Article in Angola Press Agency (Luanda)
November 30, 2004

São Tomé Wants to Boost Co-Operation in Road Traffic



Benguela

The Commander of the National Police of Sao Tome and
Principe, Armindo Pires Correia, on Monday here
announced his Government intention to strengthen
bilateral co-operation with Angola, mainly in the
field of training of road traffic staff.

The police officer, who paying an few hours visit to
Benguela, said this will enable his country to boost
training of traffic police personnel and riot police.

The Sao Tome officer said his visit to Benguela is
meant to invite Angola's National Police commander,
Alfredo Ekuikui, to chair the closing the programme of
training of the first unit of riot police taking place
in his country under Angolan experts.

In his tour to central Benguela province, Armando
Piers Correia, is being accompanied by the second
commander of the National Police for Protection and
Intervention.





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Article à Angola Press 29/11

Visite de Fradrique de Menezes à Bissau


Bissau, Guinée-Bissau, 29/11 - Le président de Sao
Tomé et Principe et également président en exercice de
la Communauté des pays ayant en partage la langue
portugaise (CPLP), Fradrique de menezes, a effectué,
dimanche, une visite de quelques heures à Bissau, a
constaté la PANA sur place.

Accompagné d`une délégation forte d`environ dix
ministres, le président saotoméen, a effectué ce
voyage d`une dizaine d`heures à Bissau dans le cadre
des démarches que la CPLP a entreprises en vue de
trouver une solution à la crise que traverse la
Guinée- Bissau depuis les évènements du 6 octobre
dernier.

Le président en exercice de la CPLP a rencontré le
chef de l`Etat bissau-guinéen, Henrique Perreira Rosa,
les chefs militaires, le ministre de la Défense, les
partis politiques et le représentant spécial du
secrétaire général de l`ONU, Joao Bernardo Honwana.

Avant de s`envoler pour le Nigeria, Fradrique de
menezes a appelé les Bissau-guinéens à mettre un terme
à leurs conflits.

"Quant est-ce que vous allez vous décider à arrêter
tous les conflits et vous employer au développement
durable de votre pays", a indiqué M. de Menezes.

Selon le chef de l`Etat de Sao Tomé et Principe, "la
Guinée-Bissau est un pays vert doté d`énormes
potentialités telles que la noix de cajou dont le prix
est supérieur à celui du cacao sur le marché
international".

Fradique de Menezes a invité les Bissau-guinéens au
dialogue auquel doivent être associés la CPLP, les
Nations unies et la CEDEAO.

"Il faut que les Bissau-guinéens s`entendent et qu`ils
se pardonnent mutuellement leurs fautes", a-t-il
préconisé, précisant que la CPLP "n`a aucune intention
de s`ingérer dans les affaires internes de la
Guinée-Bissau".

Le président bissau-guinéen, Henrique Perreira Rosa, a
affirmé, de son côté, que "si les Bissau-guinéens
réussissent à s`entendre, la Guinée-Bissau va
connaître un essor".

Fradrique de Menezes est le premier président a
visiter la Guinée-Bissau depuis les événements du 6
octobre.




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Article in Financial Times Sun, 28 Nov 2004

UK under fire over foreknowledge of African coup

By Christopher Adams and Michael Peel


Britain was coming under pressure last night to
explain why it failed to warn the oil-rich and
repressive central African state of Equatorial Guinea
of an impending coup attempt, after claims emerged
that British officials were briefed about the plot
more than two months in advance.


Johann Smith, a former South African military
intelligence officer who has worked for the Equatorial
Guinea government as a consultant, e-mailed warnings
about the plot to British officials on two occasions,
according to a statement released by Equatorial Guinea
government lawyers.

The claim is the latest intrigue in a case that has
focused attention on the murky world of African oil
politics and the alleged role in financing the coup
played by Sir Mark Thatcher, son of the former British
prime minister Margaret Thatcher.

According to the statement, Mr Smith said he first
heard about the coup plot in November from two former
South African army colleagues recruited by Nick du
Toit, the alleged mercenary leader who was sentenced
in Equatorial Guinea last week to 34 years in prison.

The two men were "very disappointed and angry" because
they had missed the bus that was to take them to a
coup training venue south of Johannesburg, South
Africa.

Mr Smith said he decided to warn the Equatorial Guinea
authorities and also those in the US and England
because "some of their nationals might be killed", the
statement continues.

In December, he e-mailed two British officials and a
Pentagon official a 12-page report discussing the
background to a coup earlier in the year in
neighbouring São Tomé and Principe and pointing to the
possibility of similar events in Equatorial Guinea.

He said one of the mercenary leaders had set up a
commercial fishing operation that could provide "ideal
cover" for a plot.

Mr Smith received no reply but later received more
information on the alleged plot that prompted him to
send further e-mails to the same contacts in January,
the statement adds. The e-mails said a coup attempt
was planned for "mid-March 2004", which would provide
"ample time to plan, mobilise, equip and deploy the
force".

Mr du Toit and more than a dozen other alleged
mercenaries were arrested in Equatorial Guinea on
March 8, the day after the arrests of nearly 70
alleged co-conspirators in Zimbabwe.

The claims attributed to Mr Smith, who could not be
contacted yesterday, come after controversy over other
statements issued by the Equatorial Guinea government
and its lawyers.

The trial of the alleged mercenaries in Equatorial
Guinea took place against a backdrop of claims that
confessions by some of the men were obtained under
torture. The Equatorial Guinea government alleges the
coup plot was financed by a number of British
establishment figures including Sir Mark, who was
arrested in South Africa in August but denies
wrongdoing.

Michael Ancram, foreign affairs spokesman for the
opposition Conservative party, demanded that the
British government explain what it knew when and why
it apparently took no action as a result.

Britain's Foreign Office declined yesterday declined
to add to a recent statement that it had been aware of
rumours of a possible coup in January this year, when
the first reports had circulated in a Spanish
newspaper.

"At the same time, similar allegations were contained
in confidential information received by the
government," said the statement from Jack Straw,
foreign secretary.

But Mr Straw added that the Foreign Office did not
divulge the details of the reports because of
regulations governing "confidential diplomatic
exchanges".

"We were sceptical about the reports, as there had
been a number of coup rumours in the media previously,
including October 2003," he said.





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Article in Guardian - UK Sunday November 28, 2004

How much did Straw know and when did he know it?

The Foreign Secretary has to explain why he apparently
did nothing when London was told of the alleged coup
plot in Equatorial Guinea

Antony Barnett, Martin Bright and Patrick Smith in
Malabo

The Observer

Just before last Christmas, a cable was passed to
British intelligence marked 'strictly confidential'.
On its front page was a map of a tiny West African
country, its name - Equitorial Guinea - in giant
letters, its offshore island capital, Malabo, given
similar emphasis.
The 11-page report on one of the most obscure nations
on Earth and its neighbour, Sao Tomé and Principé, was
believed to have been followed by a second detailed
report which was directed to the FCO's small but
expert Equatorial Africa department. The two documents
told an incredible story of an illegal military
operation in the gulf of Guinea involving South
African mercenaries and smuggled arms on ships
disguised as trawlers.

With minds further up the government food chain
concentrating on the growing insurgency in Iraq, it
was perhaps easy for officials to overlook rumours of
yet another coup in yet another central African
dictatorship. No one could have predicted how
explosive that report would prove to be.

According to the document, serious trouble was brewing
in the tiny oil-rich nation. Mercenaries with links to
the South African 32 Buffalo Battalion - an
apartheid-era special forces outfit - were preparing
for a military operation to oust the country's
dictator President Teodoro Obiang, who had enriched
himself with oil wealth while letting his people
starve.

FCO analysts were well used to rumours of putsches and
coups in this most corrupt and dangerous part of the
world. Vast discoveries of oil in the Gulf of Guinea
had turned this region into a potential treasure
trove, with countries and companies battling to wield
influence over who controlled access.

A year on, the story of the plot to overthrow Obiang
continues to cause shockwaves as a growing band of
high-profile Britons have been dragged into the
scandal. The military operation was allegedly
masterminded by old Etonian and former British SAS
officer Simon Mann, and funded, in part, by Sir Mark
Thatcher, son of the former Prime Minister. Now the
spotlight is on Foreign Secretary Jack Straw, who is
under mounting pressure to reveal exactly what he knew
about the coup, when he knew it and - most
significantly - why he did not warn the government of
Equatorial Guinea. Charges that Britain knew in
advance of the plot and failed to warn Obiang's
government could not be graver. They suggest that
Britain could have acted in contravention of
international law; that the government may have
provided misleading information about its knowledge;
and that Western governments might be turning a blind
eye to efforts by some to intervene in the affairs of
nation states for commercial gain.

The top secret report received by the Foreign Office
turned out to be highly prophetic. It outlined a plot
that read like something out of Frederick Forsyth,
whose novel The Dogs of War was set in Equatorial
Guinea. When the hapless plotters were arrested in
March on the runway of Zimbabwe's Harare airport, the
allegations against them were precisely those outlined
in the documents seen by the FCO. A second report,
sent to MI6 in January, was even more specific, naming
Equatorial Guinea as the prime target and telling the
Foreign Office it was set for March.

The documents were written by a character every bit as
exotic as Forsyth's hard-bitten soldiers of fortune.
Johann Smith, himself a former South African special
forces soldier, is an internationally renowned
security analyst. He has a fearsome reputation and a
marked limp from a combat wound in Angola. Crucially,
he has been an occasional adviser to Obiang, the very
man the coup was intended to unseat.

In a statement by Smith given to lawyers representing
the government of Equatorial Guinea - and seen by The
Observer - he says he began hearing rumours of a coup
in both Equatorial Guinea and Sao Tomé in November
2003 from two ex-soldiers of the 32 Buffalo Battalion
who told him they had been recruited for a coup in by
Nick du Toit, the South African arms dealer who on
Friday was sentenced by the Equatorial Guinean
authorities to 34 years in prison for his part in the
plot.

Smith states he felt it was his 'duty' to inform the
British and American authorities of the coup plans
when he found out about them to prevent bloodshed.

'Because I was continuing to work in Equatorial Guinea
with government, it was not in my interest that there
be a coup d'etat ,' he said. 'I therefore wanted to
warn the Equatorial Guinea authorities. I also
considered it my duty to war the authorities in US and
England because some of their nationals might be
killed. I submitted a report in December 2003 of what
I had discovered to Michael Westphal of the Pentagon
[in Donald Rumsfeld's department]. I expected the US
government to take steps to warn Equatorial Guinea or
to stop the coup. This was also my expectation as
regard the British government, which I warned through
two SIS [Secret Intelligence Service or MI6] people I
knew, and to whom I sent the report by email, also in
December 2003, to their personal email addresses.'

When Smith began to get more intelligence of the plot
in January from his former military colleagues who
were working for Du Toit's South African firm, he sent
another report to the Pentagon and SIS.

'After preparing and sending my December report I
received further information,' said Smith. 'I put this
in a second report, which I sent by email to the same
people as the first one: Michael Westphal of the US
and to British SIS contacts'.

It seems inconceivable that this information was not
the confidential material Straw finally admitted
receiving in 'late January' when he was forced to
answer a parliamentary question on 9 November from
shadow foreign secretary Michael Ancram. Until earlier
this month, the Foreign Office stuck to its line that
it knew nothing of the plot until officials and
ministers read about it in the newspapers after Mann's
group of mercenaries had been arrested.

Those same officials, and Straw himself, have now been
forced to apologise to The Observer after
categorically denying they had prior knowledge of the
plot. Smith's statement now suggests they may have had
information as earlier as December 2003.

His December report named several major players
arrested in March and now on trial for their
involvement in the failed putsch. Smith pointed out
the group had hired two trawlers to operate off the
west African coast, despite the fact that all but one
member of the group had no seagoing or fishing
experience.

The report concluded that the commercial fishing
operation was a front for the movement of men and arms
for a coup. Tellingly, the report also mentioned the
group's connections with the Equitorial Guinea
opposition leader Severo Moto and warned that any
operation would pose a threat to stability in the
region.

The report concluded that the trawlers had been
deployed 'to present a legitimate front for planned
militants action against the Governments of STP [Sao
Tomé and Principé] and EG [Equatorial Guinea].' By
January, plans for military action were much further
advanced. The second report predicted simultaneous
attacks on the two states and warned these were
planned for 'mid-March 2004'.

It should therefore have come as no surprise to the
FCO when a group of mainly South African mercenaries
were arrested in Zimbabwe en route for Equatorial
Guinea, swiftly followed by the seizure of a further
group with Buffalo Battalion connections in the West
African country itself.

Documents seen by The Observer reveal, for the first
time, the full extent of UK government knowledge of
the coup. By the end of January, the Foreign Office
was being told: 'According to the latest planning,
Carlos Cardoso [ex-South African special forces
soldier] would, on his return, recruit a total of 75
ex-SADF [South African Defence Force] members, mainly
from within the former 32 Bn's [battallions] and
Special Forces ranks to launch simultaneous actions in
STP and EG. These actions are planned to take place in
mid-March 2004.'

In Smith's final remark, highlighted and underlined,
he does not mince his words: 'Knowing the individuals
as well as I do, this timeline is very realistic and
will provide for ample time to plan, mobilise, equip
and deploy the force.' For the Foreign Office, the
warning could not have been clearer or more accurate.

Discussions in London about the plot in fact began
long before the December 2003 memo, in one of the most
fashionable and exclusive streets in Chelsea. No 149
Old Church Street, a £20 million mansion, is the home
of Ely Calil, a Nigerian-born millionaire middleman
from a Lebanese family.

Almost exactly a year before FCO mandarins were
receiving reports of a potential coup, a meeting was
taken place in Calil's London home that would help set
in train the remarkable chain of events that would
ultimately lead to the arrest of Thatcher.

Mann had returned from a business trip in Gabon. He
had come to Calil's attention not for his upper-class
life but for his buccaneering days as a mercenary in
Africa. He had help to create Executive Outcomes,
which had operated in the bloody civil wars in Angola
and Sierra Leone.

Calil persuaded Mann to travel to Madrid in February
and meet Severo Moto, the exiled opposition leader of
Equatorial Guinea. Mann was impressed and agreed to
provide military assistance to Moto as part of a
planned coup to overthrow Obiang. He then set out to
put together a team of backers who would profit from
lucrative oil concessions if the coup was successful.

According to a list of alleged backers, London
businessman Greg Wales, London-based property dealer
Gary Hersham - a former business partner of Calil's -
and a South Africa-based British businessman David
Tremain all invested in the coup. Each is alleged to
have raised $500,000. Tremain is alleged to have been
'fronting' for a syndicate of South African and other
minor invest- ors. All four deny involvement.

