Employment Lutfo Dlamini, a
great fan of Swazi empowerment, would have to do more as Swazis still
detest locally produced stuff.
Yesterday at Tum’s George Hotel, PSI Swaziland confessed it experienced
problems having ICE materials of the wormfree chewable tablets in
vernacular (siSwati) as this could have caused people to shy away from
them.
“Swazis are brain washed into thinking anything local is taboo and it
would seem much effort has to be done in convincing them otherwise,”
said Victoria Masuku, PSI Swaziland’s Technical Advisor.
She was presenting research findings on the Wormfree Albedanzole tablets
they conducted as an organisation recently. The research was carried out
in both urban, peri-urban as well as some rural communities to determine
acceptance, facts and barriers around the Albendanzole tablets.
The enterprise minister has persistently called for products
manufactured locally to be supported, questioning the patriotism of some
who prefer foreign things above those local. To that end, he has even
called upon government to support small and medium enterprises (SMEs)
when it comes to tendering for contracts there.
Meanwhile, PSI said at least eight focused group discussions were held
in the cited areas wherein it emerged that people held the view that
de-worming was exclusively for children and not adults.
“Amongst barriers noted was the pricing of the Albendazole tablets,
especially in pharmacies, where parents could part with up to E25
whereas health centres under government charge E5. Respondents proposed
that the charge ranges between E9 and E15 for each tablet. Also, the
question of availability comes to play since it (Albendazole) could only
be accessed from pharmacies and not in places where the people are,”
said Masuku.
She said the suggestion was that all Information Education and
Communication (IEC) and Interpersonal Communication (IPC) materials
should be in the vernacular as opposed to the English language.
This was after the respondents noted that everything was in English yet
not all of them were conversant with the language.
PSI Swaziland will be distributing the Albendazole tablets to retail
outlets such as shops, supermarkets, as well as through Community Based
Organisations (CBOs).
They would be using wholesalers such as Metro who would ensure
distribution filters into the communities and retail outlets.
The PSI Swaziland technical advisor also clarified that her organisation
was doing other aspects of social marketing and health, not that it had
deviated from its mandate.
“We became synonymous with the use of condoms and a lot of people were
asking about the relevance of us launching the Water Guard (water
disinfectant tablet) last week and the deworming tablets today. This is
part of our work as an organisation into health matters and social
marketing.”
She said their work was informed by research since they were pursuing
what is known as ‘evidence-based marketing’.
PSI Swaziland Deputy Country Representative Babazile Magongo said they
could also venture into malaria and Maternal and Child Health (MCH)
programme and were capable of doing so as their mandate entailed.
http://www.observer.org.sz/main.php?id=37694§ion=Business
7. SADC customs union is on slow track - Manuel
Cape Town - The 2010 target for creating a Southern African Development
Community (SADC) customs union was unlikely to be achieved, finance
minister Trevor Manuel told members of the national assembly portfolio
committee yesterday.
Manuel was reporting on his interactions with the World Bank, SADC, the
Southern African Customs Union (Sacu) and the International Monetary Fund.
"My submission is that we won't get there by 2010. But this does not
mean that we should abandon the idea," said Manuel, responding to
questions from MPs about the timeframes for setting up a larger customs
union.
He said his office had been "peppered with" letters after treasury
director-general Letsetja Kganyago's recent report to the finance
committee on the Sacu customs pool.
Manuel said this was an indication that there was political sensitivity
among members of the customs union over reporting matters relating to
the pool.
The countries might not want their respective citizens to know what came
out of that pool; there might also be the notion that these countries
were "too dependent" on South Africa, said Manuel.
The finance minister said that the aim to have a wider free trade area
by next year also faced challenges.
There were some countries in the region who were dependent on customs
revenue ''because they don't have sufficiently developed tax systems and
inland revenue".
Manuel said 50 percent of Lesotho's budget and 63 percent of Swaziland's
budget were accounted from transfers from the customs pool managed by
South Africa.
He said Sacu combined transfers to Botswana, Lesotho, Namibia and
Swaziland had increased from R3.2 billion in 1994/95 to R23.1 billion in
2007/08, with the revenue-sharing agreement based on customs and excise
revenue from extra Sacu trade.
Manuel said that while there was support for a free trade area, the
remaining challenges included achieving an effective alignment of the
tariffs and dealing with states that belonged to more than one economic
union.
Swaziland ,for example, is a member of Sacu and SADC, as well as the
Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa, which extends all the way
to Egypt.
Manuel said this created "a bit of tension".
Members of the SADC are Angola, Botswana, the Democratic Republic of the
Congo, Lesotho, Madagascar, Mauritius, Malawi, Mozambique, Namibia,
South Africa, Swaziland, Tanzania, Zambia and Zimbabwe.
http://www.pennlive.com/editorials/patriotnews/index.ssf?/base/opinion/118850551\
5180830.xml&coll=1
8. SA's plans to reduce import tariffs
EVEN though South Africa's plans to ease import tariffs under its
recently launched industry policy framework could leave its Southern
African Customs Union (SACU) counterparts with little policy space if
they wanted to embark on their own industrial deve
Swaziland is heavily reliant on the shared income from the common
revenue customs pool which accounts for more than half of both the
Kingdom and Lesotho's national budgets while the other member states -
Namibia and Botswana - also benefit substantially.
That country's publication, Businessday, yesterday reported that SA
wants to use the SACU tariff book to enhance and aid its industrial
development. It was said the SA government was planning to review and
streamline import tariffs in all relevant sectors, ultimately with the
aim to lower the costs of inputs into downstream activities.
It quoted Deputy Director-General of International Trade and Economic
Development Xavier Carim who played down the threat to other member
states, saying there was not necessarily a correlation between tariffs
and revenues from the customs pool, as the lowering of tariffs tended to
boost imports, which in turn could swell customs revenues.
However, it was stated that SA's plan to unilaterally tinker with the
tariff book also goes against stated objectives in the SACU treaty of
2003; recognising the importance of balanced industrial development of
the common customs area as an important objective for economic
development as well as agreeing to develop common policies and
strategies for industrial development.
Further, the report said the national industrial policy framework's aim
to use import tariffs to facilitate SA's industrial development
ostensibly undermined this commitment.
"SA's streamlining of the tariff book means Lesotho, Swaziland, Namibia
and Botswana would be left with little policy space if they wanted to
embark on their own industrial development," the report stated.
It was also noted that even though SA could not change customs tariffs
without consultation, the political pressure on other SACU member states
- which are deeply dependent on SA - might mean they would be reluctant
to cross the big power in the region and therefore, go along with the move.
Meanwhile, local economists have said these developments would not
necessarily impact negatively on Swaziland and other SACU members,
depending on various economic factors.
In an interview, Federation of Sw
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