The list of alleged British financiers might not stop
there. Bank details of Mann's Guernsey firm, Logo
Logistics, reveal that a JH Archer made a payment of
£80,000 into his account in the days before the failed
coup attempt. This is widely believed to be disgraced
Conservative peer Jeffrey Archer, a friend and
financial adviser of Calil's. Archer has denied any
knowledge of the coup, but has so far failed to deny
that the money came from him.

Straw has told parliament that the FCO did investigate
if there were any British companies involved in the
plot after receiving confidential reports, but failed
to find any evidence. The Equatorial Guinean
government is not satisfied with this answer. They
point out that the plot was largely planned and
financed in Britain.

While no firms registered in the UK have been directly
implicated, firms in offshore territories such as the
British Virgin Islands and Guernsey have. Most were
run by British citizens or financiers linked to
London.

Although Smith's reports made no direct mention of
Mann, sources close to the plot have claimed that
South African intelligence were aware of the former
SAS officer's involvement by January. The small band
of mercenaries which run operations like Mann's are
well-known to the authorities and rumours of covert
military plans normally spread like wildfire.

By February the plot was an open secret in London. It
was certainly talked about at an event at the Royal
Institute for International Affair, organised to
discuss 'revenue transparency in Equatorial Guinea'.
It is alleged that at one stage an executive from an
oil company operating in the region actually stood up
and said: 'Everyone knows there's going to be a coup
led by South African mercenaries.' A witness also
claims that the names of Calil and Moto were linked to
the plot.

As England cricketers have been quick to realise,
Zimbabwe's president Robert Mugabe seizes on any
opportunity to attack his country's former colonial
power. Certainly when his officers captured Mann's
group of mercenaries and military equipment in Harare,
he was quick to tell the world that he believed
Britain, the US and Spain had been plotting a coup in
the oil-rich West African state.

The suggestion was that it was an attempt to gain
control over Equatorial Guinea's new-found oil wealth,
which has turned the small country into Africa's
third-biggest producer.

These allegations were strongly denied by the Western
governments. But, as more information comes to light,
it appears that while there is no evidence to show
involvement in the coup, there was no attempt to
prevent it either. Obiang is viewed as a corrupt
dictator whose human rights record is appalling.

Alex Yearsley, of human rights group Global Witness,
said: 'This appears to have all the hallmarks of
resource colonialism, with major powers desperate to
get a stranglehold of the area's strategic resources.
In this part of the world, oil has taken over from
diamonds as the source of conflict.

It is clear that Britain, the US and Spain knew far
more about the coup than they have let on.'







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Ola a todos,a unica coisa que achei estranho neste documento foi este
parte...Vejam la ..mercenarios sul africanos. forcas especiais da era
phartaid preocupados com aquele presidente (Teodoro Obiang) ter
enriquecido com o petroleo deixando o seu povo morrer a fome...é por
isso que estavam a preparar o "assalto"....pelo povo!!!


According to the document, serious trouble was brewing
in the tiny oil-rich nation. Mercenaries with links to
the South African 32 Buffalo Battalion - an
apartheid-era special forces outfit - were preparing
for a military operation to oust the country's
dictator President Teodoro Obiang, who had enriched
himself with oil wealth while letting his people
starve.




--- In saotome@..., Xavier Muñoz <xavier270962@y...>
wrote:
> Article in Guardian - UK Sunday November 28, 2004
>
> How much did Straw know and when did he know it?
>
> The Foreign Secretary has to explain why he apparently
> did nothing when London was told of the alleged coup
> plot in Equatorial Guinea
>
> Antony Barnett, Martin Bright and Patrick Smith in
> Malabo
>
> The Observer
>
> Just before last Christmas, a cable was passed to
> British intelligence marked 'strictly confidential'.
> On its front page was a map of a tiny West African
> country, its name - Equitorial Guinea - in giant
> letters, its offshore island capital, Malabo, given
> similar emphasis.
> The 11-page report on one of the most obscure nations
> on Earth and its neighbour, Sao Tomé and Principé, was
> believed to have been followed by a second detailed
> report which was directed to the FCO's small but
> expert Equatorial Africa department. The two documents
> told an incredible story of an illegal military
> operation in the gulf of Guinea involving South
> African mercenaries and smuggled arms on ships
> disguised as trawlers.
>
> With minds further up the government food chain
> concentrating on the growing insurgency in Iraq, it
> was perhaps easy for officials to overlook rumours of
> yet another coup in yet another central African
> dictatorship. No one could have predicted how
> explosive that report would prove to be.
>
> According to the document, serious trouble was brewing
> in the tiny oil-rich nation. Mercenaries with links to
> the South African 32 Buffalo Battalion - an
> apartheid-era special forces outfit - were preparing
> for a military operation to oust the country's
> dictator President Teodoro Obiang, who had enriched
> himself with oil wealth while letting his people
> starve.
>
> FCO analysts were well used to rumours of putsches and
> coups in this most corrupt and dangerous part of the
> world. Vast discoveries of oil in the Gulf of Guinea
> had turned this region into a potential treasure
> trove, with countries and companies battling to wield
> influence over who controlled access.
>
> A year on, the story of the plot to overthrow Obiang
> continues to cause shockwaves as a growing band of
> high-profile Britons have been dragged into the
> scandal. The military operation was allegedly
> masterminded by old Etonian and former British SAS
> officer Simon Mann, and funded, in part, by Sir Mark
> Thatcher, son of the former Prime Minister. Now the
> spotlight is on Foreign Secretary Jack Straw, who is
> under mounting pressure to reveal exactly what he knew
> about the coup, when he knew it and - most
> significantly - why he did not warn the government of
> Equatorial Guinea. Charges that Britain knew in
> advance of the plot and failed to warn Obiang's
> government could not be graver. They suggest that
> Britain could have acted in contravention of
> international law; that the government may have
> provided misleading information about its knowledge;
> and that Western governments might be turning a blind
> eye to efforts by some to intervene in the affairs of
> nation states for commercial gain.
>
> The top secret report received by the Foreign Office
> turned out to be highly prophetic. It outlined a plot
> that read like something out of Frederick Forsyth,
> whose novel The Dogs of War was set in Equatorial
> Guinea. When the hapless plotters were arrested in
> March on the runway of Zimbabwe's Harare airport, the
> allegations against them were precisely those outlined
> in the documents seen by the FCO. A second report,
> sent to MI6 in January, was even more specific, naming
> Equatorial Guinea as the prime target and telling the
> Foreign Office it was set for March.
>
> The documents were written by a character every bit as
> exotic as Forsyth's hard-bitten soldiers of fortune.
> Johann Smith, himself a former South African special
> forces soldier, is an internationally renowned
> security analyst. He has a fearsome reputation and a
> marked limp from a combat wound in Angola. Crucially,
> he has been an occasional adviser to Obiang, the very
> man the coup was intended to unseat.
>
> In a statement by Smith given to lawyers representing
> the government of Equatorial Guinea - and seen by The
> Observer - he says he began hearing rumours of a coup
> in both Equatorial Guinea and Sao Tomé in November
> 2003 from two ex-soldiers of the 32 Buffalo Battalion
> who told him they had been recruited for a coup in by
> Nick du Toit, the South African arms dealer who on
> Friday was sentenced by the Equatorial Guinean
> authorities to 34 years in prison for his part in the
> plot.
>
> Smith states he felt it was his 'duty' to inform the
> British and American authorities of the coup plans
> when he found out about them to prevent bloodshed.
>
> 'Because I was continuing to work in Equatorial Guinea
> with government, it was not in my interest that there
> be a coup d'etat ,' he said. 'I therefore wanted to
> warn the Equatorial Guinea authorities. I also
> considered it my duty to war the authorities in US and
> England because some of their nationals might be
> killed. I submitted a report in December 2003 of what
> I had discovered to Michael Westphal of the Pentagon
> [in Donald Rumsfeld's department]. I expected the US
> government to take steps to warn Equatorial Guinea or
> to stop the coup. This was also my expectation as
> regard the British government, which I warned through
> two SIS [Secret Intelligence Service or MI6] people I
> knew, and to whom I sent the report by email, also in
> December 2003, to their personal email addresses.'
>
> When Smith began to get more intelligence of the plot
> in January from his former military colleagues who
> were working for Du Toit's South African firm, he sent
> another report to the Pentagon and SIS.
>
> 'After preparing and sending my December report I
> received further information,' said Smith. 'I put this
> in a second report, which I sent by email to the same
> people as the first one: Michael Westphal of the US
> and to British SIS contacts'.
>
> It seems inconceivable that this information was not
> the confidential material Straw finally admitted
> receiving in 'late January' when he was forced to
> answer a parliamentary question on 9 November from
> shadow foreign secretary Michael Ancram. Until earlier
> this month, the Foreign Office stuck to its line that
> it knew nothing of the plot until officials and
> ministers read about it in the newspapers after Mann's
> group of mercenaries had been arrested.
>
> Those same officials, and Straw himself, have now been
> forced to apologise to The Observer after
> categorically denying they had prior knowledge of the
> plot. Smith's statement now suggests they may have had
> information as earlier as December 2003.
>
> His December report named several major players
> arrested in March and now on trial for their
> involvement in the failed putsch. Smith pointed out
> the group had hired two trawlers to operate off the
> west African coast, despite the fact that all but one
> member of the group had no seagoing or fishing
> experience.
>
> The report concluded that the commercial fishing
> operation was a front for the movement of men and arms
> for a coup. Tellingly, the report also mentioned the
> group's connections with the Equitorial Guinea
> opposition leader Severo Moto and warned that any
> operation would pose a threat to stability in the
> region.
>
> The report concluded that the trawlers had been
> deployed 'to present a legitimate front for planned
> militants action against the Governments of STP [Sao
> Tomé and Principé] and EG [Equatorial Guinea].' By
> January, plans for military action were much further
> advanced. The second report predicted simultaneous
> attacks on the two states and warned these were
> planned for 'mid-March 2004'.
>
> It should therefore have come as no surprise to the
> FCO when a group of mainly South African mercenaries
> were arrested in Zimbabwe en route for Equatorial
> Guinea, swiftly followed by the seizure of a further
> group with Buffalo Battalion connections in the West
> African country itself.
>
> Documents seen by The Observer reveal, for the first
> time, the full extent of UK government knowledge of
> the coup. By the end of January, the Foreign Office
> was being told: 'According to the latest planning,
> Carlos Cardoso [ex-South African special forces
> soldier] would, on his return, recruit a total of 75
> ex-SADF [South African Defence Force] members, mainly
> from within the former 32 Bn's [battallions] and
> Special Forces ranks to launch simultaneous actions in
> STP and EG. These actions are planned to take place in
> mid-March 2004.'
>
> In Smith's final remark, highlighted and underlined,
> he does not mince his words: 'Knowing the individuals
> as well as I do, this timeline is very realistic and
> will provide for ample time to plan, mobilise, equip
> and deploy the force.' For the Foreign Office, the
> warning could not have been clearer or more accurate.
>
> Discussions in London about the plot in fact began
> long before the December 2003 memo, in one of the most
> fashionable and exclusive streets in Chelsea. No 149
> Old Church Street, a £20 million mansion, is the home
> of Ely Calil, a Nigerian-born millionaire middleman
> from a Lebanese family.
>
> Almost exactly a year before FCO mandarins were
> receiving reports of a potential coup, a meeting was
> taken place in Calil's London home that would help set
> in train the remarkable chain of events that would
> ultimately lead to the arrest of Thatcher.
>
> Mann had returned from a business trip in Gabon. He
> had come to Calil's attention not for his upper-class
> life but for his buccaneering days as a mercenary in
> Africa. He had help to create Executive Outcomes,
> which had operated in the bloody civil wars in Angola
> and Sierra Leone.
>
> Calil persuaded Mann to travel to Madrid in February
> and meet Severo Moto, the exiled opposition leader of
> Equatorial Guinea. Mann was impressed and agreed to
> provide military assistance to Moto as part of a
> planned coup to overthrow Obiang. He then set out to
> put together a team of backers who would profit from
> lucrative oil concessions if the coup was successful.
>
> According to a list of alleged backers, London
> businessman Greg Wales, London-based property dealer
> Gary Hersham - a former business partner of Calil's -
> and a South Africa-based British businessman David
> Tremain all invested in the coup. Each is alleged to
> have raised $500,000. Tremain is alleged to have been
> 'fronting' for a syndicate of South African and other
> minor invest- ors. All four deny involvement.
>
> The list of alleged British financiers might not stop
> there. Bank details of Mann's Guernsey firm, Logo
> Logistics, reveal that a JH Archer made a payment of
> £80,000 into his account in the days before the failed
> coup attempt. This is widely believed to be disgraced
> Conservative peer Jeffrey Archer, a friend and
> financial adviser of Calil's. Archer has denied any
> knowledge of the coup, but has so far failed to deny
> that the money came from him.
>
> Straw has told parliament that the FCO did investigate
> if there were any British companies involved in the
> plot after receiving confidential reports, but failed
> to find any evidence. The Equatorial Guinean
> government is not satisfied with this answer. They
> point out that the plot was largely planned and
> financed in Britain.
>
> While no firms registered in the UK have been directly
> implicated, firms in offshore territories such as the
> British Virgin Islands and Guernsey have. Most were
> run by British citizens or financiers linked to
> London.
>
> Although Smith's reports made no direct mention of
> Mann, sources close to the plot have claimed that
> South African intelligence were aware of the former
> SAS officer's involvement by January. The small band
> of mercenaries which run operations like Mann's are
> well-known to the authorities and rumours of covert
> military plans normally spread like wildfire.
>
> By February the plot was an open secret in London. It
> was certainly talked about at an event at the Royal
> Institute for International Affair, organised to
> discuss 'revenue transparency in Equatorial Guinea'.
> It is alleged that at one stage an executive from an
> oil company operating in the region actually stood up
> and said: 'Everyone knows there's going to be a coup
> led by South African mercenaries.' A witness also
> claims that the names of Calil and Moto were linked to
> the plot.
>
> As England cricketers have been quick to realise,
> Zimbabwe's president Robert Mugabe seizes on any
> opportunity to attack his country's former colonial
> power. Certainly when his officers captured Mann's
> group of mercenaries and military equipment in Harare,
> he was quick to tell the world that he believed
> Britain, the US and Spain had been plotting a coup in
> the oil-rich West African state.
>
> The suggestion was that it was an attempt to gain
> control over Equatorial Guinea's new-found oil wealth,
> which has turned the small country into Africa's
> third-biggest producer.
>
> These allegations were strongly denied by the Western
> governments. But, as more information comes to light,
> it appears that while there is no evidence to show
> involvement in the coup, there was no attempt to
> prevent it either. Obiang is viewed as a corrupt
> dictator whose human rights record is appalling.
>
> Alex Yearsley, of human rights group Global Witness,
> said: 'This appears to have all the hallmarks of
> resource colonialism, with major powers desperate to
> get a stranglehold of the area's strategic resources.
> In this part of the world, oil has taken over from
> diamonds as the source of conflict.
>
> It is clear that Britain, the US and Spain knew far
> more about the coup than they have let on.'
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
> ______________________________________________
> Renovamos el Correo Yahoo!: ¡100 MB GRATIS!
> Nuevos servicios, más seguridad
> http://correo.yahoo.es

Caros interessados,

Junto envio-vos o texto da histórica Lei de Aplicação
dos Recursos do Petróleo que foi aprovada na
especialidade por unanimidade pela Assembleia Nacional
em 19 de Novembro passado.

Como sabem, o texto desta lei, apresentada por uma
Comissão parlamentar chefiada por Carlos Neves,
baseia-se em propostas elaboradas por peritos
estrangeiros, nomeadamente os do advisory group da
Columbia University de Nova Iorque.

Nota-se que a aprovação desta lei foi uma condição
imposta pelo FMI para o perdão da dívida externa de
STP, avaliada em cerca de 300 milhões de dólares
norte-americanos.


Um abraço

Gerhard





___________________________________________________________
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make your dream a reality.
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Caros amigos,

Queria chamar a atenção de todos os interessados no
dossier petróleo a uma recente bibliografia sobre
'Petróleo em África', da autoria do Deutsches
Übersee-Institut em Hamburgo, que está disponível
online em
http://www.duei.de/dok/de/content/bibliographien/pdf/dok-line_afrika_2004_4.
pdf

Muitos dos artigos incluídos nesta bibliografia
temática também estão acessível na Internet.


Um abraço

Gerhard



___________________________________________________________
Moving house? Beach bar in Thailand? New Wardrobe? Win £10k with Yahoo! Mail to
make your dream a reality.
Get Yahoo! Mail www.yahoo.co.uk/10k

Olá a todos,

Na segunda-feira o Presidente Fradique anunciou que a
Nigéria concederia a STP mais um avanço financeiro de
5 milhões de doláres norte-americanos.

Trata-se do quarto avanço do mesmo valor concedido
pela Nigéria, aumentando a dívida de STP com este país
para 20 milhões de doláres.

Além disso, STP deve a Nigéria cerca de 10 milhões de
doláres pelos custos operacionais da JDA em Abuja,
incluindo as despesas pelo pessoal. Este montante pode
indicar que os salários dos directores e
vice-directores da JDA devem ser muito elevados.

Em total, actualmente STP deve a Nigéria cerca de 30
milhões de doláres, uma dívida que vai ser deduzida
dos 40% do bonus de assinatura que STP recebe. Nota-se
que para o Bloco 1 STP receberá 49 milhões de doláres.

A vantagem dos avanços financeiros dos nigerianos é
que são concedidos sem juros e não serão deduzidos
necessariamente todos do pagamento do primeiro bonus
de assinatura.

Nigéria também dá a STP 30.000 toneladas de crude que
serve para pagar as bolsas dos estudantes santomenses
em Cuba e no Brasil.

Ao contrário da Nigéria, recentemente o também membro
da CPLP Angola concedeu a STP um empréstimo de 1
milhão de doláres a taxa de juros comerciais. Segundo
fontes dignas de crédito o FMI já exigiu do governo
santomense de devolver este crédito devido aos seus
elevados custos.


Um abraço

Gerhard



___________________________________________________________
Moving house? Beach bar in Thailand? New Wardrobe? Win £10k with Yahoo! Mail to
make your dream a reality.
Get Yahoo! Mail www.yahoo.co.uk/10k

Article in Contra Costa Times, Wed, Dec. 01, 2004

Wednesday's East Bay Biz Buzz


...

Oil

San Ramon-based ChevronTexaco Corp. (CVX), Exxon Mobil
Corp. and a group of other oil companies may sign an
agreement to explore for oil off the coast of Sao Tome
and Principe by the end of this year, Reuters said,
citing Arlindo Carvalho, the African's island's energy
minister.

The oil exploration block is situated in a zone that
Nigeria and Sao Tome have agreed to share, the news
agency said, citing Carvalho, who was speaking at an
oil conference in Houston yesterday.

Sao Tome also expects to add five oil blocks for
exploration by Dec. 15 and will announce winning
bidders by the end of January, Reuters reported.

...



______________________________________________
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Nuevos servicios, más seguridad
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Caros:

   É bom saber que existe um espaço em que possamos "conversar" sobre
as coisas que queremos muito.Descobri, por acaso, este espaço numa
navegação sem rumo... é bom saber que STP aproxima um mar de gentes.
   Vale mais tarde que nunca. Vive e trabalhei cerca de 2 anos em STP,
como cooperante na área do ensino e formação de professores. VOltei
em Março passado para...saudade das gentes, do mar, da terra. Estou a
investigar na área dos estudos africanos, mais propriamente sobre uma
temática envolvendo STP, na área da educação, ensino e cultura.
   Beijos e abraços

    António Martelo

Quando um fica frente a um tribunal de justiça justifica tudo o que
pode justificar, especialmente quando os meios de comunicação estão
presentes.

Com certeza, um mercenário apenas tem um interês: o seo próprio;
senão não seria um bom mercenário.

Um abraço,

Xavier

--- In saotome@..., "carlosemanuela"
<carlosemanuela@s...> wrote:
>
> Ola a todos,a unica coisa que achei estranho neste documento foi
este
> parte...Vejam la ..mercenarios sul africanos. forcas especiais da
era
> phartaid preocupados com aquele presidente (Teodoro Obiang) ter
> enriquecido com o petroleo deixando o seu povo morrer a fome...é
por
> isso que estavam a preparar o "assalto"....pelo povo!!!
>
>
> According to the document, serious trouble was brewing
> in the tiny oil-rich nation. Mercenaries with links to
> the South African 32 Buffalo Battalion - an
> apartheid-era special forces outfit - were preparing
> for a military operation to oust the country's
> dictator President Teodoro Obiang, who had enriched
> himself with oil wealth while letting his people
> starve.
>
>
>
>
> --- In saotome@..., Xavier Muñoz <xavier270962@y...>
> wrote:
> > Article in Guardian - UK Sunday November 28, 2004
> >
> > How much did Straw know and when did he know it?
> >
> > The Foreign Secretary has to explain why he apparently
> > did nothing when London was told of the alleged coup
> > plot in Equatorial Guinea
> >
> > Antony Barnett, Martin Bright and Patrick Smith in
> > Malabo
> >
> > The Observer
> >
> > Just before last Christmas, a cable was passed to
> > British intelligence marked 'strictly confidential'.
> > On its front page was a map of a tiny West African
> > country, its name - Equitorial Guinea - in giant
> > letters, its offshore island capital, Malabo, given
> > similar emphasis.
> > The 11-page report on one of the most obscure nations
> > on Earth and its neighbour, Sao Tomé and Principé, was
> > believed to have been followed by a second detailed
> > report which was directed to the FCO's small but
> > expert Equatorial Africa department. The two documents
> > told an incredible story of an illegal military
> > operation in the gulf of Guinea involving South
> > African mercenaries and smuggled arms on ships
> > disguised as trawlers.
> >
> > With minds further up the government food chain
> > concentrating on the growing insurgency in Iraq, it
> > was perhaps easy for officials to overlook rumours of
> > yet another coup in yet another central African
> > dictatorship. No one could have predicted how
> > explosive that report would prove to be.
> >
> > According to the document, serious trouble was brewing
> > in the tiny oil-rich nation. Mercenaries with links to
> > the South African 32 Buffalo Battalion - an
> > apartheid-era special forces outfit - were preparing
> > for a military operation to oust the country's
> > dictator President Teodoro Obiang, who had enriched
> > himself with oil wealth while letting his people
> > starve.
> >
> > FCO analysts were well used to rumours of putsches and
> > coups in this most corrupt and dangerous part of the
> > world. Vast discoveries of oil in the Gulf of Guinea
> > had turned this region into a potential treasure
> > trove, with countries and companies battling to wield
> > influence over who controlled access.
> >
> > A year on, the story of the plot to overthrow Obiang
> > continues to cause shockwaves as a growing band of
> > high-profile Britons have been dragged into the
> > scandal. The military operation was allegedly
> > masterminded by old Etonian and former British SAS
> > officer Simon Mann, and funded, in part, by Sir Mark
> > Thatcher, son of the former Prime Minister. Now the
> > spotlight is on Foreign Secretary Jack Straw, who is
> > under mounting pressure to reveal exactly what he knew
> > about the coup, when he knew it and - most
> > significantly - why he did not warn the government of
> > Equatorial Guinea. Charges that Britain knew in
> > advance of the plot and failed to warn Obiang's
> > government could not be graver. They suggest that
> > Britain could have acted in contravention of
> > international law; that the government may have
> > provided misleading information about its knowledge;
> > and that Western governments might be turning a blind
> > eye to efforts by some to intervene in the affairs of
> > nation states for commercial gain.
> >
> > The top secret report received by the Foreign Office
> > turned out to be highly prophetic. It outlined a plot
> > that read like something out of Frederick Forsyth,
> > whose novel The Dogs of War was set in Equatorial
> > Guinea. When the hapless plotters were arrested in
> > March on the runway of Zimbabwe's Harare airport, the
> > allegations against them were precisely those outlined
> > in the documents seen by the FCO. A second report,
> > sent to MI6 in January, was even more specific, naming
> > Equatorial Guinea as the prime target and telling the
> > Foreign Office it was set for March.
> >
> > The documents were written by a character every bit as
> > exotic as Forsyth's hard-bitten soldiers of fortune.
> > Johann Smith, himself a former South African special
> > forces soldier, is an internationally renowned
> > security analyst. He has a fearsome reputation and a
> > marked limp from a combat wound in Angola. Crucially,
> > he has been an occasional adviser to Obiang, the very
> > man the coup was intended to unseat.
> >
> > In a statement by Smith given to lawyers representing
> > the government of Equatorial Guinea - and seen by The
> > Observer - he says he began hearing rumours of a coup
> > in both Equatorial Guinea and Sao Tomé in November
> > 2003 from two ex-soldiers of the 32 Buffalo Battalion
> > who told him they had been recruited for a coup in by
> > Nick du Toit, the South African arms dealer who on
> > Friday was sentenced by the Equatorial Guinean
> > authorities to 34 years in prison for his part in the
> > plot.
> >
> > Smith states he felt it was his 'duty' to inform the
> > British and American authorities of the coup plans
> > when he found out about them to prevent bloodshed.
> >
> > 'Because I was continuing to work in Equatorial Guinea
> > with government, it was not in my interest that there
> > be a coup d'etat ,' he said. 'I therefore wanted to
> > warn the Equatorial Guinea authorities. I also
> > considered it my duty to war the authorities in US and
> > England because some of their nationals might be
> > killed. I submitted a report in December 2003 of what
> > I had discovered to Michael Westphal of the Pentagon
> > [in Donald Rumsfeld's department]. I expected the US
> > government to take steps to warn Equatorial Guinea or
> > to stop the coup. This was also my expectation as
> > regard the British government, which I warned through
> > two SIS [Secret Intelligence Service or MI6] people I
> > knew, and to whom I sent the report by email, also in
> > December 2003, to their personal email addresses.'
> >
> > When Smith began to get more intelligence of the plot
> > in January from his former military colleagues who
> > were working for Du Toit's South African firm, he sent
> > another report to the Pentagon and SIS.
> >
> > 'After preparing and sending my December report I
> > received further information,' said Smith. 'I put this
> > in a second report, which I sent by email to the same
> > people as the first one: Michael Westphal of the US
> > and to British SIS contacts'.
> >
> > It seems inconceivable that this information was not
> > the confidential material Straw finally admitted
> > receiving in 'late January' when he was forced to
> > answer a parliamentary question on 9 November from
> > shadow foreign secretary Michael Ancram. Until earlier
> > this month, the Foreign Office stuck to its line that
> > it knew nothing of the plot until officials and
> > ministers read about it in the newspapers after Mann's
> > group of mercenaries had been arrested.
> >
> > Those same officials, and Straw himself, have now been
> > forced to apologise to The Observer after
> > categorically denying they had prior knowledge of the
> > plot. Smith's statement now suggests they may have had
> > information as earlier as December 2003.
> >
> > His December report named several major players
> > arrested in March and now on trial for their
> > involvement in the failed putsch. Smith pointed out
> > the group had hired two trawlers to operate off the
> > west African coast, despite the fact that all but one
> > member of the group had no seagoing or fishing
> > experience.
> >
> > The report concluded that the commercial fishing
> > operation was a front for the movement of men and arms
> > for a coup. Tellingly, the report also mentioned the
> > group's connections with the Equitorial Guinea
> > opposition leader Severo Moto and warned that any
> > operation would pose a threat to stability in the
> > region.
> >
> > The report concluded that the trawlers had been
> > deployed 'to present a legitimate front for planned
> > militants action against the Governments of STP [Sao
> > Tomé and Principé] and EG [Equatorial Guinea].' By
> > January, plans for military action were much further
> > advanced. The second report predicted simultaneous
> > attacks on the two states and warned these were
> > planned for 'mid-March 2004'.
> >
> > It should therefore have come as no surprise to the
> > FCO when a group of mainly South African mercenaries
> > were arrested in Zimbabwe en route for Equatorial
> > Guinea, swiftly followed by the seizure of a further
> > group with Buffalo Battalion connections in the West
> > African country itself.
> >
> > Documents seen by The Observer reveal, for the first
> > time, the full extent of UK government knowledge of
> > the coup. By the end of January, the Foreign Office
> > was being told: 'According to the latest planning,
> > Carlos Cardoso [ex-South African special forces
> > soldier] would, on his return, recruit a total of 75
> > ex-SADF [South African Defence Force] members, mainly
> > from within the former 32 Bn's [battallions] and
> > Special Forces ranks to launch simultaneous actions in
> > STP and EG. These actions are planned to take place in
> > mid-March 2004.'
> >
> > In Smith's final remark, highlighted and underlined,
> > he does not mince his words: 'Knowing the individuals
> > as well as I do, this timeline is very realistic and
> > will provide for ample time to plan, mobilise, equip
> > and deploy the force.' For the Foreign Office, the
> > warning could not have been clearer or more accurate.
> >
> > Discussions in London about the plot in fact began
> > long before the December 2003 memo, in one of the most
> > fashionable and exclusive streets in Chelsea. No 149
> > Old Church Street, a £20 million mansion, is the home
> > of Ely Calil, a Nigerian-born millionaire middleman
> > from a Lebanese family.
> >
> > Almost exactly a year before FCO mandarins were
> > receiving reports of a potential coup, a meeting was
> > taken place in Calil's London home that would help set
> > in train the remarkable chain of events that would
> > ultimately lead to the arrest of Thatcher.
> >
> > Mann had returned from a business trip in Gabon. He
> > had come to Calil's attention not for his upper-class
> > life but for his buccaneering days as a mercenary in
> > Africa. He had help to create Executive Outcomes,
> > which had operated in the bloody civil wars in Angola
> > and Sierra Leone.
> >
> > Calil persuaded Mann to travel to Madrid in February
> > and meet Severo Moto, the exiled opposition leader of
> > Equatorial Guinea. Mann was impressed and agreed to
> > provide military assistance to Moto as part of a
> > planned coup to overthrow Obiang. He then set out to
> > put together a team of backers who would profit from
> > lucrative oil concessions if the coup was successful.
> >
> > According to a list of alleged backers, London
> > businessman Greg Wales, London-based property dealer
> > Gary Hersham - a former business partner of Calil's -
> > and a South Africa-based British businessman David
> > Tremain all invested in the coup. Each is alleged to
> > have raised $500,000. Tremain is alleged to have been
> > 'fronting' for a syndicate of South African and other
> > minor invest- ors. All four deny involvement.
> >
> > The list of alleged British financiers might not stop
> > there. Bank details of Mann's Guernsey firm, Logo
> > Logistics, reveal that a JH Archer made a payment of
> > £80,000 into his account in the days before the failed
> > coup attempt. This is widely believed to be disgraced
> > Conservative peer Jeffrey Archer, a friend and
> > financial adviser of Calil's. Archer has denied any
> > knowledge of the coup, but has so far failed to deny
> > that the money came from him.
> >
> > Straw has told parliament that the FCO did investigate
> > if there were any British companies involved in the
> > plot after receiving confidential reports, but failed
> > to find any evidence. The Equatorial Guinean
> > government is not satisfied with this answer. They
> > point out that the plot was largely planned and
> > financed in Britain.
> >
> > While no firms registered in the UK have been directly
> > implicated, firms in offshore territories such as the
> > British Virgin Islands and Guernsey have. Most were
> > run by British citizens or financiers linked to
> > London.
> >
> > Although Smith's reports made no direct mention of
> > Mann, sources close to the plot have claimed that
> > South African intelligence were aware of the former
> > SAS officer's involvement by January. The small band
> > of mercenaries which run operations like Mann's are
> > well-known to the authorities and rumours of covert
> > military plans normally spread like wildfire.
> >
> > By February the plot was an open secret in London. It
> > was certainly talked about at an event at the Royal
> > Institute for International Affair, organised to
> > discuss 'revenue transparency in Equatorial Guinea'.
> > It is alleged that at one stage an executive from an
> > oil company operating in the region actually stood up
> > and said: 'Everyone knows there's going to be a coup
> > led by South African mercenaries.' A witness also
> > claims that the names of Calil and Moto were linked to
> > the plot.
> >
> > As England cricketers have been quick to realise,
> > Zimbabwe's president Robert Mugabe seizes on any
> > opportunity to attack his country's former colonial
> > power. Certainly when his officers captured Mann's
> > group of mercenaries and military equipment in Harare,
> > he was quick to tell the world that he believed
> > Britain, the US and Spain had been plotting a coup in
> > the oil-rich West African state.
> >
> > The suggestion was that it was an attempt to gain
> > control over Equatorial Guinea's new-found oil wealth,
> > which has turned the small country into Africa's
> > third-biggest producer.
> >
> > These allegations were strongly denied by the Western
> > governments. But, as more information comes to light,
> > it appears that while there is no evidence to show
> > involvement in the coup, there was no attempt to
> > prevent it either. Obiang is viewed as a corrupt
> > dictator whose human rights record is appalling.
> >
> > Alex Yearsley, of human rights group Global Witness,
> > said: 'This appears to have all the hallmarks of
> > resource colonialism, with major powers desperate to
> > get a stranglehold of the area's strategic resources.
> > In this part of the world, oil has taken over from
> > diamonds as the source of conflict.
> >
> > It is clear that Britain, the US and Spain knew far
> > more about the coup than they have let on.'
> >
> >
> >
> >
> >
> >
> >
> > ______________________________________________
> > Renovamos el Correo Yahoo!: ¡100 MB GRATIS!
> > Nuevos servicios, más seguridad
> > http://correo.yahoo.es

Caros:

  É bom saber que existe um espaço em que possamos "conversar" sobre
as coisas que queremos muito.Descobri, por acaso, este espaço numa
navegação sem rumo... é bom saber que STP aproxima um mar de gentes.
  Vale mais tarde que nunca. Vive e trabalhei cerca de 2 anos em STP,
como cooperante na área do ensino e formação de professores. VOltei
em Março passado para...saudade das gentes, do mar, da terra. Estou a
investigar na área dos estudos africanos, mais propriamente sobre uma
temática envolvendo STP, na área da educação, ensino e cultura.
  Beijos e abraços

   António Martelo

 




 









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Tenes razon Xavi, mas eu nao me referia aos mercenarios em si, mas a
quem os teria enviado....Lol!!
flight high
manela

--- In saotome@..., Xavier Muñoz <xavier270962@y...>
wrote:
>
> Quando um fica frente a um tribunal de justiça justifica tudo o que
> pode justificar, especialmente quando os meios de comunicação estão
> presentes.
>
> Com certeza, um mercenário apenas tem um interês: o seo próprio;
> senão não seria um bom mercenário.
>
> Um abraço,
>
> Xavier
>
> --- In saotome@..., "carlosemanuela"
> <carlosemanuela@s...> wrote:
> >
> > Ola a todos,a unica coisa que achei estranho neste documento foi
> este
> > parte...Vejam la ..mercenarios sul africanos. forcas especiais da
> era
> > phartaid preocupados com aquele presidente (Teodoro Obiang) ter
> > enriquecido com o petroleo deixando o seu povo morrer a fome...é
> por
> > isso que estavam a preparar o "assalto"....pelo povo!!!
> >
> >
> > According to the document, serious trouble was brewing
> > in the tiny oil-rich nation. Mercenaries with links to
> > the South African 32 Buffalo Battalion - an
> > apartheid-era special forces outfit - were preparing
> > for a military operation to oust the country's
> > dictator President Teodoro Obiang, who had enriched
> > himself with oil wealth while letting his people
> > starve.
> >
> >
> >
> >
> > --- In saotome@..., Xavier Muñoz
<xavier270962@y...>
> > wrote:
> > > Article in Guardian - UK Sunday November 28, 2004
> > >
> > > How much did Straw know and when did he know it?
> > >
> > > The Foreign Secretary has to explain why he apparently
> > > did nothing when London was told of the alleged coup
> > > plot in Equatorial Guinea
> > >
> > > Antony Barnett, Martin Bright and Patrick Smith in
> > > Malabo
> > >
> > > The Observer
> > >
> > > Just before last Christmas, a cable was passed to
> > > British intelligence marked 'strictly confidential'.
> > > On its front page was a map of a tiny West African
> > > country, its name - Equitorial Guinea - in giant
> > > letters, its offshore island capital, Malabo, given
> > > similar emphasis.
> > > The 11-page report on one of the most obscure nations
> > > on Earth and its neighbour, Sao Tomé and Principé, was
> > > believed to have been followed by a second detailed
> > > report which was directed to the FCO's small but
> > > expert Equatorial Africa department. The two documents
> > > told an incredible story of an illegal military
> > > operation in the gulf of Guinea involving South
> > > African mercenaries and smuggled arms on ships
> > > disguised as trawlers.
> > >
> > > With minds further up the government food chain
> > > concentrating on the growing insurgency in Iraq, it
> > > was perhaps easy for officials to overlook rumours of
> > > yet another coup in yet another central African
> > > dictatorship. No one could have predicted how
> > > explosive that report would prove to be.
> > >
> > > According to the document, serious trouble was brewing
> > > in the tiny oil-rich nation. Mercenaries with links to
> > > the South African 32 Buffalo Battalion - an
> > > apartheid-era special forces outfit - were preparing
> > > for a military operation to oust the country's
> > > dictator President Teodoro Obiang, who had enriched
> > > himself with oil wealth while letting his people
> > > starve.
> > >
> > > FCO analysts were well used to rumours of putsches and
> > > coups in this most corrupt and dangerous part of the
> > > world. Vast discoveries of oil in the Gulf of Guinea
> > > had turned this region into a potential treasure
> > > trove, with countries and companies battling to wield
> > > influence over who controlled access.
> > >
> > > A year on, the story of the plot to overthrow Obiang
> > > continues to cause shockwaves as a growing band of
> > > high-profile Britons have been dragged into the
> > > scandal. The military operation was allegedly
> > > masterminded by old Etonian and former British SAS
> > > officer Simon Mann, and funded, in part, by Sir Mark
> > > Thatcher, son of the former Prime Minister. Now the
> > > spotlight is on Foreign Secretary Jack Straw, who is
> > > under mounting pressure to reveal exactly what he knew
> > > about the coup, when he knew it and - most
> > > significantly - why he did not warn the government of
> > > Equatorial Guinea. Charges that Britain knew in
> > > advance of the plot and failed to warn Obiang's
> > > government could not be graver. They suggest that
> > > Britain could have acted in contravention of
> > > international law; that the government may have
> > > provided misleading information about its knowledge;
> > > and that Western governments might be turning a blind
> > > eye to efforts by some to intervene in the affairs of
> > > nation states for commercial gain.
> > >
> > > The top secret report received by the Foreign Office
> > > turned out to be highly prophetic. It outlined a plot
> > > that read like something out of Frederick Forsyth,
> > > whose novel The Dogs of War was set in Equatorial
> > > Guinea. When the hapless plotters were arrested in
> > > March on the runway of Zimbabwe's Harare airport, the
> > > allegations against them were precisely those outlined
> > > in the documents seen by the FCO. A second report,
> > > sent to MI6 in January, was even more specific, naming
> > > Equatorial Guinea as the prime target and telling the
> > > Foreign Office it was set for March.
> > >
> > > The documents were written by a character every bit as
> > > exotic as Forsyth's hard-bitten soldiers of fortune.
> > > Johann Smith, himself a former South African special
> > > forces soldier, is an internationally renowned
> > > security analyst. He has a fearsome reputation and a
> > > marked limp from a combat wound in Angola. Crucially,
> > > he has been an occasional adviser to Obiang, the very
> > > man the coup was intended to unseat.
> > >
> > > In a statement by Smith given to lawyers representing
> > > the government of Equatorial Guinea - and seen by The
> > > Observer - he says he began hearing rumours of a coup
> > > in both Equatorial Guinea and Sao Tomé in November
> > > 2003 from two ex-soldiers of the 32 Buffalo Battalion
> > > who told him they had been recruited for a coup in by
> > > Nick du Toit, the South African arms dealer who on
> > > Friday was sentenced by the Equatorial Guinean
> > > authorities to 34 years in prison for his part in the
> > > plot.
> > >
> > > Smith states he felt it was his 'duty' to inform the
> > > British and American authorities of the coup plans
> > > when he found out about them to prevent bloodshed.
> > >
> > > 'Because I was continuing to work in Equatorial Guinea
> > > with government, it was not in my interest that there
> > > be a coup d'etat ,' he said. 'I therefore wanted to
> > > warn the Equatorial Guinea authorities. I also
> > > considered it my duty to war the authorities in US and
> > > England because some of their nationals might be
> > > killed. I submitted a report in December 2003 of what
> > > I had discovered to Michael Westphal of the Pentagon
> > > [in Donald Rumsfeld's department]. I expected the US
> > > government to take steps to warn Equatorial Guinea or
> > > to stop the coup. This was also my expectation as
> > > regard the British government, which I warned through
> > > two SIS [Secret Intelligence Service or MI6] people I
> > > knew, and to whom I sent the report by email, also in
> > > December 2003, to their personal email addresses.'
> > >
> > > When Smith began to get more intelligence of the plot
> > > in January from his former military colleagues who
> > > were working for Du Toit's South African firm, he sent
> > > another report to the Pentagon and SIS.
> > >
> > > 'After preparing and sending my December report I
> > > received further information,' said Smith. 'I put this
> > > in a second report, which I sent by email to the same
> > > people as the first one: Michael Westphal of the US
> > > and to British SIS contacts'.
> > >
> > > It seems inconceivable that this information was not
> > > the confidential material Straw finally admitted
> > > receiving in 'late January' when he was forced to
> > > answer a parliamentary question on 9 November from
> > > shadow foreign secretary Michael Ancram. Until earlier
> > > this month, the Foreign Office stuck to its line that
> > > it knew nothing of the plot until officials and
> > > ministers read about it in the newspapers after Mann's
> > > group of mercenaries had been arrested.
> > >
> > > Those same officials, and Straw himself, have now been
> > > forced to apologise to The Observer after
> > > categorically denying they had prior knowledge of the
> > > plot. Smith's statement now suggests they may have had
> > > information as earlier as December 2003.
> > >
> > > His December report named several major players
> > > arrested in March and now on trial for their
> > > involvement in the failed putsch. Smith pointed out
> > > the group had hired two trawlers to operate off the
> > > west African coast, despite the fact that all but one
> > > member of the group had no seagoing or fishing
> > > experience.
> > >
> > > The report concluded that the commercial fishing
> > > operation was a front for the movement of men and arms
> > > for a coup. Tellingly, the report also mentioned the
> > > group's connections with the Equitorial Guinea
> > > opposition leader Severo Moto and warned that any
> > > operation would pose a threat to stability in the
> > > region.
> > >
> > > The report concluded that the trawlers had been
> > > deployed 'to present a legitimate front for planned
> > > militants action against the Governments of STP [Sao
> > > Tomé and Principé] and EG [Equatorial Guinea].' By
> > > January, plans for military action were much further
> > > advanced. The second report predicted simultaneous
> > > attacks on the two states and warned these were
> > > planned for 'mid-March 2004'.
> > >
> > > It should therefore have come as no surprise to the
> > > FCO when a group of mainly South African mercenaries
> > > were arrested in Zimbabwe en route for Equatorial
> > > Guinea, swiftly followed by the seizure of a further
> > > group with Buffalo Battalion connections in the West
> > > African country itself.
> > >
> > > Documents seen by The Observer reveal, for the first
> > > time, the full extent of UK government knowledge of
> > > the coup. By the end of January, the Foreign Office
> > > was being told: 'According to the latest planning,
> > > Carlos Cardoso [ex-South African special forces
> > > soldier] would, on his return, recruit a total of 75
> > > ex-SADF [South African Defence Force] members, mainly
> > > from within the former 32 Bn's [battallions] and
> > > Special Forces ranks to launch simultaneous actions in
> > > STP and EG. These actions are planned to take place in
> > > mid-March 2004.'
> > >
> > > In Smith's final remark, highlighted and underlined,
> > > he does not mince his words: 'Knowing the individuals
> > > as well as I do, this timeline is very realistic and
> > > will provide for ample time to plan, mobilise, equip
> > > and deploy the force.' For the Foreign Office, the
> > > warning could not have been clearer or more accurate.
> > >
> > > Discussions in London about the plot in fact began
> > > long before the December 2003 memo, in one of the most
> > > fashionable and exclusive streets in Chelsea. No 149
> > > Old Church Street, a £20 million mansion, is the home
> > > of Ely Calil, a Nigerian-born millionaire middleman
> > > from a Lebanese family.
> > >
> > > Almost exactly a year before FCO mandarins were
> > > receiving reports of a potential coup, a meeting was
> > > taken place in Calil's London home that would help set
> > > in train the remarkable chain of events that would
> > > ultimately lead to the arrest of Thatcher.
> > >
> > > Mann had returned from a business trip in Gabon. He
> > > had come to Calil's attention not for his upper-class
> > > life but for his buccaneering days as a mercenary in
> > > Africa. He had help to create Executive Outcomes,
> > > which had operated in the bloody civil wars in Angola
> > > and Sierra Leone.
> > >
> > > Calil persuaded Mann to travel to Madrid in February
> > > and meet Severo Moto, the exiled opposition leader of
> > > Equatorial Guinea. Mann was impressed and agreed to
> > > provide military assistance to Moto as part of a
> > > planned coup to overthrow Obiang. He then set out to
> > > put together a team of backers who would profit from
> > > lucrative oil concessions if the coup was successful.
> > >
> > > According to a list of alleged backers, London
> > > businessman Greg Wales, London-based property dealer
> > > Gary Hersham - a former business partner of Calil's -
> > > and a South Africa-based British businessman David
> > > Tremain all invested in the coup. Each is alleged to
> > > have raised $500,000. Tremain is alleged to have been
> > > 'fronting' for a syndicate of South African and other
> > > minor invest- ors. All four deny involvement.
> > >
> > > The list of alleged British financiers might not stop
> > > there. Bank details of Mann's Guernsey firm, Logo
> > > Logistics, reveal that a JH Archer made a payment of
> > > £80,000 into his account in the days before the failed
> > > coup attempt. This is widely believed to be disgraced
> > > Conservative peer Jeffrey Archer, a friend and
> > > financial adviser of Calil's. Archer has denied any
> > > knowledge of the coup, but has so far failed to deny
> > > that the money came from him.
> > >
> > > Straw has told parliament that the FCO did investigate
> > > if there were any British companies involved in the
> > > plot after receiving confidential reports, but failed
> > > to find any evidence. The Equatorial Guinean
> > > government is not satisfied with this answer. They
> > > point out that the plot was largely planned and
> > > financed in Britain.
> > >
> > > While no firms registered in the UK have been directly
> > > implicated, firms in offshore territories such as the
> > > British Virgin Islands and Guernsey have. Most were
> > > run by British citizens or financiers linked to
> > > London.
> > >
> > > Although Smith's reports made no direct mention of
> > > Mann, sources close to the plot have claimed that
> > > South African intelligence were aware of the former
> > > SAS officer's involvement by January. The small band
> > > of mercenaries which run operations like Mann's are
> > > well-known to the authorities and rumours of covert
> > > military plans normally spread like wildfire.
> > >
> > > By February the plot was an open secret in London. It
> > > was certainly talked about at an event at the Royal
> > > Institute for International Affair, organised to
> > > discuss 'revenue transparency in Equatorial Guinea'.
> > > It is alleged that at one stage an executive from an
> > > oil company operating in the region actually stood up
> > > and said: 'Everyone knows there's going to be a coup
> > > led by South African mercenaries.' A witness also
> > > claims that the names of Calil and Moto were linked to
> > > the plot.
> > >
> > > As England cricketers have been quick to realise,
> > > Zimbabwe's president Robert Mugabe seizes on any
> > > opportunity to attack his country's former colonial
> > > power. Certainly when his officers captured Mann's
> > > group of mercenaries and military equipment in Harare,
> > > he was quick to tell the world that he believed
> > > Britain, the US and Spain had been plotting a coup in
> > > the oil-rich West African state.
> > >
> > > The suggestion was that it was an attempt to gain
> > > control over Equatorial Guinea's new-found oil wealth,
> > > which has turned the small country into Africa's
> > > third-biggest producer.
> > >
> > > These allegations were strongly denied by the Western
> > > governments. But, as more information comes to light,
> > > it appears that while there is no evidence to show
> > > involvement in the coup, there was no attempt to
> > > prevent it either. Obiang is viewed as a corrupt
> > > dictator whose human rights record is appalling.
> > >
> > > Alex Yearsley, of human rights group Global Witness,
> > > said: 'This appears to have all the hallmarks of
> > > resource colonialism, with major powers desperate to
> > > get a stranglehold of the area's strategic resources.
> > > In this part of the world, oil has taken over from
> > > diamonds as the source of conflict.
> > >
> > > It is clear that Britain, the US and Spain knew far
> > > more about the coup than they have let on.'
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > > ______________________________________________
> > > Renovamos el Correo Yahoo!: ¡100 MB GRATIS!
> > > Nuevos servicios, más seguridad
> > > http://correo.yahoo.es

Ireland lifts internet scam call block order

Middle East Times

Nicosia, November 30, 2004

DUBLIN --  A block order on direct dial telephone
calls from Ireland to 13 countries introduced last
month to crack down on growing internet scams was
lifted on Tuesday by the country's communications
regulator.
     The move against the countries, most of them South
Pacific Islands, was brought in to tackle rogue
autodialler programs and modem hi-jacking that left
Irish internet users with high telephone call charges
to international destinations.
     The Commission for Communications Regulation
(ComReg) said what were exceptional measures were now
being revoked as service providers were in talks to
provide "a robust solution" which would ensure the
protection of consumers.
     "I am pleased with the discussions to date and the
progress that has been made at an industry level to
help deal with this issue," said ComReg chairman John
Doherty.
     Innocent victims of the frauds were being refunded
and there were "enhanced procedures and practices" to
deal with the fraudsters.
     "ComReg will also explore with other bodies how
the problem can be addressed on an international
basis," a statement said.
     ComReg had been contacted by hundreds of people
about high phone bills resulting from the scams.
     The amounts involved mainly ranged from †20 to
†2,000 ($27 to $2660) but one business incurred
charges of †12,000.
     Calls had been blocked to Norfolk Island, Sao Tome
and Principe, Cook Islands, Tokelau, Diego Garcia,
Wallis and Futuna, Nauru, Tuvalu, Comoros, Kiribati,
Solomon Islands, Mauritania and French Polynesia.




___________________________________________________________
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Olá a todos,

Segundo os autores do pequeno artigo 'O
redescobrimento das ilhas do Golfo da Guiné',
publicado na revista História, nº 74, de Novembro de
2004, págs. 48 a 51, navegantes da costa de Marrocos
já tinham encontrado as ilhas de S.Tomé e do Príncipe
quando, desde o século XIII desciam o Atlântico até à
actual República dos Camarões.

Prova desta afirmação, dizem os autores do artigo, é o
mapa Planisfério Catalão, datado de 1444, guardado na
Biblioteca Estense de Modène, Itália. Dele constam as
já citadas ilhas do Golfo da Guiné, bem como os seus
nomes árabes, nomeadamente Asben (S.Tomé), Sanan
(Príncipe) e Malicum (Fernão Pó, Bioko).


Um abraço

Gerhard



___________________________________________________________
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Olá António,

Em primeiro lugar, bem vindo ao Grupo.
Se precisar de informações ou dados temáticos específicos diga.
Também fiz pesquisa para o doutoramento sobre STP (e em STP), além
de ter "dado" formação a técnicos de acção social e colaborado
noutros projectos.

Um abraço,
Brígida


--- In saotome@..., "antonio_martelo"
<antonio_martelo@y...> wrote:
>
>
> Caros:
>
>   É bom saber que existe um espaço em que possamos "conversar"
sobre
> as coisas que queremos muito.Descobri, por acaso, este espaço numa
> navegação sem rumo... é bom saber que STP aproxima um mar de
gentes.
>   Vale mais tarde que nunca. Vive e trabalhei cerca de 2 anos em
STP,
> como cooperante na área do ensino e formação de professores.
VOltei
> em Março passado para...saudade das gentes, do mar, da terra.
Estou a
> investigar na área dos estudos africanos, mais propriamente sobre
uma
> temática envolvendo STP, na área da educação, ensino e cultura.
>   Beijos e abraços
>
>    António Martelo

Olá Gerhard

Obrigado por nos comunicar esta hipótese interessante. Na internet podem ler
sobre o mapa, e vê-lo, no seguinte site:
http://www.moleiro.com/infoplus.php?libro=MC&idioma=es (clicar em "ver
imagenes").

No texto que vem com o mapa são referidas as explorações portuguesas em Cabo
Verde de 1444. Suponho que tal se refere ao Cabo (continental) e não às
ilhas, que foram supostamente descobertas em 1460. Mas note-se também o
desenho de um navio numa zona que poderá corresponder, grosso modo, a Cabo
Verde. Aliás, se as ilhas STP foram alegadamente descobertas antes da data
geralmente assumida e por navegadores árabes, o descobrimento de CV em 1460
não deixa de ser pouco provável (embora CV esteja situado mais longe da
costa)? Outra dúvida é porque Pagalu (Ano Bom) não consta do planisfério
catalão...

Fui rapidamente ver se encontrava algo sobre esses nomes arábes. O artigo
faz alguma sugestão? Hoje "Asben" refere-se (provavelmente entre outras
coisas) a um grupo étnico tuareg no sul do Mali/Niger. "Sanan" refere-se,
entre outras coisas, a um grupo étnico de Burkina Faso, portanto também na
fronteira do Saará. Será, por hipótese "especulativíssima" e leiga, que o
autor do mapa representou certas etnias de que ouviu falar em "ilhas"?
Afinal é sabido que os planisférios antigos se baseavam muitas vezes em
informações secundárias...

Enfim, esta notícia dará, certamente, origem a discussão futura. Um abraço

Tjerk




> -----Mensagem original-----
> De: Gerhard Seibert [mailto:mailseibert@...]
> Enviada: sexta-feira, 3 de Dezembro de 2004 14:51
> Para: saotome@...
> Assunto: [São Tomé e Príncipe] Viajantes islâmicos descobriram STP muito
> antes dos portugueses
>
>
>
> Olá a todos,
>
> Segundo os autores do pequeno artigo 'O
> redescobrimento das ilhas do Golfo da Guiné',
> publicado na revista História, nº 74, de Novembro de
> 2004, págs. 48 a 51, navegantes da costa de Marrocos
> já tinham encontrado as ilhas de S.Tomé e do Príncipe
> quando, desde o século XIII desciam o Atlântico até à
> actual República dos Camarões.
>
> Prova desta afirmação, dizem os autores do artigo, é o
> mapa Planisfério Catalão, datado de 1444, guardado na
> Biblioteca Estense de Modène, Itália. Dele constam as
> já citadas ilhas do Golfo da Guiné, bem como os seus
> nomes árabes, nomeadamente Asben (S.Tomé), Sanan
> (Príncipe) e Malicum (Fernão Pó, Bioko).
>
>
> Um abraço
>
> Gerhard
>
>
>
> ___________________________________________________________
> Win a castle for NYE with your mates and Yahoo! Messenger
> http://uk.messenger.yahoo.com
>
>
> For more information: http://groups.yahoo.com/group/saotome
>
> Post message: saotome@yahoogroups.com
> Subscribe: saotome-subscribe@yahoogroups.com
> Unsubscribe: saotome-unsubscribe@yahoogroups.com
> List owner: saotome-owner@yahoogroups.com
>
> Review messages: http://groups.yahoo.com/group/saotome/messages
>
> Information about STP:
> http://personal.menta.net/antropogeo/home/africa/saotome/saotomehome.htm
>
> Yahoo! Groups Links
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>

Caros Tjerk e Gerhard,

É com certeza uma notícia interessantíssima e sorprendente também,
porquê ningué anteriormente percatou-se da referência nesse
mapamundi da Escola Catalã. Precisamente há uma cafeteria,
o "Aromas", não muito longe da editora do facsímil, e não muito
longe da minha casa, que tem numa dos seus muros uma edição facsímil
tamanho natural do mapamundi de referência.

Em qualquer caso, vou enviar as vossas contribuções a uma minha
colega geógrafa especializada em portulanos antigos, para fazer uma
análisis do detalhe das ilhas nesse mapamundi.

Um grande abraço,

Xavier

--- In saotome@..., "Tjerk Hagemeijer" <tjerk@n...>
wrote:
>
> Olá Gerhard
>
> Obrigado por nos comunicar esta hipótese interessante. Na internet
podem ler
> sobre o mapa, e vê-lo, no seguinte site:
> http://www.moleiro.com/infoplus.php?libro=MC&idioma=es (clicar
em "ver
> imagenes").
>
> No texto que vem com o mapa são referidas as explorações
portuguesas em Cabo
> Verde de 1444. Suponho que tal se refere ao Cabo (continental) e
não às
> ilhas, que foram supostamente descobertas em 1460. Mas note-se
também o
> desenho de um navio numa zona que poderá corresponder, grosso
modo, a Cabo
> Verde. Aliás, se as ilhas STP foram alegadamente descobertas antes
da data
> geralmente assumida e por navegadores árabes, o descobrimento de
CV em 1460
> não deixa de ser pouco provável (embora CV esteja situado mais
longe da
> costa)? Outra dúvida é porque Pagalu (Ano Bom) não consta do
planisfério
> catalão...
>
> Fui rapidamente ver se encontrava algo sobre esses nomes arábes. O
artigo
> faz alguma sugestão? Hoje "Asben" refere-se (provavelmente entre
outras
> coisas) a um grupo étnico tuareg no sul do Mali/Niger. "Sanan"
refere-se,
> entre outras coisas, a um grupo étnico de Burkina Faso, portanto
também na
> fronteira do Saará. Será, por hipótese "especulativíssima" e
leiga, que o
> autor do mapa representou certas etnias de que ouviu falar
em "ilhas"?
> Afinal é sabido que os planisférios antigos se baseavam muitas
vezes em
> informações secundárias...
>
> Enfim, esta notícia dará, certamente, origem a discussão futura.
Um abraço
>
> Tjerk
>
>
>
>
> > -----Mensagem original-----
> > De: Gerhard Seibert [mailto:mailseibert@y...]
> > Enviada: sexta-feira, 3 de Dezembro de 2004 14:51
> > Para: saotome@...
> > Assunto: [São Tomé e Príncipe] Viajantes islâmicos descobriram
STP muito
> > antes dos portugueses
> >
> >
> >
> > Olá a todos,
> >
> > Segundo os autores do pequeno artigo 'O
> > redescobrimento das ilhas do Golfo da Guiné',
> > publicado na revista História, nº 74, de Novembro de
> > 2004, págs. 48 a 51, navegantes da costa de Marrocos
> > já tinham encontrado as ilhas de S.Tomé e do Príncipe
> > quando, desde o século XIII desciam o Atlântico até à
> > actual República dos Camarões.
> >
> > Prova desta afirmação, dizem os autores do artigo, é o
> > mapa Planisfério Catalão, datado de 1444, guardado na
> > Biblioteca Estense de Modène, Itália. Dele constam as
> > já citadas ilhas do Golfo da Guiné, bem como os seus
> > nomes árabes, nomeadamente Asben (S.Tomé), Sanan
> > (Príncipe) e Malicum (Fernão Pó, Bioko).
> >
> >
> > Um abraço
> >
> > Gerhard
> >
> >
> >
> > ___________________________________________________________
> > Win a castle for NYE with your mates and Yahoo! Messenger
> > http://uk.messenger.yahoo.com
> >
> >
> > For more information: http://groups.yahoo.com/group/saotome
> >
> > Post message: saotome@yahoogroups.com
> > Subscribe: saotome-subscribe@yahoogroups.com
> > Unsubscribe: saotome-unsubscribe@yahoogroups.com
> > List owner: saotome-owner@yahoogroups.com
> >
> > Review messages: http://groups.yahoo.com/group/saotome/messages
> >
> > Information about STP:
> >
http://personal.menta.net/antropogeo/home/africa/saotome/saotomehome.
htm
> >
> > Yahoo! Groups Links
> >
> >
> >
> >
> >
> >
> >
> >

Article in AFP Thu Dec 2,12:11 PM ET

Taiwan funds anti-malaria drive in Sao Tome and
Principe


SAO TOME (AFP) - Sao Tome and Principe has launched a
campaign, funded by Taiwan, to eradicate mosquitoes
that carry malaria, which causes four in 10 deaths in
the archipelago state, officials said.

President Fradique de Menezes launched the drive
Wednesday at Santa Catarina, in the north of the
island of Sao Tome.

The drive involves spraying mosquitoes and larvae with
insecticide and is backed both financially and
logistically by Taiwan, where malaria was wiped out in
the 1960s.

An anti-malaria drive on the island of Principe
launched earlier this year has produced excellent
results, with no cases of malaria being reported by
the island's hospital since the campaign, the health
ministry said.

Taiwanese experts have said Sao Tome could wipe out
malaria within one year.

At present half the archipelago's 140,000 inhabitants
suffer attacks of malaria each year, according to the
health ministry.

Malaria is transmitted by a parasite carried by the
female anopheles gambiae mosquito.

Four kinds of malaria parasites can infect humans:
Plasmodium falciparum, P. vivax, P. ovale, and P.
malariae. Infection by any of the four can produce
severe illness, while plasmodium falciparum can result
in death if not promptly treated.

According to the World Health Organisation, the
incidence of malaria worldwide is estimated to be
between 300- and 500-million clinical cases each year,
about 90 percent of which occur in sub-Saharan Africa.


Malaria is thought to kill at least one million people
worldwide each year, most of them in Africa, WHO says.











______________________________________________
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Article à Angola Press Agency (Luanda)2 Décembre 2004

L'engagement du Ministère de l'Education dans la
création des instituts moyens techniques

Luanda

Le Minisdtère angolais de l'Education s'engagera à
partir de 2005, dans la création de 40 écoles
secondaires et technico-professionnelles, afin de
permettre aux jeunes d'avoir une profession moyenne le
permettant d'être admis dans le marché de l'emploi.

Cette information a été livrée mercredi, à Luanda, par
le ministre de l'Education, Antonio Burity da Silva,
aux participants au premier séminaire de formation sur
le dialogue politique dans le domaine de
l'Enseignement pour les pays lusophones (Palop) et
hispanique d'Afrique sub-saharienne ouvert depuis
lundi dans la capitale angolaise sous l'égide de
l'Association pour le Développemenmt de l'Education en
Afrique (Adea).

Burity da Silva a souligné que des instituts moyens
techniques dans tout le pays interviendra
simultanément avec la formation de cadres qui y
donneront cours, permettant ainsi l'inscription de
deux cents mille élèves dans le système
d'enseignement.

Il a ajouté que ce projet a pour objectif de former,
dans un court delai, des cadres de profession dans
divers secteurs du savoir qui pourront contribuer au
développement du pays.

Selon lui, les techniciens voulant travailler et
poursuivre leur formation dans ce secteur pourront
être admis dans des écoles de technologies
supérieures, que le Ministère de l'Education compte
prochainement créer dans tout le pays.

Le gouvernant angolais a, par ailleurs, indiqué que
ces écoles donneront aussi aux étudiants, dans trois
ans, la catégorie de licenciés, en les habilitant à
exercer leur profession technique.

Il a aussi souligné que dans ces instituts seront
dispensés les cours de mécanique, d'électricité,
d'ingénierie et d'autres qui pourront directement
intervenir dans le processus de développement du pays,
sans toutefois, déprécier les autres cours qui seront
administrés dans quatre ou cinq ans.

A son tour, le porte-parole de la rencontre, Francisco
Domingos, a dit que la session de mercredi a été
dominée par l'expérience angolaise dans le domaine de
l'organisation et réalisation de la consultation
publique nationale d'éducation pour tous, réalisée du
19 au 24 avril de cette année.

Au cours de cette réunion plusieurs questions y ont
été abordées, notamment celles liées aux prémisses de
l'évènement et de l'assistance technique apportée par
l'Organisation des Nations Unies pour l'Education, la
Science et la Culture (Unesco), à travers ses
instituts de statistique et international de plan
d'éducation, ainsi que du processus de mobilisation
qui a été effectué, de l'an 2000 à nos jours.

Le séminaire, qui se termine samedi, connaît la
participation des ministres de l'Education, des
directeurs du plan, responsables de la Communication
et des autorités chargéss d'élaborer et de mettre en
oeuvre des politiques éducatives en Angola, au
Cap-vert, en Guinée-Bissau, en Guinée-Equatoriale et à
Sao Tomé et Principe.

Les responsables chargés de la Banque Mondiale (BM),
de l'Union européenne et de la coopération portugaise,
institutions qui soutiennent le secteur de l'éducation
des pays d'Afrique sub-saharienne y prennent également
part.

Ce forum a pour but de renforcer les compétences en
matière de concertation, négociation et Communication
des Ministères de l'Education, favoriser l'échange
d'expérience, de connaissances dans le domaine du
dialogue politique, et promouvoir une étroite
collaboration entre les pays concernés.

L'Adea a été créée en 1988, pour encourager une
meilleure collaboration entre les Agences de
développement, et qui est devenue un partenaire des
Ministères de l'Education.

Elle se propose aussi de renforcer la capacité des
titulaires de ce portefeuille dans leur coopération
avec les donateurs et dans l'abordage des grands
problèmes du secteur.





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A nao perder, uma nova emissao de 25 episodios sobre gastronomia de
s.tome e principe e companhia, as sextas feiras por volta das 19:00
horas (hora gmt + 1)na RTP Internacional.
Hoje foi na roça da praia da nazare, muito interessante e engraçado,
receitas de culinaria local e relato de modo de vida, paisagens
etc... fiquei a saber que o cha de principe (planta de folhas
esguias) faz um optimo cha para beber, para fazer caldas e ali cozer
peixe, portanto como aromatico e tambem como sorte de elixir com o
qual se banham criancas e adultos!
Vejam o programa ke vale a pena!

Caro Gerhard, sempre atento, informaçao interessante, mas cá entre
nos..ainda bem que esses fulanos nao foram para ficar...senao em vez
de crianças descalças teriamos crianças cobertas dos pes a cabeça,
passo toda a expressao politica!

cumprimentos e obrigado

manuela


--- In saotome@..., Gerhard Seibert <mailseibert@y...>
wrote:
> Olá a todos,
>
> Segundo os autores do pequeno artigo 'O
> redescobrimento das ilhas do Golfo da Guiné',
> publicado na revista História, nº 74, de Novembro de
> 2004, págs. 48 a 51, navegantes da costa de Marrocos
> já tinham encontrado as ilhas de S.Tomé e do Príncipe
> quando, desde o século XIII desciam o Atlântico até à
> actual República dos Camarões.
>
> Prova desta afirmação, dizem os autores do artigo, é o
> mapa Planisfério Catalão, datado de 1444, guardado na
> Biblioteca Estense de Modène, Itália. Dele constam as
> já citadas ilhas do Golfo da Guiné, bem como os seus
> nomes árabes, nomeadamente Asben (S.Tomé), Sanan
> (Príncipe) e Malicum (Fernão Pó, Bioko).
>
>
> Um abraço
>
> Gerhard
>
>
>
> ___________________________________________________________
> Win a castle for NYE with your mates and Yahoo! Messenger
> http://uk.messenger.yahoo.com

Gerhard, ainda nao encontrei nada de jeito,  nao admira os viajantes
islamicos... ora veja...ESTAVAM "EM TODAS" ELES E A GUERRA SANTA.

EM 1400 OS MARROQUINOS JA ESTAVAM NA NIGERIA!

SOBRETUDO  Timour-Begque (o coxo) (Tamerlan para os franceses) que
fundou o segundo imperio turco-mongol, que era tambem... um imperio
islamico


FONTE: http://www.lemanlake.com/french/chronos_35.htm


1309. CRIACAO DA PRIMEIRA CARTA DE NAVEGAçÂO ( um aparte)

1351. Firuz Chah dirige le nord de l'Inde: 180'000 esclaves dans sa
ville, destruction de temples hindous.
1358. Élimination presque définitive des chrétiens nestoriens d'Asie
Centrale par Tamerlan
1374. Attaque de la nouvelle Arménie par les Mamelouks.
1375. Prise de Sis, capitale de Petite Arménie par les mamelouks
1380. Décapitation d'un groupe de chrétiens du Caire .
1381. Prise de Hérat par Tamerlan ; érection de pyramides de têtes
1383. Décapitation de Shams Adin Maki, écrivain, pour hérésie
1384. M. ben Makki poète et juriste chiite décapité à Damas.
1385. Fuite des Maï vers le sud, rois tchadiens, pour échapper à
l'invasion musulmane
1386. Invasion et pillage de la Géorgie par Tamerlan, destrructions
d'églises et monastères, 60 000 personnes déportées

- La cathédrale de Sveti-Tzkhoveli (Géorgie) est détruite
- La cathédrale de Rouissi (Géorgie) est détruite
1387. La population de Khvabi-Khevi (Géorgie) est brûlée dans
l'église
- La cathédrale de Mtskhetha (Géorgie) est démolie pierre par pierre
- Colonne de Ghtaeba à Ruisi (Géorgie) détruite par les musulmans
1388. Mort du shah Tughlak, grand destructeur de temples hindous
1392. Tamerlan massacre les hérétiques de la Mer Caspienne.
1395. Destruction de Malatya par Tamerlan
1396. La ville d'Astrakhan est rasée par Tamerlan
1398. Tamerlan attaque l'Inde, trop tolérante selon lui
- Prise de Delhi par Tamerlan ; trois jours de pillages
- Massacre par Tamerlan de 100 000 prisonniers indiens au cours du
sac de Delhi (en un jour?)
1399. Damas est pillée par Tamerlan
1400/ 1700. Prélèvement d'un cinquième des fils de familles de
l'aristocratie chrétienne en Grèce, Serbie, Bulgarie, Arménie et
Albanie, soit environ entre 8'000 et 12'000 personnes par an.
1400. Invasion et pillage de la Géorgie chrétienne par Tamerlan
- Les Marocains détruisent l'empire animiste des Gao au Niger
1401. Prise de Bagdad par Tamerlan
- Massacre de 90 000 habitants de Bagdad par Tamerlan ; érection de
120 pyramides de têtes.
1402. Destruction de l'église d'Abou N Numrus, remplacée par une
mosquée, en Egypte
1403. Nouvelle expédition de Tamerlan en Géorgie, massacres,
destruction de villes
1405. Tamerlan prépare l'invasion de la Chine.
1406. Le temple de Manvi est transformé en mosquée sur ordre de Firuz
Shah
1440. Invasion de la Géorgie par le Shah Djehan ; érection d'une tour
de 1664 têtes de soldats prisonniers.
1443. Destruction du monastère des 7 montagnes à Assyout par la foule.
1453. Prise de Constantinople ; trois jours de massacres et de
pillage ; foule égorgée dans Sainte Sophie
- L'église de Sainte Sophie de Constantinople est transformée en
mosquée
1460. L'église de Saint Théodore de Constantinople est transformée en
mosquée
1461. Prise et pillage de Trébizonde par les Ottomans.
1462. Construction de la mosquée de Malan par Mahmoud Shah du
Gujarat, suivant la destruction des temples et des idoles
1463. Destruction du monastère d'Al Maghtas en Egypte.
1464. Réaction anti musulmane dans l'empire Songhai jusqu'en 1492.
1468. Prise de Karaman en Anatolie par les Ottomans et destruction
des bâtiments religieux des infidèles.
1490. Dissolution autoritaire du monastère universitaire du
Stoudion ; dispersion des moines ; transformation en mosquée de
l'ensemble.
1492. Communauté juive de Touat au Maroc massacrée ; synagogues
détruites.
1493. Réislamisation brutale de l'empire Songhai par Askiya Mohammed.
1500. Décapitation d'un blasphémateur au Caire
- La viande de porc est interdite par les missionnaires musulmans sur
la côte du Sénégal
1520. Le sultanat d'Adal lance un djihad contre l'Ethiopie et ramasse
des milliers d'esclaves.
1522. Expulsion des chrétiens de la ville de Rhodes.
1523. Répression des hérétiques druzes par le gouverneur de Damas.
*1525. Selon les historiens, depuis l'an 1000, les Indiens ont perdu
80 millions d'habitants du fait de la conquête musulmane.
Sans aucun doute le plus grand génocide de tous les temps, qui ne
sera jamais égalé.
1527. Le Mollah Kabiz décapité à Constantinople pour avoir dit que
Jésus était supérieur à Mahomet. (35)
*1525. DE ACORDO COM OS HISTORIADORES, DESDE O ANO 1000 OS INDIANOS
PERDEMOS 80 MILHOES DE HABITANTES POR CAUSA DA CONQUISTA MUCULMANA





--- In saotome@..., Gerhard Seibert <mailseibert@y...>
wrote:
> Olá a todos,
>
> Segundo os autores do pequeno artigo 'O
> redescobrimento das ilhas do Golfo da Guiné',
> publicado na revista História, nº 74, de Novembro de
> 2004, págs. 48 a 51, navegantes da costa de Marrocos
> já tinham encontrado as ilhas de S.Tomé e do Príncipe
> quando, desde o século XIII desciam o Atlântico até à
> actual República dos Camarões.
>
> Prova desta afirmação, dizem os autores do artigo, é o
> mapa Planisfério Catalão, datado de 1444, guardado na
> Biblioteca Estense de Modène, Itália. Dele constam as
> já citadas ilhas do Golfo da Guiné, bem como os seus
> nomes árabes, nomeadamente Asben (S.Tomé), Sanan
> (Príncipe) e Malicum (Fernão Pó, Bioko).
>
>
> Um abraço
>
> Gerhard
>
>
>
> ___________________________________________________________
> Win a castle for NYE with your mates and Yahoo! Messenger
> http://uk.messenger.yahoo.com

EXCELENTISSIMOS MEMBROS DO CONSELHO SUPERIOR JUDICI�RIO
EXCELÊNCIA:
CARTA ABERTA DOS FUNCION�RIOS JUDICIAIS SOLICITANDO ANULAÇÃO DA DECISÃO DE
NOMEAR A SENHORA DRA ESPERANÇA SANTIAGO DA COSTA, COMO SECRET�RIA SUPERIOR
NÃO CUMPRINDO DIREITO CONSAGRADO NA LEI


Temos um facto na Procuradoria-geral da Republica, que pensamos ser
inadmissível porque não cumpriu as leis consagradas do Estado Santomense.
Foi clandestino a nomeação da senhora acima indicada para que outros
funcionários não soubessem do acontecido para reclamarem o seu direito
consagrado na lei. -
Artº. 29.º - Comunicação das vagas – o Secretário do Supremo Tribunal de
Justiça e funcionário que chefia as demais secretarias judiciais e serviço do
Ministério Público devem comunicar ao Conselho Superior Judiciário, nos cinco
dias subsequentes à sua verificação, a existência das vagas que ocorrerem
nos quadros dos respectivos serviços.
Artº. 30.º - Movimento dos funcionários de Justiça.
1.  O Ministro da Justiça realiza o movimento dos funcionários de justiça
para provimento nos lugares vagos e a vagar.
2.  O provimento em lugares do quadro da secretaria de qualquer Tribunal ou
serviços do Ministério Público é efectuado mediante requerimento dirigido ao
Ministério da justiça e apresentado no Conselho Superior Judiciário, para
informação sobre o cadastro profissional e disciplinar do concorrente e
remeter ao Ministério da Justiça, no prazo máximo de 15 dias a contar da
aposentação
CAPITULO IV – DISPOSIÇÕES GERAIS – ARTº. 22.º - Funcionários de
justiça.
1.  São funcionários de justiça os indivíduos providos em lugares dos
quadros de pessoal das secretarias judiciais e dos serviços do Ministério
Público e Conselho Superior Judiciário.

A infracção começa assim:
Mandou fazer um contrato de prestação de serviços para Responsável
Administrativo e Financeiro e não concordaram por não existir lugar no
estatuto do funcionário público a quadro com essa denominação.
Depois mandou fazer outra proposta para nomeação como Directora de
Administração e Finanças também não concordaram pela Direcção do
Orçamento por não existir aquela vaga no orçamento.
Clandestinamente uma proposta só para dar dinheiro a querida funcionária Dr.ª
Esperança Santiago da Costa, Licenciada em Economia, uma nomeação
urgentíssima podia solicitar o Tribunal de Contas se é legal ou não,
(amiguismo) o lugar de carreira que vem estipulado com as suas normas legais.
O quê de processamento conhece a recém nomeada relacionada com o cargo de
Secretário Superior? Movimentação dos processos e efectuação do respectivo
registo e expediente? Por termos nos autos? Etc. etc.etc.
A administração pública tem as suas regras e devem ser cumpridas. O que será
de nós se na casa da legalidade cometem ilegalidades?
Nós queremos concurso público, dos funcionários judiciais tais como Tribunais
e Serviços do Ministério Publico para ocupação da referida vaga conforme
esta estipulada na lei.
Mas propor a um pedido especial para que a Dr.ª Esperança Santiago da Costa
participe no concurso de escrivão adjunto.
CAPITULO VI – CURSOS E CONCURSOS – Artº 147.º Do Decreto-Lei n.º89/96.
1.º Os concursos são constituídos por provas destinadas a aquilatar dos
conhecimentos técnicos dos funcionários e proceder a sua graduação para
progressão na carreira.
2.º Os cursos são constituídos por acções de formação de menor ou maior
duração a ministrar aos funcionários judiciais conhecimentos técnicos
relacionados com função judicial e tendentes a obter a sua especialização.
Os cursos terão uma própria final de auferimento dos conhecimentos adquiridos,
fazendo-se e respectiva graduação de aproveitamento. A Dr.ª Esperança
Santiago da Costa nunca participou.
Pretendeu criar uma direcção de Administração e Finanças, só para
satisfazer uma pessoa porque possam programar para o ano de 2005 e criar o lugar
pretendido.
Por razões não do nosso conhecimento nomeou a senhora Dr.ª Esperança da
Costa para um lugar que ela não percebe patavina nenhuma, só para receber
salário.
Aonde está a postura do Senhor Procurador-geral de negar a referida nomeação?
Não sabe se é ou não ilegal. Não poderia pedir apoio as outras entidades?
Porquê que utiliza má fé com os desgraçados funcionários do Ministério
Publico?
O senhor Procurador-geral esta é a hora da verdade uns directos outros
indirectos, dão mão para acabar com má fé.
CAPITULO VII – Artº 41.º - carreira de funcionário judicial
1.  - A carreira dos funcionários judiciais tem a seguinte progressão:
1.º - Escrivão – Ajudante
2.º - Escrivão de Direito
3.º - Secretário Judicial
4.º - Secretário-adjunto do Juiz conselheiro;
5.º Secretário do Supremo
2. – As categorias de secretário superior, secretário adjunto, secretário
judicial, escrivão de direito, correspondem a lugares de chefia.
2 – O recrutamento dos funcionários da justiça processa-se, de preferência,
entre os ajudantes auxiliares de justiça, tendo em conta o mérito profissional
e a antiguidade da respectiva.

Aqui está uma infracção por negligência de Sua Excelência o
Procurador-geral da republica, de ter indigitado pessoa para ocupar um cargo de
carreira, mesmo por um certo tempo como ele vem dizendo deve cumprir o
consagrado na legislação em vigor, porque com essa tomada de decisão
prejudica demais os funcionários de carreira e os auxiliares de justiça, a lei
foi feita para cumprir, assim não teremos norteador para seguirmos ainda mais
quando é o senhor Procurador-geral da Republica o defensor da legalidade comete
a ilegalidade.
O senhor Procurador-geral da Republica é autoritária não respeita os outros,
muito mais os inferiores, faz o que acha por bem, mas a sorte esta ao seu lado,
porque os filhos rejeitados são maus herdeiros.
Defende sempre os seus mais chegados e faz da lei a sua residência.
Pedimos aos membros do Conselho Superior Judiciário para solicitar o despacho
final que recaiu no Processo da nossa infeliz funcionaria Ateriana d’Abreu
encontra fora por decisão ilegal do Senhor Procurador-geral da Republica Drº
Adelino Amado Pereira, por má fé e desumano. Assim como a nossa triste Arlinda
Leal Lopes, empregada de limpeza que o poderoso deu um pontapé e mandou para
casa.
Uma outra ilegalidade é ter mandado o senhor Ernesto do Espírito Santo Silva,
ir a casa duma forma terrível só por não ser seu amigo nunca foi atestado a
capacidade do mesmo baseou de ser político o que será da nossa vida com o
mandão da casa.
Não assinamos esta carta porque podemos correr riscos de represálias só isso
que fizemos sabemos perfeitamente que estamos todos fora do serviço com
indemnização quando for solicitado pela entidade e se não acontecer porque a
lei não lhe dá o direito mas não teremos mais qualquer regalias.
É uma realidade. Vossas Excelências poderão solicitar a Direcção do
Orçamento, Tesouro e Património e a esta Procuradoria as movimentações da
nomeação.
Outro assunto o senhor Drº. Adelino Pereira, deu destino impróprio do … dos
tribunais que foi entregue pelo Supremo Tribunal de Justiça para compra de
materiais de serviços, ele entregou algum valor para senhora Dr.ª Esperança
Costa, como comparticipação emolumentar, enquanto regra de emolumentos. 1.º
ela Dr.ª Esperança da Costa não tem nomeação alguma.
Tem nomeação fantoche através. Isso é sabotagem, desvio do bem esta ma
gestão e corrupção. Tudo isto existe documentos comprovativos.
Em São Tomé, 29 de Setembro de 2004.


Com conhecimentos:
Presidência da Republica
Presidente da Assembleia
Primeiro Ministro
Presidente de Tribunal de Contas
Lideres parlamentares
Ministra da Justiça
Ministro de Trabalho
Sindicato da Função Pública
Partidos Políticos
Direcção do Orçamento
Direcção de Tesouro e Património
E demais entidades

__________________________________________________________________
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Olá a todos
eu sou de portugal e como tal tenho um carinho especial por SÂO TOMÉ!

Sou colecionador de moedas e considero-as um meio de mostrar a culura
de um país, por isso pretendo efectuar trocas com todos as amigos com
o mesmo interesse, ou simplemente pela curiosidade.
Eu tenho moedas portuguesas em Escudos, desde 1927 e algumas mais
antigas e do Brasil desde 1947.
Procuro, naturalmente, moedas das antigas colónias Portuguesas ou
moedas actuais dos países Lusófonso Independentes.
estou interessado nas moedas em DOBRAS,ou dos paises vizinhos e
ofereço em troca moedas de Euros ou Escudos.

caso alguém me possa ajudar, agradeço desde já a disponibilidade.

P.S. Fico agradavelmente surpreendido, pelo volume e qualidade na
informação, sobre este pequeno país que este gupo apresenta!
Um Abraço Lusófono
José oliveira

Article in The Guardian Saturday December 4, 2004


Interview

The best bar none

Todd Stitzer, chief executive of Cadbury Schweppes

Nils Pratley

So why do you think your company has just been voted
Britain's most admired? This question, you might
think, must surely be addressed to Lord Browne of BP,
or perhaps Sir Terry Leahy of Tesco. Maybe even JP
Garnier of GlaxoSmithKline, or the bosses of Diageo,
Vodafone or Royal Bank of Scotland, all British
international success stories over the past decade.
Wrong on all counts. It's Todd Stitzer, the American
former lawyer running Cadbury Schweppes, home of Dairy
Milk, Rose's and that peculiar Dr Pepper fizzy drink
that goes down well in America.

Stitzer's personal profile, even after 18 months as
chief executive, cannot be said to be high, so the
accolade this week for Cadbury, in Management Today
magazine's annual "most admired" survey, deserves
further examination. After all, the voters were each
company's competitors so Cadbury must be doing
something right.

Stitzer points immediately to the company's
progressive Quaker origins, which have mutated over
the years to a modern commitment to "motivating,
developing and rewarding" employees for superior
performance and "making a difference" in the
communities in which it operates.

That may sound like empty corporate babble, but
Stitzer, in his earnest American manner, argues it
translates to something real. "What is unique about
Cadbury Schweppes is that it was founded on a certain
set of principles and has acted consistently with
those values ever since," he says.

"Not only do people strive towards those values, but
they also believe the business can perform in a
business sense at an extremely high level. It's the
balance between high business performance and high
stewardship. Cadbury Schweppes doesn't feel like a
faceless, commercial, political bureaucracy or
machine. It feels like people actually care about
people in the company and community, but in the
context of pretty intense global competition."

Stitzer can trot out plenty of evidence. Some 1,800 of
Cadbury's 7,000 employees in Britain are given time
off to volunteer for community projects; similar
programmes run in America. In Brazil, the company
funds an after-school sports programme for children
and their mothers.

All this, he says, is reflected in his own upbringing
in the north east of the US - his father worked for
the YMCA and his mother was a nurse. Even so, he
became a mergers and acquisitions lawyer in New York
before jumping at the chance to join Cadbury as a
general counsel in the US. That was 21 years ago. Via
spells in marketing, strategy and development, he
reached the main board in 2000 and was the surprise
choice last year to succeed John Sunderland as chief
executive.

In practical management terms, the socially
responsible goals mean that divisional heads must
report monthly and directly to Stitzer on progress.
There is also a Cadbury department dedicated to
examining the practices of suppliers for potential
human rights abuses, although it does not mean the
company is applauded by everybody. Friends of the
Earth protested at this year's annual meeting about
the role in rainforest destruction of palm oil
plantations, a source of vegetable fat used as a
preservative in many Cadbury products.

Even so, by the standards of most multinationals
(think Shell, BAE or Rio Tinto), Cadbury's meetings
tend to be tame affairs. For the record, the company's
response was that it deals only with eco-conscious
suppliers. Just as, in the late 1800s, it in effect
founded the cocoa industry in Ghana so that it would
not have to buy supplies from Sao Tome, an island off
the coast of Gabon where slavery was rife.

The other part of Cadbury history that everybody knows
is that the company was founded partly to offer tea,
coffee, cocoa and chocolate as an alternative to
alcohol. John Cadbury was a supporter of the
Temperance Society and viewed liquor as a major social
ill. How galling, then, for modern Cadbury to find
itself portrayed as a peddler of the products behind a
21st century social ill - obesity.

This was also the area of one of the great marketing
cock-ups of recent times, albeit one that came with
government support. Cadbury's Get Active campaign last
year encouraged children to collect chocolate wrappers
to acquire "free" sports equipment for their schools.
One calculation showed that a 10-year-old eating
enough chocolate to earn a basketball would need to
play the sport for 90 hours to burn off the calories
consumed. "In retrospect, would it have been better to
have a different mechanism for getting the equipment?
Yes," says Stitzer. "We think the principles behind it
were spot-on and we still believe so. We felt we were
in a righteous place, but we understood the reaction
to that executional element and we changed it."

Cadbury's view is that lack of physical activity,
rather than excessive consumption of chocolate, is the
primary cause of rising levels of obesity.
"Confectionery has been part of people's diet for a
long time. One could argue that people actually
understand the role of confectionery in diet because,
over the past 20 to 30 years, the growth of
consumption is largely flat."

"In the UK, confectionery is about 2% of any normal
person's diet. Consumers get that confectionery is
something that is a small treat, or an indulgence, to
be consumed in a balanced quantity. We are very
interested in working with governments, with NGOs, to
help to devise an approach to educating consumers
about the energyin, energy-out equation," says
Stitzer.

Simplistic

However, the traffic light labels devised by the Food
Standards Agency to help consumers to choose healthy
food is not to the taste of the food and drink
industry, Cadbury included. The industry lobby argues
that traffic lights are too simplistic and will
demonise some foods.

Chocolate, one assumes, is virtually guaranteed a red
light. After all, as Stitzer himself says, "the
definition of chocolate requires that it contain a
certain amount of fat." Cadbury is looking for
substitutes, but there aren't any available yet - it
is not like offering low-carb, low-sugar versions of
carbonated drinks.

Amid this talk of ethical trading and corporate
values, one shouldn't forget that Cadbury is still
primarily owned by the usual City institutions, whose
first interest is shareholder returns. The Cadbury
family's stake is now so small that nobody has counted
it properly recently (it's probably 1% or less) and no
Cadburys are left in senior positions.

On the profit front, it's steady as she goes. Last
year saw a lot of cost-cutting and this year's wet
summer in Europe did not help drinks sales. Full-year
profits should still be "within our goal ranges but
toward the lower end", said the company in September -
the City's guess is about £635m.

The good news is that the integration of US chewing
gum business Adams, bought last year for $4.2bn
(£2.2bn), appears to have gone well. Cadbury is now
neck and neck with Mars to be the world's number one
confectionery business. In drinks, it has a solid lock
on the number three position and seems, after the 1995
takeover of Dr Pepper/Seven Up and Snapple in 2000, to
have found a way of competing effectively against
Coca-Cola and Pepsico.

The era of big acquisitions appears to be over. The
game now is about organic growth, driving down costs
and pushing the brands further into markets such as
China, Russia and India but can flying the flag for
the Quaker inheritance sometimes seem like a cost,
rather than a benefit ...

"I don't think so," says Stitzer. "I think it's
quantitively true that companies who have this kind of
profile actually deliver better value over time than
companies that don't. I don't believe it puts us at a
competitive disadvantage." If that's true, it's
encouraging. And, after a couple of hundred years in
business, Cadbury can claim to know what it is talking
about.

The CV

Born March 10 1952

Education Springfield College and Harvard University

Career - 1978 associate attorney at New York law firm
of Lord, Day & Lord
1983 joins Cadbury Schweppes North America as
assistant general counsel
1988 general counsel to worldwide beverages business
1991 group development director
1995 chief operating office, Cadbury Beverages, North
America.
1997 chief executive, Dr Pepper/Seven Up
2000 joins main Cadbury Schweppes board as chief
strategy officer
2002 deputy chief executive.
2003 chief executive

Family married; one son, one daughter

Interests tennis (former club professional),
collecting antiques




______________________________________________
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Artículo en Diario de Avisos, Santa Cruz,Canarias, 10/11/2004

Cobega invertirá 27 millones de euros en Canarias en los próximos
cinco años

La semana pasada, el presidente del Gobierno de Canarias, Adán
Martín, visitó las instalaciones de la planta embotelladora de
Cobega en Tacoronte, donde se fabrican productos de las marcas Coca-
Cola, Fanta, Nestea,Sprite y Aquarius, entre otros.

La compañía recordó que en los últimos años ha invertido 25 millones
en adecuar sus instalaciones y anunció que empleará otros 27
millones en el próximo lustro

Diario de Avisos
Santa Cruz

Alfonso Líbano Daurella y Mario Rotllant, dos de los consejeros
delegados de Cobega, el director general de la compañía, José Luis
Cayón, que estuvo acompañado de los directivos de las áreas de
comercial, Francesc Cosano; industrial, Enrique García; márketing,
Ferrán Martín y regional, Francisco Pérez; que acompañaron al jefe
del Ejecutivo regional en su recorrido para conocer los aspectos
técnicos de los grupos embotelladores en los que Cobega invierte
para ofrecer la máxima calidad en sus productos.

La compañía recordó que en los últimos años ha invertido 25 millones
en adecuar sus instalaciones y anunció que empleará otros 27
millones en el próximo lustro.

También, destacaron el arraigo que tiene la marca Coca-Cola en las
Islas, ya que fue la primera región española en la que se ofreció la
tradicional bebida refrescante. En 1927 la familia Olsen y
posteriormente la familia Calvet, crearon la primera empresa, en la
que con posterioridad se han mantenido, dentro de Cobega. En la
actualidad, la firma tiene delegaciones comerciales en las siete
Islas y una segunda planta embotelladora en el municipio de Ingenio
(Gran Canaria).

Hoy, Cobega es una marca con presencia internacional, al igual que
la propia Coca-Cola, pero mantiene un cuidado especial por adaptarse
a los gustos y a los requisitos de los consumidores locales. Fruto
de esta flexibilidad en el sector español es que la empresa trabaja
en Aragón, Baleares, Canarias y Cataluña al 100% y mantiene
importantes participaciones en Madrid y en el País Vasco.

El carácter internacional de Cobega viene por su participación en
Portugal y en la compañía Equatorial Coca-Cola Bottling Company,
sociedad en la que también participa Coca-Cola internacional con
presencia en once países de la zona: Marruecos, Mauritania, Gambia,
Ghana, Guinea Conakry, Cabo Verde, Liberia, Sierra Leona, Guinea
Bissau, Guinea Ecuatorial y Sao Tomé y Príncipe donde hay
funcionando 14 fábricas embotelladoras.

Ola José partilho o seu interesse pelas moedas, tenho bastantes de
todas os reinados portugueses e espanhois, e depois umas quantas de
todo o mundo, e tenho tambem algumas dobras que trouxe de "troco" de
s. tome. . Tenhos algumas muito antigas "bela" que nao trocarei, ja
sabe..."Muito bela" tenho pa ai 2.
Para mim as mais bonitas sao as mais antigas pena que tenha de ser de
lupa as vezes para ver o ano...voltaremos a falar.
manela-suissa

--- In saotome@..., "algarb_pt" <algarb_pt@a...> wrote:
>
> Olá a todos
> eu sou de portugal e como tal tenho um carinho especial por SÂO
TOMÉ!
>
> Sou colecionador de moedas e considero-as um meio de mostrar a
culura
> de um país, por isso pretendo efectuar trocas com todos as amigos
com
> o mesmo interesse, ou simplemente pela curiosidade.
> Eu tenho moedas portuguesas em Escudos, desde 1927 e algumas mais
> antigas e do Brasil desde 1947.
> Procuro, naturalmente, moedas das antigas colónias Portuguesas ou
> moedas actuais dos países Lusófonso Independentes.
> estou interessado nas moedas em DOBRAS,ou dos paises vizinhos e
> ofereço em troca moedas de Euros ou Escudos.
>
> caso alguém me possa ajudar, agradeço desde já a disponibilidade.
>
> P.S. Fico agradavelmente surpreendido, pelo volume e qualidade na
> informação, sobre este pequeno país que este gupo apresenta!
> Um Abraço Lusófono
> José oliveira

For the record, the company's
response was that it deals only with eco-conscious
suppliers. Just as, in the late 1800s, it in effect
founded the cocoa industry in Ghana so that it would
not have to buy supplies from Sao Tome, an island off
the coast of Gabon where slavery was rife.





--- In saotome@..., Xavier Muñoz <xavier270962@y...>
wrote:
> Article in The Guardian Saturday December 4, 2004
>
>
> Interview
>
> The best bar none
>
> Todd Stitzer, chief executive of Cadbury Schweppes
>
> Nils Pratley
>
> So why do you think your company has just been voted
> Britain's most admired? This question, you might
> think, must surely be addressed to Lord Browne of BP,
> or perhaps Sir Terry Leahy of Tesco. Maybe even JP
> Garnier of GlaxoSmithKline, or the bosses of Diageo,
> Vodafone or Royal Bank of Scotland, all British
> international success stories over the past decade.
> Wrong on all counts. It's Todd Stitzer, the American
> former lawyer running Cadbury Schweppes, home of Dairy
> Milk, Rose's and that peculiar Dr Pepper fizzy drink
> that goes down well in America.
>
> Stitzer's personal profile, even after 18 months as
> chief executive, cannot be said to be high, so the
> accolade this week for Cadbury, in Management Today
> magazine's annual "most admired" survey, deserves
> further examination. After all, the voters were each
> company's competitors so Cadbury must be doing
> something right.
>
> Stitzer points immediately to the company's
> progressive Quaker origins, which have mutated over
> the years to a modern commitment to "motivating,
> developing and rewarding" employees for superior
> performance and "making a difference" in the
> communities in which it operates.
>
> That may sound like empty corporate babble, but
> Stitzer, in his earnest American manner, argues it
> translates to something real. "What is unique about
> Cadbury Schweppes is that it was founded on a certain
> set of principles and has acted consistently with
> those values ever since," he says.
>
> "Not only do people strive towards those values, but
> they also believe the business can perform in a
> business sense at an extremely high level. It's the
> balance between high business performance and high
> stewardship. Cadbury Schweppes doesn't feel like a
> faceless, commercial, political bureaucracy or
> machine. It feels like people actually care about
> people in the company and community, but in the
> context of pretty intense global competition."
>
> Stitzer can trot out plenty of evidence. Some 1,800 of
> Cadbury's 7,000 employees in Britain are given time
> off to volunteer for community projects; similar
> programmes run in America. In Brazil, the company
> funds an after-school sports programme for children
> and their mothers.
>
> All this, he says, is reflected in his own upbringing
> in the north east of the US - his father worked for
> the YMCA and his mother was a nurse. Even so, he
> became a mergers and acquisitions lawyer in New York
> before jumping at the chance to join Cadbury as a
> general counsel in the US. That was 21 years ago. Via
> spells in marketing, strategy and development, he
> reached the main board in 2000 and was the surprise
> choice last year to succeed John Sunderland as chief
> executive.
>
> In practical management terms, the socially
> responsible goals mean that divisional heads must
> report monthly and directly to Stitzer on progress.
> There is also a Cadbury department dedicated to
> examining the practices of suppliers for potential
> human rights abuses, although it does not mean the
> company is applauded by everybody. Friends of the
> Earth protested at this year's annual meeting about
> the role in rainforest destruction of palm oil
> plantations, a source of vegetable fat used as a
> preservative in many Cadbury products.
>
> Even so, by the standards of most multinationals
> (think Shell, BAE or Rio Tinto), Cadbury's meetings
> tend to be tame affairs. For the record, the company's
> response was that it deals only with eco-conscious
> suppliers. Just as, in the late 1800s, it in effect
> founded the cocoa industry in Ghana so that it would
> not have to buy supplies from Sao Tome, an island off
> the coast of Gabon where slavery was rife.
>
> The other part of Cadbury history that everybody knows
> is that the company was founded partly to offer tea,
> coffee, cocoa and chocolate as an alternative to
> alcohol. John Cadbury was a supporter of the
> Temperance Society and viewed liquor as a major social
> ill. How galling, then, for modern Cadbury to find
> itself portrayed as a peddler of the products behind a
> 21st century social ill - obesity.
>
> This was also the area of one of the great marketing
> cock-ups of recent times, albeit one that came with
> government support. Cadbury's Get Active campaign last
> year encouraged children to collect chocolate wrappers
> to acquire "free" sports equipment for their schools.
> One calculation showed that a 10-year-old eating
> enough chocolate to earn a basketball would need to
> play the sport for 90 hours to burn off the calories
> consumed. "In retrospect, would it have been better to
> have a different mechanism for getting the equipment?
> Yes," says Stitzer. "We think the principles behind it
> were spot-on and we still believe so. We felt we were
> in a righteous place, but we understood the reaction
> to that executional element and we changed it."
>
> Cadbury's view is that lack of physical activity,
> rather than excessive consumption of chocolate, is the
> primary cause of rising levels of obesity.
> "Confectionery has been part of people's diet for a
> long time. One could argue that people actually
> understand the role of confectionery in diet because,
> over the past 20 to 30 years, the growth of
> consumption is largely flat."
>
> "In the UK, confectionery is about 2% of any normal
> person's diet. Consumers get that confectionery is
> something that is a small treat, or an indulgence, to
> be consumed in a balanced quantity. We are very
> interested in working with governments, with NGOs, to
> help to devise an approach to educating consumers
> about the energyin, energy-out equation," says
> Stitzer.
>
> Simplistic
>
> However, the traffic light labels devised by the Food
> Standards Agency to help consumers to choose healthy
> food is not to the taste of the food and drink
> industry, Cadbury included. The industry lobby argues
> that traffic lights are too simplistic and will
> demonise some foods.
>
> Chocolate, one assumes, is virtually guaranteed a red
> light. After all, as Stitzer himself says, "the
> definition of chocolate requires that it contain a
> certain amount of fat." Cadbury is looking for
> substitutes, but there aren't any available yet - it
> is not like offering low-carb, low-sugar versions of
> carbonated drinks.
>
> Amid this talk of ethical trading and corporate
> values, one shouldn't forget that Cadbury is still
> primarily owned by the usual City institutions, whose
> first interest is shareholder returns. The Cadbury
> family's stake is now so small that nobody has counted
> it properly recently (it's probably 1% or less) and no
> Cadburys are left in senior positions.
>
> On the profit front, it's steady as she goes. Last
> year saw a lot of cost-cutting and this year's wet
> summer in Europe did not help drinks sales. Full-year
> profits should still be "within our goal ranges but
> toward the lower end", said the company in September -
> the City's guess is about £635m.
>
> The good news is that the integration of US chewing
> gum business Adams, bought last year for $4.2bn
> (£2.2bn), appears to have gone well. Cadbury is now
> neck and neck with Mars to be the world's number one
> confectionery business. In drinks, it has a solid lock
> on the number three position and seems, after the 1995
> takeover of Dr Pepper/Seven Up and Snapple in 2000, to
> have found a way of competing effectively against
> Coca-Cola and Pepsico.
>
> The era of big acquisitions appears to be over. The
> game now is about organic growth, driving down costs
> and pushing the brands further into markets such as
> China, Russia and India but can flying the flag for
> the Quaker inheritance sometimes seem like a cost,
> rather than a benefit ...
>
> "I don't think so," says Stitzer. "I think it's
> quantitively true that companies who have this kind of
> profile actually deliver better value over time than
> companies that don't. I don't believe it puts us at a
> competitive disadvantage." If that's true, it's
> encouraging. And, after a couple of hundred years in
> business, Cadbury can claim to know what it is talking
> about.
>
> The CV
>
> Born March 10 1952
>
> Education Springfield College and Harvard University
>
> Career - 1978 associate attorney at New York law firm
> of Lord, Day & Lord
> 1983 joins Cadbury Schweppes North America as
> assistant general counsel
> 1988 general counsel to worldwide beverages business
> 1991 group development director
> 1995 chief operating office, Cadbury Beverages, North
> America.
> 1997 chief executive, Dr Pepper/Seven Up
> 2000 joins main Cadbury Schweppes board as chief
> strategy officer
> 2002 deputy chief executive.
> 2003 chief executive
>
> Family married; one son, one daughter
>
> Interests tennis (former club professional),
> collecting antiques
>
>
>
>
> ______________________________________________
> Renovamos el Correo Yahoo!: ¡250 MB GRATIS!
> Nuevos servicios, más seguridad
> http://correo.yahoo.es